Kansas Books
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Gully TownReview Date: 2004-04-18
A very good fictional history of early Kansas City, MissouriReview Date: 1998-10-29

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Good resourceReview Date: 2008-08-21
Excellent resource material!Review Date: 2005-08-03

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A great little bookReview Date: 2007-02-19
Great ResourceReview Date: 2007-06-22

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Masterfully written as well as the most balanced history of the Police Battalions Review Date: 2006-08-10
What Westermann looks at here is whether or not ideology was an important motivation for individuals in the Police Battalions to commit mass murder and how were the Uniformed police organizations structured by the Nazis to reinforce their brand of racial and political ideology. In other words he looks at the methods with which the Uniformed Police were handled by Hitler, Himmler and Daluege in order to attain THEIR ideological goals. His conclusions and research are both insightful and masterfully explained. What makes it easily read is his grasp of the human element here and his semi-chronological approach to telling the story with small subsections for the important details of issues covered. What's more, in the process of arguing for the role of ideology in the commission of genocide by the members of the organization he takes a 'from the ground up approach' do explaining it, not as Goldhagen did, assuming a racist outlook in the very blood of these men because they were german. Professor Westermann uses the entire first half of this book detailing the various efforts to creat political soldiers, as he refers to them and then in the second half goes on to describe the resulting actions taken in Poland, the Baltic states and the USSR by the men in these units.
The first chapter is devoted to the deep background of the Uniformed police and following through to the Nazi seizure of power and the party's early efforts to gain control of the police throughout Germany, starting with Prussia. Here he describes the traditions of violence within the police going back as far as the 1870's. He clearly shows an evolution of disdain and in fact hostility towards socialism and leftist politic's which were a threat to the status quo that they were to protect. This evolution became rapidly more evident during the chaos of the early Weimar years during which time the Uniformed Police and the paramilitary `Freikorps' worked together in many instances to violently put down leftist attempts to seize political power throughout Germany. The Nazi's were well aware of this general attitude, contends Westermann, and once they were in power they quickly moved to solidify the hold of right or nationalist high ranking officers by removing those who were less politically reliable.
In his second and third chapters he goes on to explain the efforts that Himmler and Daluege made to create both a militarized and ideologically trained force within the Uniformed Police(UP) that would be linked to Himmler's SS. Westerman gives example after example of military and ideological training that was the norm within Nazi Germany as well as less obvious methods of bringing about the desired change. As well as their infantry style training the men within the UP were clothed in military dress and given military style awards. Physical fitness standards were almost fanatically enforced and military pageantry was also observed. The author shows convincingly as well the effort put into putting ideological training into even the most innocent appearing recreation activities such as evening get togethers and trips to the cinema. This was in addition to actual training sessions and classes on race and global politics. He also, quite convincingly details the efforts made by Himmler to join the police with the SS both ideologically and in practical application as well.
In the second half of the book Professor Westermann focuses on the actual manifestations of the Nazi effort to reshape the police outside of German territory. He shows how the racial war in the east (Poland, the Baltic and the USSR) and the enforcement of occupation policies that followed were proof of Himmler's success in creating political soldiers who would willingly murder men, women and children in pursuit of pacifying the conquered territories. This is the key issue here. Westermann for once and for all does away with Stanley Milgram's model of unsure pawns simply accepting orders from an authority figure. He gives example after example of police volunteering for or taking initiative in mass murder of Jews, Gypsies and Slavs. He shows how in many cases although they may not have all tortured their victims, by and large they continued to volunteer to do their murderous duty and even suggest methods to make their tasks more efficient and take the initiative to include more victims than were intended in many instances. On the other hand he does not portray the majority of all German policemen as the bloodthirsty ideologues from birth that Daniel Goldhagen did with his landmark book. Rather, Professor Westermann carefully documents the myriad efforts of the Nazis over many years to create a political soldier and brother to the men of the SS and their, tragically, very successful results.
This is an absolute 'must-have' book for anyone who has an interest in the first phase of the 'Final Solution'. My one complaint, if it can be called that, is that his treatment of occupation policy was a bit brief considering the duration of time that the UP served as an occupying pacification force. Nonetheless this is an absolutely fantastic piece of work.
ReviewReview Date: 2007-11-16
This book is an excellent introduction to the creation of "Political Soldiers" and an excellent argument for not doing so in a democracy. This is one of those books that upon finishing it, you will find it will lead you down a lot of different reading roads in the search of more information.

wstrnnutReview Date: 2008-07-01
I feel now that I know KansasReview Date: 2000-05-20
It certainly does the job of describing Kansas from its beginning to the present day.

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I enjoyed this book.Review Date: 1998-11-28
Excellent history of Southeast KansasReview Date: 1998-04-30

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New evil for the horror genre.Review Date: 2003-09-27
Horror has a new Breed!!Review Date: 2003-08-09
The story was fresh and alluring. I couldn't put the book down.
Once you start reading this book, finishing it is a must! I couldn't get enough of this book. This book takes you to another world. A world, I woudn't mind paying to take a tour of. I hope Kansas Rae write a part two to this book. I know some director is ready to turn this book into a movie, and when they do; I will be the first person in line to buy a ticket. The book, Keep The secret Alive is a good read!

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Superb biographyReview Date: 2003-11-28
The illusive, perplexing Inge was not an easy subject. A Life of William Inge belongs on the shelf of any person interested in the history of the stage, and is absolutely a must buy, gotta have book, for those attempting to write biographies. Not only is it the ultimate standard for combining flawless research skills with a compelling narrative, it's an exquisitely objective account of a lonely troubled man who went from winning the Pulitzer Prize to taking his own life.
Very effective portrait paintingReview Date: 2002-02-28
Even almost thirty years after his death, Voss (writing in 1988), finds it very difficult to focus on Inge's personal life. The book doesn't provide as effective an insight into the writing process or into the man's inter workings as say Leverich's recent biography of Tennessee Williams has. This is due in no small part to the simple but important fact most of Inge's surviving friends and family didn't really know him.
This leaves Voss with little choice but to focus on the work.
Voss makes it apparent that reading a biography of Inge is ultimately anti climatic as the thin layer of fiction in his work barely covers its ultimately autobiographical quality. Anyone who has read, watched or produced Inge's work will immediately recognize the forms, characters and language and situations relfected in his life. Voss proves most successful in drawing, enhancing and exploring those connections. This holds especially as the older,increasingly cynical and bitter Inge attempts to answer his critics (especially Robert Brustein!) and create plays reflective of the volatile 1960's and early 1970's. His latter plays failed perhaps because Inge tried to write outside of his strengths. Watching his bittersweet portraits of midwestern life crumble to dark and violent scenes of depravity really does fill the reader with a sense of sadness and loss. William Inge, like many great artists, decomposed in front of an audience.
Voss does admit that perhaps while Inge was not a great playwright in the sense he did not revolutionize the form as Brecht, Beckett, Odets, Williams, Miller and Wilder did, he did possess an uncanny ability to capture realistic dialouge.
Inge's sepia toned portraits of midwestern manners and life have been overshadowed by the canon of Williams, Miller and O'Neil to be sure. Voss makes the successful case that Inge stands as a proud equal to the more illuminary authors of America's rich dramatic tradition.
A fine read well worth the time and effort about a fine literary artist desperately in need of rediscovering. Even if it doesn't know whether it is a biography or critical evaluation.

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Insights into Mao's military thinkingReview Date: 2003-04-25
A Marine who was thereReview Date: 2000-05-30

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solid starting pointReview Date: 2004-08-16
Each president is assessed, and except for the somewhat unique argument for McKinley, the analyses are not surprising. Gould, for the most part, agrees with other historians' assessments. Not enough time has lapsed since Clinton, and the chapter he gets is weak; Gould opted to focus on the scandals and controversies. Most interesting of all, perhaps, is Gould's conclusion that the modern presidency is ill-equipped to deal with the problems of this century.
Overall, a solid overview of the presidency.
Excellent overview of Presidency from McKinley to GW BushReview Date: 2004-03-18
Other reviewers of this book have pointed out that Gould's position on the evolution of the presidency is a paradox, since in order to be effective, the modern president must be a master of the perpetual campaign, and yet the perpetual campaign is what Gould believes is the bane of the presidency, transforming it into a position of celebrity and spectacle rather than one of leadership and policy. However, that is a paradox that needs to be examined more deeply in a philosophical context; this book is a survey, not a political science text, and Gould gets points for raising the paradox, which is a provocative one, in the first place.
The book is full of anecdotes and lucid detail about the modern presidents, along with Gould's snappy and precise evaluations of the strengths and weaknesses of each, and the factors in the broader political culture of each man's term in office that changed the presidency forever. He is not particularly partisan in his political stance; he has good and bad to say about each president. There are many surprises in this short but rewarding book, and there are excellent suggestions for further reading at the back.
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