College and University Books

I was moved, impressed, and inspired by this book. There are a couple of other reviews that do excellent jobs of summarizing, so I will try to limit my ten pages of notes to a few highlights, and some other books that I believe can help the 3 out of 5 Americans that want "none of those now running." The Republican and Democratic parties have sold out (this is best documented in Running on Empty: How the Democratic and Republican Parties Are Bankrupting Our Future and What Americans Can Do About It) and it is time we restored the Constitution and demanded Electoral Reform to restore We the People as sovereign.

Written in 1978, this book could not have come to me, and others in the transpartisan movement, at a better time.

The author opens with very helpful overviews of how a mass culture, a mass indoctrination, if you will, is a much cheaper and easier way to keep the mass docile, than a forced or fascist solution. He reminds me of Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of the Mass Media.

He then moves to the manner in which industrialization eroded democracy, making it a poor facade. I am reminded of Manufacture of Evil: Ethics, Evolution, and the Industrial System

He then stresses how in a damaged or constrained democracy, public resignation and private escapism are the dominant features of the mass public.

He then moves into an overview of the agrarian-based populist movement that was crushed by the railroads, Pinkerton's as an illegal army, and the banks, with the Federal Reserve Act of 1913 being the consummation of the banking victory over the people.

He notes that mass protest requires a higher order of culture, education, and achievement, especially in harmonization of disparate nodes. He identifies four steps within which the third is clearly of vital importance:

1. Autonomous institution emerges as a hub
2. Recruiting of masses takes place
3. Educating of masses takes place (40,000 "lecturers")
4. Politicization of the masses actualizes their power to good effect.

The author does a superb job of stressing the importance of internal communication, and says that IF this can be achieved, THEN a new plateau of social responsibility is possible. He calls this plateau of cooperative and democratic conduct "the movement culture."

The populists achieved a "sense of somebodyness." I am reminded of All Rise: Somebodies, Nobodies, and the Politics of Dignity (Bk Currents) as well as Society's Breakthrough!: Releasing Essential Wisdom and Virtue in All the People.

He examines the Civil War and concludes that it changed everything--it fragmented the nation into sectarian, religious, and racial prejudices. Latter in the book he examines the pernicious effects of white supremacy, which ultimately undid the potential collaboration among poor whites, poor blacks, and poor Catholics factory workers in the Northeast.

The populists tried to break free of the railroads and banks that conspired to keep them in debt forever. Among their brilliant leaders, one stood out, conceptualizing both a large scale credit cooperative (i.e. public ownership of the essentials of society including food, water, energy, and communications), and a sub-treasury that would ensure that natural resources were applied to the needs of the people and not to squatter or absentee landlords.

The seven "demands" of the populists, ultimately crushed by the banks:

1) Abolishment of banks, issuance of government tender
2) Government ownership of the means of communication & transportation
3) Prohibition of alien ownership of USA land
4) Free and unlimited coinage in silver
5) Equitable taxation among classes
6) Fractional paper currency
7) Government economy

The populists opposed "organized capital", emphasized living issues over dead or archaic contracts, and tried to establish their own newspapers because they understood that the mainstream media had been co-opted by the railroads and the banks.

The following quote on page 168, from the year 1892, is eerily relevant to today:

"The people are demoralized. ...The newspapers are subsidized or muzzled; public opinion silenced; business prostrate; our homes covered with mortgages; labor impoverished; and the land concentrated in the hands of capitalists. The urban workmen are denied the right of organization for self-protection; imported pauperized labor beats down our own wages; a hireling standing army (Pinkerton's), unrecognized by our laws, is established to shoot them down; and they are rapidly disintegrating to European conditions. The fruits of the toil of millions are boldly stolen to build up colossal fortunes, unprecedented, while their possessors despise the republic and endanger liberty."

Wow. I am reminded of virtually every book I have read in the past four years on unilateral militarism, virtual colonialism, and predatory immoral capitalism. Just a couple can be mentioned here:

The Soul of Capitalism: Opening Paths to a Moral Economy
Crossing the Rubicon: The Decline of the American Empire at the End of the Age of Oil
The Sorrows of Empire: Militarism, Secrecy, and the End of the Republic (The American Empire Project)
The Global Class War: How America's Bipartisan Elite Lost Our Future - and What It Will Take to Win It Back
The Working Poor: Invisible in America

The author draws the book to a close by observing four trends that spelled the demise of the populist movement:

1. Banishment of "financial issue" from public debate
2. Corporate mergers (and one could add, corporate "personality")
3. Decline of public participation in democracy
4. Corporate domination of mass communications

He identifies three persistent flaws in the existing American economy:

1. Land ownership permitting alien, absentee, and predatory landlords
2. Basic financial structure that imposes debt rather than credit
3. Corporate centralization

He stresses that populism is not socialism, but rather a democratic promise emergent. He is optemistic that lessons from the populist failure could be used by farmers, laborers, and others to do a mass insurgency, to "work together to be free individually."

If we are to defeat the current corrupt Republican and Democratic parties, we must do so in a transpartisan fashion: a third party must be based on the disaffected from both of the corrupt "main parties" while attracting back to the debate and the electoral process the lapsed voters and the new voters. I think we can do that for 2008.

Most college kids in the 70's were force-fed RICHARD HOFSTADTER's book, The Age of Reform, which ridiculed populism.
But having grown up the son of a immigrant farm boy and county agent, my view of the midwestern populism and farm culture was much much different.

So Goodwyn's book was a welcome documentation of what I had known all along--that populism was a uniquely American movement, and the spirit of the frontier was never rugged individualism, but community.

The Farmer-Laborer Alliances of the late 19th Century, and the People's Party that resulted, always referred to their reform movement as 'cooperation', and quoted Thomas Jefferson, and the founding fathers. In this context, populism was uniquely American. It was a struggle between democratic capitalism vs. speculative and monopoly capitalism.

Real populism was about creating cooperative systems to consolidate farmer's economic power in competition with the railroads and the banks. It was the alternative to the disasterous crop-lien system of the rural south that turned so many of Jefferson's yoeman farmers into destitute sharecroppers, that forced them out of their homes to settle the western plains.

Goodwyn's book debunks the idea the William Jennings Bryan's "Cross of Gold" speech was the defining highpoint of populism, when in fact it was it's destruction. Goodwyn points out that free silver was never more then a shadow movement of an immensely popular political movement.

Goodwyn also debunks the later-day revisionists like Michael Kazin's book, author of The Populist Persuasion, that populism was a style of rhetoric than a coherent set of political ideas or reforms.

While the People's Party was co-opted and destroyed by the Democrat Party, most of the reforms advocated by the populists came to pass in the 1930's with the agricultural reforms of the 1930's. Things like the rural electrification, the regulation of the railroads, the Farm Credit Administration, and the federal reserve all grew out the original populist ideas. Because of the populist complaints, eventually government intervention in the grain and other food commodies marketplace was recognized as the means of democraticizing and strengthing the market system, stablizing the food supply, and strengthening the market system.

But most importantly, the dignity of the common man against the rich and powerful urban elite entered American political discourse.

This is an important book, and a welcome understanding of perhaps the most successful movement by common folks to control their own destiny.

Obviously influenced by the New Social history and the Sixties' social movements, Lawrence Goodwyn attempts a major reinterpretation of the Populist movement in The Populist Moment, an abridged version of his epic Democratic Promise: The Populist Movement in America. Although Goodwyn's main project is a redefinition of Populism and stress on the movement's culture, he also provides a theory for social action that serves as the narrative structure for his history and a useful philosophy in itself. Placing the origins of Populism in Texas and conceptualizing the Farmers' Alliance as the movement's ideological core, Goodwyn's analysis marginalizes the Fusionists and Free Silverites, providing a powerful reinterpretation and the main strength of the book. However, by stressing these aspects of the movement, Goodwyn fails to take in the whole of Populism in all its disparate manifestations.

Before proceeding to the history of Populism, Goodwyn begins his book by introducing his "sequential process of democratic movement-building:" forming, recruiting, educating, and politicizing. (xviii) It is this theory of building and maintaining a movement culture, which provides the outline for Goodwyn's history. For Goodwyn, the movement successfully formed, recruited, and educated a large body of supporters. However, in politicizing, the movement failed to maintain its educational program and cooperative institutions, thereby opening the way for Silverites and Fusionists while losing its movement culture that attracted and held the base supporters.

Throughout the book Goodwyn centers Populism in the Farmers' Alliance of Texas and sees Charles Macune and William Lamb as the movement's unofficial leaders. In response to increasing poverty, drastically reduced farm prices, and, most importantly, the centralization of power and resources, the Farmers' Alliance sprung forth from communities in central Texas as a way for tenants, sharecroppers, and small farmers to educate themselves about politics, economics, and agriculture. Building membership and loyalty through cooperatives stores and the joint marketing of crops, the Alliance expanded across the South and Midwest through a phalanx of itinerant lecturers spreading the group's message. As their cooperatives fell victim to the ongoing economic recession, Charles Macune developed a federal sub-treasury plan that would create a fiat currency for farmers, essentially issuing greenbacks as loans backed by the harvest. While the sub-treasury never came to fruition, Goodwyn defines true Populists as unaligned supporters of the plan and members of the Farmers' Alliance. Consequently for Goodwyn, everyone else falls under the 'shadow' movement of Silverites and Fusionists. With this conception of Populism, Goodwyn locates the movement's demise not in the failure of Bryan's campaign, but in the People's Party support of the free silver Democratic ticket.

Goodwyn attempts a major reinterpretation of the Populist movement and largely succeeds by marginalizing the 'shadow' movement. Furthermore, his detailed analysis of Populism's development posits a truly democratic movement of common folk united by a shared set of concerns. By tying the rise and fall of Populism to his movement theory, Goodwyn provides a tremendously useful framework for understanding the broad implications, successes, and failures of the movement. While his reinterpretation can not be overemphasized, his book falls short by not paying more attention to the 'shadow' movement in the West and Midwest. The 'shadow' movement of free silver and fusion was an important and influential component of Populism; by not giving it attention, Goodwyn tells only half the story. Finally, Goodwyn's analysis of Populism could have benefited from talking more about race. Despite the connection with the Colored Farmers' Alliance, at its heart, Populism was based on white supremacy, deeply problematizing Goodwyn's eulogy of Populism as the last truly democratic American social movement.

Seldom in our nation's history have there been widespread, grass-roots challenges to the economic and political system. According to the author, the agrarian movement of the late 1880s, otherwise known as Populism, was in fact the last such great challenge. Beyond the history of the movement, the author is much concerned with the implications for future democratic movements.

The small farmers in western Texas in the 1880s recognized that the economic cards were stacked against them. The crop lien system and the "furnishing" merchant, the exorbitant prices paid for goods combined with low prices paid for cash crops, and the price gouging of railroads - all of these inspired some farmers to begin forming local alliances that would try to use cooperative methods to bypass those powerful interests that placed farmers in economic thralldom. Lecturers that spread across the South, and even westward and northward, drew upon close-knit farming community ties to eventually establish some 40,000 "sub-alliances" involving two million people, all finally part of a National Farmers Alliance. Through local trade stores, warehouses, and state exchanges, these sub-alliances attempted to buy and sell in bulk. But these efforts met with varying and limited success. Banking interests, grain elevator operators, and stockyards, among others, refused to deal with these farming groups, to accept their notes based on their cash crops and land.

It is hardly surprising, given their radical critique of economic interests, that agrarian organizers would turn to political action to seek redress for farmer grievances. Yet the turn to politics was a highly complicating development for agrarian reform. The agrarian platform was highly radical for the times involving such issues as land reform, labor rights, government ownership and control of transportation and communication, and banking and currency reform with the elimination of the gold standard. But the hold of generational allegiances to the Democratic and Republican parties prevented many farmers from shifting to independent politics despite the fact that their traditional parties were resolutely opposed to many of the farmers' measures. Attempts at reform through the traditional parties were met by cooptation and demagoguery.

The People's Party was formed at Omaha in July, 1892. The party's platform was the agrarian platform containing not only the National Alliance's sub-treasury plan, which was a plan for the issuance of greenbacks, but also calling for the free coinage of silver, both planks having the effect of increasing the money supply. Electoral success was limited. The Democratic Party through coopting of the silver issue and flagrant electoral fraud was able to defeat the Populists throughout the South, where they had their greatest support. In 1896 the People's Party through pre-convention intrigue actually nominated a staunch silver Democrat, William Jennings Bryan, for president, thus essentially ending the Populist movement. According to the author, Populism had become a "shadow" movement, a mere shell of its former orientation.

For the author, democratic mass movements that take issue with core aspects of society face almost insurmountable odds. In the first place, there are the assumptions that the "system" works, that the system contains mechanisms for continual progress and for overcoming problems. In fact, there exists an entire school of thought among historians that contends that the Populists were cranks unwilling to accept social progress and sought only to maintain an antiquated way of life. That school of thought is most closely associated with historian Richard Hofstadter. However, the author finds that the Populists' grievances were real enough while admitting the difficulties of overcoming the received culture. In addition, the author contends that the hierarchical nature of social structures and the accompanying deferential behavior make independent thought and action exceedingly difficult.

Genuine mass movements cannot be top-down driven. The formation of a mass movement that can achieve political viability must proceed from the ground up. Key to any such movement is the establishment of an independent institution that through the participation of its members develops an ideology and strategy that counters prevailing authority. The counter organization must educate and recruit new adherents. The agrarian movement was based on the sub-alliances and their cooperative ventures and achieved extensive recruitment and education through a lecturing system. The politicization step is often difficult to take and sustain because member activism takes on an indirect element in that it is geared to electoral success allowing party elites to then fully engage in the governmental process. Populism was ultimately unable to successfully take the political step.

The author suggests that the failures of Populism essentially defined the boundaries of the possible in fundamentally changing basic structures of American culture. First Progressivism and then liberalism all operated on a basis of incremental reform. In other words, the system works. The policies forming the Federal Reserve, allowing the constant rise of farm tenantry, and permitting the continued centralization and rise in influence of corporations all rejected or minimized the scope of the Populist program.

This book is a short form of the author's complete work, "The Democratic Promise." At times the book takes on the feel of an overview. For example, it would have been interesting to see far more details concerning the actually workings of the various cooperative efforts at the sub-alliance level. And following the twin threads of the Alliance and the People's Party across many states and conventions over a ten year period can be a little sketchy.

The author's insights into forming mass democratic movements and mounting cultural challenges are outstanding. Those insights add to the understanding of Populism. It should give anyone pause when considering the ability of modern movements to impact the status quo.

In a very thorough manner, Mr. Goodwyn covers the history of the populist movement thru its years as the farmers' alliance and the Peoples' Party! The leading people, the main party newspapers,the conventions, experiments and actions of this great movement are covered in this excellent book! Put this powerfully written book next to the classics by Hicks and McMath! A must have!

This book has a chapter about Goddard College, where I am a graduate student. This college (Goddard)is definately "Utopian" and progressive. These colleges have made higher education both interesting and challenging for individualized education. This book is helpful in focusing on this unique type of education.

As a young student in the late 70's, I attended what was then called an "alternative education" school for two years of my elementary education. The knowledge I learned in this progressive school is a valuable part of who I am and what I have become. My fondest learning experiences came from these two crucial years. I am a strong advocate for progressive education and feel that new methods need to be examined and implemented in order to give students a proper education; reading Constance Cappel's Utopian Colleges gave me a glimpse into some educational institutions that are doing just that. I found it to be both interesting and intriguing in showing how some colleges are trying to change how we educate young adults in our country. An easy yet informative read, Utopian Colleges will introduce students and educators to some alternative teaching methods and educational philosophies; more publications such as this should be offered so students can be aware of the different choices they have for selecting a college for their higher education experience.

Dr. Cappel's book addresses both the history of utopian education and its present incarnation in Utopian Colleges. Speaking from personal experience, I know many of the stresses that provide for both compromise and solidarity within a utopian educational community do exist and have been greatly affected by their manifestations. The underlying work ethic the author shows to be true in the diverse selection of educational institutions featured in Utopian Colleges is a very important aspect of education that is generally ignored in mainstream education. Utopian Colleges shows that the utopian ideal in American post-secondary education was not a counter-culture product of the 1960's, but a long-held tenet which has sought to nurture the creative and intuitive genius to be found within each willing student. The extensive background information provided as a prelude to the present-day and historical outlines of several utopian colleges, along with the discussion of the nature of "utopia" itself are of great enough value alone to offset the cost of this book. This is a great text with which to begin a critique of the American educational system.

At this time when large universities such as Harvard accept money from bin Laden, the need for smaller "Utopian Colleges" becomes evident. Not only are the missions of these colleges more ethical, but their history of progressive education and its values give hope to American higher education. This book examines these colleges that create independant thinkers rather than the corporate robots of the major U.S. universities.

Dr. Cappel's book provides a comprehensive glimpse into the higher education system at work in America today. She clearly explains what her criteria for a "utopian" environment are, and then goes on to describe how each of the chosen colleges reflects these. Her mode of investigation is fascinating, and it is apparent that she made the most of her experiences at all of the institutions she visited. This book proves that, even among the widespread mediocrity that has become evident in American colleges and universities today, there are a few schools out there that still insist on following a dream and a vision, and creating the perfect learning environment that provides students with the finest education possible.

When Elizabeth's friend,Nina Harper and her boyfriend,Bryan are attacked.They investigate.It's a cult,William White is behind it.Mike and Jessica elope in Vegas because she felt left out her best friend,Lila Fowler got married and is now Countess Something.Isabella Ricci is closer to Danny,than to Tom Watts.

This was great! My favorite part was when jessica and Mike elope in Vegas. I would never do it, but I thought it was good for them. None of her family or friends know yet. Elizabeth and Tom are trying to deny their feelings for each other. Liz is still with William. Liz is trying to find out the leader of the society who attacked Nina and Bryon. Tom is afraid for her safety and doesn't want her to do it.

I liked this book because it has romance, suspense, plenty of suspicion and of course, a very unexpected ending. This is one of the best Nancy Drew books I have read since I started reading them last year. I couldn't put it down

This book was great! This is one of my favorite Sweet Valley University books. Jessica Wakefield and Michael McAllery get married, but Jessica's too scared to tell anyone. Elizabeth Wakefield loves Tom Watts, but WIlliam White loves her. Nina Harper suffered an attack along with Bryan Nelson. But will she ever get close to him? Isabella Ricci wants Danny Wyatt to help her get closer to Tom Watts, but they end up getting closerto eachother. Todd Wilkins is starting to realize that Lauren Hill isn't as wonderful as he thought she was, plus he's going through some hard times due to the scandal. This book is great!

I liked this book, it wasn't boring and it continues what was left off in "What Your Parents Don't Know" I just wish that ELizabeth and Tom could at least find out that one of them have feelings for the other because it's beginning to get irratating that they always get jealous of one another when they are with another person or when they get interuppted by someone when one of them are finally going to confess that he likes her and vice versa.

Weidlich's study of how and why Lord Bertrand Russell was denied a teaching job at New York's City College is definitive.

It is difficult to see how anyone else could have written a clearer explanation of the embarrassing decisions made by the college's and the city's officials in denying Russell the right to express any views whatsoever on a college campus.

Appointment Denied: the Inquisition of Bertrand Russell. By Thom Weidlich. Prometheus Books, Amherst, NY 2000.

Weidlich, a journalist and former reporter for the National Law Journal, has described in lucid detail how famed philosopher Sir Bertrand Russell was denied a position on the faculty of City College (CCNY) of the City of New York. The 1940 incident has been compared to the "monkey trial" of John Scopes. I have read widely from Russell's work as well as about Russell and find Weidlich's book is definitive about Episcopal Bishop Manning's successful efforts to gain support from Catholics and politicians to keep Russell from teaching. Also, Weidlich explains Russell's views in layman's language that is understandable and on the mark. If the Vatican can apologize for Galileo, one wonders when will the Episcopalians apologize for their egregiously narrow-minded bishop?

This book is a story of how our society treats people who think they are smarter than everyone else. Most of the action takes place in New York City, where John Lennon also discovered that he was not entirely welcome, possibly for some of the same reasons that Bertrand Russell was a problem. While there is some concern in this book for free speech, the opposition to Russell was mainly a problem for people who might be held responsible politically for the taxpayer dollars that Russell was so concerned about getting. The British earl (3-times-married, twice divorced) needed enough income to provide for his child of two, at a time when "probably the world's most renowned living philosopher" (p. 10) was only two years short of the mandatory retirement age. This book was written before the events of September 11, 2001, and seems totally unaware of the possibility that anyone who disagrees with the financial control exercised by New York City over global economics could hijack airplanes and use them to reduce large buildings to rubble. America is fortunate that a plane on September 11, 2001 also struck the Pentagon, so the federal government had a direct military attack which it could respond to in a like manner (air superiority being a prime consideration in superpower planning for geopolitical dominance). The military use of aircraft has become an American obsession as critical to American geopolitical machinations as intellect is a distinguishing feature in the ideology which thinks it rules in New York City and in the mind of Ralph Nader.

The index has a lot of distinguished names, including Augustine, Bruce Barton, Bismarck, Giordano Bruno, Neville Chamberlain, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Euclid, Sigmund Freud, Galileo Galilei, Hegel, Werner Heisenberg, Oliver Wendell Holmes, Thomas Jefferson, James Joyce, Lenin, Martin Luther, Karl Marx, Edna St. Vincent Millay, Plato, St. Joan of Arc Holy Name Society, Socrates, Baruch de Spinoza, Stalin, Trotsky, Voltaire, Woodrow Wilson, and Ludwig Wittgenstein. There is only a single entry for the Communist Party, none for the Democratic Party, and only a few pages are cited for Young Communist League and Young People's Socialist League. I am not related in any way to the Bruce Barton whose views on religion are so well known that the president of Hunter College, George N. Shuster, a lay Catholic, could describe other Catholics as "`like a blend of' the Daughters of the American Revolution, advertising man Bruce Barton, `and a random devotee of Torquemada,' the evil medieval inquisitor. Of their moralizing, he said that Catholics could see `nothing in the universe but middle-class primness--an order to avoid shocking some imaginary schoolgirl' (these were prescient words concerning Russell's predicament)." (p. 86).

My own interest in the role of the Democratic party in this book is a result of the situation for the appointment of federal judges, now that the Democrats no longer have control of the U.S. Senate, which has the power to approve such appointments and have tried to make this seem like an important role for protecting the rights of people who think that there is more to life than just getting married and having children. Prior to the appointment of George Shuster, the president of Hunter College was Eugene Colligan, "a political hack, installed when Tammany Hall, the notorious Manhattan Democratic machine, was still running the city (though not for much longer). . . . At the college's 1935 commencement exercises, the rowdy audience held placards charging `Colligan Lives Up to Mussolini's "Order of Merit"' (the fascist leader had bestowed upon him the Italian Medal of Merit for `distinguished educational accomplishment')." (p. 11). Throughout this book, the leadership of Protestant Episcopal Bishop William T. Manning of the Diocese of New York combines with the kind of politics that Democrats have spent years using, appealing to popular animus to try to avert the kind of confusion which the future is bound to run into sooner or later.

Those who learned the most about political advantages were students who had the opportunity to promote their own interests. At the time, the student body was pretty bright. ". . . and because of the Ivy League's limits on how many Jews it would take--during this period that Russell was to teach, `the City College student body represented perhaps the purest intellectual elite in the country.' Of the eight Nobel Prize winners the college has produced (more than any other public institution), three came from the class of 1937." (p. 54). Those who were there just a few years later might have resigned themselves to the belief that being born with a brain wasn't really all that great, if this book is any indication of how the world will treat you.

In the case of the Young Communist League, who "viewed it as a case of academic freedom . . . but we don't really give a hoot about Russell and this case," (p. 55) others "begged the YCL representative on the student council to keep the Communists out of the Russell controversy so they could win it. `Everything the Communists touched was the kiss of death. . . . the Hearst papers depicted the Communists fighting to get Russell in. This contributed to an extent in keeping Russell out. The irony was that the next fall, the YCL used their fighting for Russell to recruit new members among the incoming class.'" (p. 56) Now that the U.S. Supreme Court can be anyone who the President picks, we shall see how soon the people who placed obstacles in the way of those who wanted to count ballots for his opponent can be replaced by incoming justices, using the term loosely, of course, in the time-honored manner.

weidlich provides a stimulating and briskly-paced account of a seemingly minor historical event, which nonetheless serves as the springboard into a wide-ranging and meticulous consideration of deep, difficult issues: how much intellectual freedom in academia is too much? do individual taxpayers, as the ultimate funders of public academic institutions, get to answer this question? or is it their elected representatives? or neither? and can our society allow the answer to find its fundament in one particular religion's belief system? or in a morality that transcends particular religions? does such a morality exist?

the historical coverage of the russell controversy itself is thorough, carefully documented and generally unimpeachable. weidlich is conscious of the story's amusing, sometimes ridiculous components, which adds to the enjoyment. the book is worth the price for that analysis alone. the treatment of the bigger themes is gravy.

Weidlich's cogent historical narrative crisply sets up a seminal event in New York politics, and how the members of the power structure, for various reasons, conspired to better or preserve their political positions by opposing Russell's nomination to teach philosphy at City College in the 1940s. But in a larger context, Weidlich's book provides a prescient analysis of an event that was a harbinger of things to come - of the familiar debate over unpopular uses for taxpayer funds, and how educational priorities often fall victim as a result. While the book does not aspire to be anything more than a clear picture of a 1940s New York controversy, it would seem that this clear vision has made the more timeless aspects of the debate rise to the surface. Appointment Denied is a must for anyone with an interest in the political dynamic that ran New York's system of higher education, and the theological dynamic that still seems to govern the politics of the city - and the nation.

Lauenstein gives more facts than a schoolmarm.

This book compiles information from a wide variety of resources - including excellent experts in the field - and presents it all in one place in an easy to follow, common-sense approach. Key principles for all aspects of life are discussed - financial, emotional, educational, not just how to throw a better curve. For any student athlete, male or female, in any sport, this author provides insights and keys to laying a foundation in school which will be of great benefit no matter what career path is eventually taken. This is an excellent guide which should be available in every school in the nation for every student. I wish this book had been available when I was in high school.

Ray Lauenstein has put together the first comprehensive guide for high school athletes bound for college. Trying to get into the right college is a difficult process, but for the student-athlete there are additional challenges, and Mr. Lauenstein provides an excellent roadmap to navigate the process. If your goal, or your child's goal, is to play sports at the college level, this book is a must read.

This book is great! I gave it to my cousin who's on the high school baseball team, and he loved it. I would definitely recommend this book.

"Baseball, playing outside the lines" is the book every parent needs, to guide their student athlete through the maze of college recruiters. The author has been there, done that, and is able to focus on what is really important, "an education should be the primary focus". This book should be mandatory reading for every student who aspires to playing baseball, or for that matter any sport at the college level.

The alternate title of this book should be: THE ~COMPLETE~ AND ONLY GUIDE TO COLLEGE DEGREES BY MAIL AND INTERNET YOU WILL NEED TO READ. Excellent and up-to-date information regarding courses, tuition, residency requirements. I will FINALLY be able to confidently and comfortably select 'THE' Masters Program that is right for me! Tuition is quite varied and ranges from low to very high...Bears' Guide saved me the time and frustration of looking at schools with astronomically high tuition rates. If you are just beginning to look at Distance Learning programs, have been looking for awhile and are not able to make a decision, or you are just thinking about a DLP, this book is essential.

As I have been contemplating receiving my Bacherlor's degree through a University's Distance Learning Program, I was lost as to where to start. That is, until I found this book. BEARS' GUIDE TO COLLEGE DEGREES BY MAIL & INTERNET. John Bear's book contains listings of tons of colleges, that offer correspondence, independent study, and internet degrees. With information about each school, website addresses, e-mail addresses, etc. that make it easy for the interested party to find out everything they need to know. One thing that I recommend to everyone is to find out the accreditation agencies that support the schools listed before you sign up with them, as not all are regionally accredited. Overall, this was a fantastic book, and a must have for anyone who is interested in pursuing a degree through distance learning.

Erika Sorocco

I have read this book, as well as a number of Bear's titles, and I find it very well researched (and quite readable), considering the fluid nature of the topic. John, daughter, et al are to be commended for a fine project!

John Bear is a nationally recognized authority in school accreditation and has appeared as an expert witness in many trial venues. His list of enemies is quite long, as he has been partly responsible for the closing of a large number of diploma mills and con-game colleges, hence the slanderous reviews. He has also been involved in advising (and occasionally running) non-traditional schools (no crime there) that never claim an accreditation they don't have. Some of these schools have done well, others have not. Some are still around, others are not. (Still - no crime there.)
College is nothing if not market-driven. (Welcome to America; that's how it is done here.)

It should go without saying, but anyone foolish enough to believe everything they read in a Google search is certainly in need of an education!

Books by John & Mariah Bear have literally changed people's lives. This is no less true for this book. Although not quite the behemoth that the larger "Bears' Guide to Earning Degrees by Distance Learning (14th ed.), this book instead provides a tight focus on specific programs for those who either need a little more guidance or for whom smaller/less expensive works better. It still provides the same solid advice that readers have come to trust from the Bears.

College Degrees by Mail and Internet provides all of the information necessary to earn a degree (BA, MA, PhD) through distance learning. Now in its eighth edition, this book has stood the test of time.

If you're looking to change your life (more money, better work, etc), you need to check this book out.

If you want to get your education and not go into slavery with your student loans. Then get this book ASAP, it covers just about everything one needs to know on how to get your degree. I really think the future of higher education is going this way. But if you want to spend a lot of time, money, grief and get a real ration of manure. Then don't read this book!

My order was easy to make and was shipped to me very quickly and in perfect condition. I was very satisfied. Thank You!

Excellent book - easy reading as it chronicles his "miracle in Manhattan." A must reading for every Wildcat fan and great material for young and/or aspiring coaches to see "that it can be done!"

Our experience was great, no problems, book came in timely manner, and the book itself was in great condition and was great reading material.

i'm always in perspective of a successful coach.this book provides great insight into what made bill snyder the positive influence that he was.

What Bill Snyder did at Kansas State is easily, the greatest coaching job, in any sport, at any time, EVER......

Beyond belief is the only way I can even start to describe how BAD Kansas State football was before Snyder took over.

Bill Snyder is maybe the greatest coach of all-time, in any sport. This book should be required reading for ALL business leaders and employees in America. Follow Snyder's steps to success, and apply them to your own life, and you CANNOT fail. Total comittment, goal setting, respect, loyalty, persistence, serious organization, and believing in others, are key components to Snyder's winning formula. The man worked 100 hour weeks, 12 months a year to make this miracle a reality. It's amazing, and it's true......

That's the driving spirit behind this wonderful book -- Texas' missing National Park.

At one time, in the early 1930s, the National Park Service was looking at a national park at least 150,000 acres, and as much as 1 million acres, for Texas' Panhandle caprock. That's right, 1 million acres -- 1,600 square miles or so.

What happened? Don't blame the Depression; the NPS bought land in Texas at the tail end of the Depression to create Big Bend.

Lack of political will and a dime-store solution on the cheap are what happened.

After helping the state of Texas create Palo Duro Canyon State Park -- around 15,000 acres, not 150,000, let alone 1 million -- the NPS simply didn't carry that through. So all we have today is Palo Duro and another dime-sized state park, Caprock Canyons (Copper Breaks is not a canyon, per se, and it's not in the Caprock).

Flores, who once had a rough-it/hippie house in Yellow House Canyon, on one of the Caprock forks of the Brazos River, knows this land intimately and personally -- including the vast majority of the Caprock still in private hands.

Read this intimate account of what many of you may be missing who haven't visited either of the two state parks in Texas' Panhandle, and for those of you who have been to Palo Duro but not explored the rest of the Caprock, see what could have been -- and what Flores dreams still could be.

I paid over-due fines on this book twice at the Austin library...I wouldn't return it until I was finished. It was worth it though. Flores writes in simple terms and speaks from the heart. This book educated me while causing me to reflect on my life...Imprinted DNA from old relatives...I've believed this for years.

it might not be fair to comment, but i haven't read this book. nevertheless i was flying to san francisco from miami the other day and as the pilot mentioned that we just passed over texico, nm i noticed one of the most arresting sights i have ever seen from a plane.

seemingly endless plains, farmed into a quilted patchwork of green squares and circles, abruptly dissolved into a brownish red fractal universe.

at 34.946 north 103.438 west is one of the most striking features. you can check it out online at the terraserver or on any map program. of course they could never do justice to what it really looks like. i've been obsessing over this area for a few days now, although i hope it'll pass before i crank out bucks for yet another book i don't really need.

I paid over-due fines on this book twice at the Austin library...I wouldn't return it until I was finished. It was worth it though. Flores writes in simple terms and speaks from the heart. This book educated me while causing me to reflect on my life...Imprinted DNA from old relatives...I've believed this for years.

Having lived in the Caprock area of Texas for a few years I never knew what history and hidden geography were just beyond the flat, flat plain across the highway! After reading this book I must return to the Caprock to discover these things on my own! There is much beyond the state parks that Texans should claim as a part of their heritage and strive to better understand. Get this book and see if you don't agree!

This book really combines all of the other books out there... the college information guides, the books full of essays by kids who were accepted, the application process timeline books, etc. It combines professional advice, (from teachers, deans of admissions, and college counselors), with advice from people who have been there. The timelines are so helpful too! If anything, this is an incredible organizational tool, as it helps keep you on track with the whole application process. The advice is realistic, dead-on, and concise. You could buy three separate books, like my other friends did, or you could buy this one!

I'm a rising junior at Fairfield University, and I was one of the college students lucky enough to be a collaborator for this book. I was happy to share my experiences to offer a unique perspective of college life that so many guides miss.

For example, I discussed college visits in detail. Most books I read emphasized visits, but few if any described the vast differences between large urban schools and smaller suburban or rural schools. The difference is striking -- more striking than other college guides let on.

Ideally, I would recommend the purchase of this book in addition to The Princeton Review's Best *** Colleges (I believe they're up to 351 by now), which gives the best profiles of individual colleges. Between these two books, you'll have excellent resources for your sophomore, junior and senior years of high school.

I always answer questions from college-bound high school students and their parents. Feel free to email me about anything that you'd like to know about the college application process!

As I enter my junior year of high school I really was at a loss for which book or books to buy to help with my college search. Because of all the great advice in this book - mostly the quotes and essays by students - I really feel so much more confident about tackling the next year or so as I prepare to figure out where to go and what to do. This book is a must, especially if you're still choosing your schools to visit.

This book really works for high school students of almost any age. I bought it for my son and nephew and have worked through it with my son who is a junior. It guides you on the process of first creating a manageable list of colleges and then figuring out how to visit and successfully apply to them. The students' quotes and interviews are incredible helpful, and they gave us information and perspective that neither of us could have known! I highly recommend this book!

When I saw that the authors of this book were all students and recent grads, I was immediately intrigued, but when I saw that they were all from top schools, I was concerned that their advice would be skewed - but it's not. This is the single best book that I have ever read on the subject of finding the right school, making a choice, and then acing your applications. Not only is there excellent advice from dozens of students across the country and from a ton of different colleges, but there's also great bits from deans and admissions officers. I can't think of a more practical tool for a high school student, like me, who's off to college in a year or two.

I am a psychologist who works in a college counseling center, and I wish that I could make this book required reading for the parents of every new student entering college. Main author Richard Kadison--Chief of the Mental Health Service at Harvard University Health Services--does an excellent job of outlining the many issues which college students face and the ways in which these issues are potentially hazardous to every student's mental health. He also provides extremely useful suggestions for what parents can do to help their college student as well as practical tips for the college students themselves. The only sections of the book which I found to be less effective were the chapter and appendix which focused on what colleges should be doing to address the mental health crisis on campus; this information seemed out of place in a book largely intended for parents. However, the remaining two appendices were more relevant, providing a summary of data from the 2002 American College Health Association Survey results as well as an overview of common medications used to treat psychological conditions. Overall, this a well-done, tremendously valuable book; highly recommended.

With my fourth college freshman ensconced in college, I am sorry that I didn't have this book for reference with my other three children. Each student is different with different needs, stress indicators, and mechanisims for coping with college. This book clearly illustrates the number of ways kids react to college...both positive and negative. No one goes to college today without some form of stress either academically, socially, or emotionally. With the help of this book, college students and their parents have a chance at predicting the challenges and setting out a plan that is specific to preventing serious mental health issues from being so overwhelming. This is a great guide for coping and surviving these stressful years and perhaps leading to happiness and success.

My daughter is in her first year of college and experiencing some anxiety. I bought this book on advice from a friend, and found it invaluable. It's easy to read, very informed and informative. Dr. Kadison seems to have a special sensitivity for students. You sense that he really cares and therefore you really want to listen.

This book is very timely, and is of importance. There is a crisis out there, and parents and students need to recognize the problems of being depressed, and that there is something that can and should be done to cope with these disorders. The book is very well written, and easy to read. I feel this book should be read by every parent and every student so they can recognize the signs of depression, and get the help they need. It is a wake-up call, and a real contribtion to mental health. Dr.ERK

by don dallas, ddallas10@yahoo.com


"Parents, your job is not over yet, " declared a flier given me at an orientation session for parents of freshmen. The flier warned me that the first eight weeks on campus will be "stressful". It also urged me to talk to my son about alcohol abuse on campus. Until then that college and all others presented themselves as blissful environments of intellectual and human growth. This was the first time it was suggested that college was stressful.

The stress, it turns out, often is longer and deeper. The most authoritative source on campus stress, College of the Overwhelmed, The Mental Health Crisis on Campus and What to Do About it, was published in October, 2004, by Richard Kadison, M. D., a psychiatrist who is chief of Mental Health Services at Harvard University, and Theresa Foy DeGeronimo, a writer specializing in parenting and education. Contrary to the impression many parents have had that it is time to leave the kids on their own, the book urges parents to be aware, informed, and watchful. Parents are the "best hope" , Dr. Kadison and Ms. DeGeronimo say. They must engage their college sons and daughters in open, adult-adult (yet non-intrusive) communications not just for eight weeks, but for all four or more of the college years. The book even advises parents to have a "crisis plan" ready in case their college-based children need emergency help. "It's ironic that just when you feel you are setting your children free they often need your support and attention more than ever before." One out of every two students becomes so depressed they cannot function at some point during their college career, it says. One out of two become binge drinkers. Student mental health challenges too often go uncared for: students suffer silently as their already-besieged emotional health erodes further. Almost 10 percent of college students consider suicide. "Parents should also help their children choose a college that is not woefully deficient in the area of ...campus mental health. How can parents tell? The book offers checklists of symptoms to look for and questions for parents to ask campus staff and administrators. The book aims to "open a dialogue, get us talking, and suggest ways we all can face these facts and do something..." It is a seminal work, a goldmine of research, insights and advice. "Listen, Listen, Listen," the authors shout to parents. The mental health crisis on campus is the "elephant in the room nobody is talking about."