Events Books

This charming little book helps remind us just how revolutionary the American idea of liberty and government by the people was when first proposed in the Eighteenth century... and how revolutionary it continues to be in certain parts of the world even today. Reading these excerpts, the one feels as if each of the witnesses called upon to testify spoke to the reader directly from its portrait on the opposite page. My favorite passage is from Thomas Paine: "From a small spark kindled in America a flame has arisen not to be extinguished. Man finds himself transformed, he scarcely perceives how." The American idea has truly transformed the world more than we often realize.

This charming little book helps remind us just how revolutionary the American idea of liberty and government by the people was when first proposed in the Eighteenth century... and how revolutionary it continues to be in certain parts of the world even today. Reading these excerpts, the one feels as if each of the witnesses called upon to testify spoke to the reader directly from his or her portrait on the opposite page. My favorite passage is from Thomas Paine: "From a small spark kindled in America a flame has arisen not to be extinguished. Man finds himself transformed, he scarcely perceives how." The American idea has truly transformed the world more than we often realize.

This handy little book presents several essential American documents which deserve to be read and re-read these days, such as the Declaration of Independence, the Constitution and the Emancipation Proclamation. But the most interesting texts are the carefully chosen comments about political freedom and the American project from a variety of historical figures ranging from Ben Franklin and Thomas Jefferson to Martin Luther King and JFK--the quality and clarity of their writing and thinking is startling to modern ears. This little blue book is the "Little Red Book" for Americans and students of America.

This book attracted a great deal of attention (both pro and con) when first published in 1995; it remains a stimulating introduction to the topic. The research for this volume is extraordinary--Duxbury apparently read everything in print before sitting down to write. The book is comprised of an introduction ("Jurisprudence as Intellectual History") and 6 rather long chapters. Duxbury proceeds from the "challenge to formalism" in the 1870's to legal realism, then on to Lasswell & McDougal's "policy science," followed by a highly interesting discussion on the legal process school, succeeded by a very long detailed examination of "economics in law," and finishing with an extended discussion of the critical legal studies movement.

Several things can be said as to Duxbury's approach. His research is so extensive that the reader is buried in footnotes and other references. Some may feel that this detracts from developing central themes, of which there are actually not too many. You can certainly disagree with some of his central tenets, as I do, yet benefit enormously from his analysis. For example, Duxbury is highly critical of legal realism (and he clearly is not enamored of Karl Llewellyn), yet his chapter on that topic is extremely valuable. One can feel that some of the space could have been better devoted to other topics, especially when one is faced with a 121 page chapter on law and economics (a topic that apparently fascinates the author) and 90 pages on the crits. This is especially so since many familiar names in particularly late twentieth-century jurisprudence are missing from his discussion. Some elements really stand out: his discussion of Lon Fuller; the account of the legal process school, including in addition to the familiar suspects such as Hart and Sacks also Bickel; and an enlightening probing of the elusive "policy science" approach which at times seems maddingly imprecise and beyond explication as anything but three cheers for the red, white and blue.

As much a resource guide as a treatise, the book is essential to studying the topic--whether one agrees with Duxbury or not. However, the benefits come after prolonged periods of "working through" the notes and grappling with a flood of concepts and individuals. The investment of time and energy is substantial, but the payoff strikes me as more than worth the cost.

Historians, lawyers and cultural commentators--that includes you, politico types!--have tended to stray away from how law is both pathological and aetiological in America--a cause and consequence of American society. This excellent book sits alongside White, Horwitz and Louis Menand's intellectual histories and is, (madly for jurisprudential texts) a fantastically interesting read too. I can't recommend this book highly enough!It is heavy going, but if you like intellectual histories of a high order, you'll want that workout!!

Neil Duxbury wrote this monumental history of modern American jurisprudence a bit over ten years ago, but it is still well worth the read. In fact, it is probably still essential reading for American law students and readers interested in understanding the contours of twentieth century American legal thought. Duxbury's central thesis is that traditional renditions of the history of American jurisprudence -- what he terms "the pendulum swing" theory of legal thought -- is outdated and in need of revision. The pendulum swing theory holds that the trajectory of American legal thought can be divided into distinct periods, characterized by formalistic and anti-formalistic premises. One era marks formalism, but then a subsequent period indicates the hegemony of anti-formalisic modes of analysis in response to the previous predominance of formalism. Then the cycle starts again. Pendulum swing accounts hold that formalistic thought dominated in the late 1800s and then again during the Cold War, while anti-formalism reigned supreme with the legal realism movement of the early twentieth century and the rise of critical legal studies in the 1970s and 1980s. Intellectual schools of thought such as realism and critical legal studies arose, according to pendulum swing accounts, as a direct result of the perceived inadequacy of formalistic modes.

Duxbury set up this pendulum swing theory partly as a straw man that he could easily knock down. In reality, beginning roughly fifteen years before his book, leading jurisprudential scholars had already questioned the efficacy of using swings between formalism and anti-formalism as a way of really understanding American legal thought. Indeed, some scholars questioned as early as the late 1970s the utility of viewing formalism as descriptive of constitutional jurisprudence during the famous (or infamous) Lochner era. Duxbury, nonetheless, brilliantly synthesized this information into a comprehensive (indeed, Duxbury is breathtaking in the amount of secondary scholarship he includes in this book) account that took into view the whole of American legal thought in the twentieth century.

Throughout, Duxbury shows that "patterns" rather than "pendulum swings" have characterized American legal thought. Contemporary anti-formalist and formalist approaches to legal thought and decision-making thus both exist today and influence one another constantly -- indeed they have since the Reconstruction Era. Duxbury found the roots of realism, for example, not in one specific event or turning point but in a constantly fermenting critique of formalist principles and methods begun tentatively with the work and writings of Oliver Wendell Holmes. (though Duxbury emphasizes that Holmes was a formalist in important respects, thus indicating that from the beginning, formalist and anti-formalist impulses have existed side-by-side). Today, critical legal studies and like approaches maintain that anti-formalist "mood" or "temperment." Likewise, formalism was never fully defeated by the realists or anyone else. It still exists in American legal life, via the case method approach still used in law schools, and in the predominance of jurists who proclaim to still be guided by it in their approach to adjudicating cases.

If I had to guess I'd assume Duxbury was more sympathetic to what we could loosely define today as the more "conservative," formalistic approaches to jurisprudence ... especially process jurisprudence, which predominated American legal thought and constitutional adjudication in the 1950s and early 1960s, and the law and economics movement of the 1970s and 1980s. He seems to have far less empathy for the left-leaning critical legal studies movement. As suggested above, however, in all cases Duxbury noted continuties and the deep historical roots of all these phenomena. Thus, for example, process jurisprudence represented a jurisprudential continuity with the concern over process, principles and rationality first articulated by the formalists of Harvard Law School sixty years earliers. Likewise, critical legal scholars traced their lineage back to the realists.

Moreover, Duxbury noted the consensual values held by the various strands of formalists and anti-formalists. Most elements of both jurisprudential schools, for example, favored scientific approaches to legal issues, they just differed in the specific scientific methodologies to be used (formalists = the deductive tendencies of natural science; anti-formalists = the inductive methods of = social scientific empricism). Also, all schools of thought, with the possible exception of the critical legal studies movement, were interested in attaining the best approaches to the objectivity or the rule of law ... even if some realists appeared not to be concerned with this at first glance.

This is just a thumbnail sketch of a very complex and rewarding work. I recommend it for multiple, careful readings for all Amazon customers interested in understanding the major arguments and themse pervading American legal, jurisprudential thought.

The book explains the reasons for political conflict within nations and across nations. It explains the reasons for the cultural and military conflict now ongoing in the Middle East and how it is little different from conflicts in other parts of the world. This is because these conflicts, and all political conflicts in general, have the same type of motivators. The first three chapters brilliantly discuss American culture and that topic is interweaved throughout all the other chapters while it is also related to how political conflict can be avoided. Accordingly, if the offered recipe is followed, a nation can receive the prosperity benefits that come from doing so. Although the author uses the intellectual approaches of game theory and spatial theory (with nice little illustrations to make it easy to follow along), he does it in a way that even a novice who has never been exposed to those approaches can understand. This book represents a nice merger among history, culture, and rational choice approaches to understanding our political and social world.

This book utilizes game theory and spatial theory to provide a comprehensive theory of peace and prosperity. It explains complicated phenomena in easy to grasp language. It borrows from multiple disciplines, so it can be used for general purposes and as a textbook for both undergraduate and gradutate level courses. It points the way for nations to maximize economic, political, and social modernization. If the recipe is followed by most or all nations, the world will a better place.

This book brings together cultural theories, economic theories, social theories and methodological theories (basic game theory and spatial theory) to make a remarkable claim: that balancing the values of liberty, order/virtue, and equality in a nation's policy and law maximizes a nation's peace and prosperity. It is simultaneously an explanation of peace and violence as well as prosperity and poverty. It explains how the United States has achieved the most perfect balance and how this put the US at the top of most of the positive economic, social and political indicators and near the bottom of the negative indicators. It explains the democratic peace: the notion that democracies rarely fight each other in military confrontations and when they do, it is brief, does not escalate and is resolved diplomatically with the disputants becoming allies or even friends again. It offers a guide to societies seeking peace and prosperity and that program is one of moderation and balance. It includes a wide-ranging discussion of Western and American culture, but its greatest contribution is to show that the democratic peace and its basis, the balance of values, is (for those familiar with game thoery) a "Nash Equilibrium" as well as a "structure-induced equilibrium and a self-enforcing majority equilibrium. This makes the balance of values and democracy the ultimate destiny of all nations.

This is an exceptionally important book. Johan Galtung (b. 1930) graduated from The University of Oslo, and soon after started PRIO -the peace research insitute of Oslo, the first such research institution in the world. Since then he has been travelling the world, writing more than 50 books and 1000 articles, and doing groundbreaking work within peace research. He has also been professor at numerous of universities around the world.

In this book Galtung shows his talent for conceptual innovation and introduces the student of peace research to some basic aspects of this discipline. Galtung is conceptually creative and challenges the reader's perspecetive. He introduces such concepts as structural violence, cultural violence and the idea of studying "deep culture". He explores different economies, and political ideologies such as Reagenism. He outlines his approach: diagnosis- prognosis-therapy.

The book is empowering because it gives the reader many concepts and knowledge. A writer can, however, always be criticized, and Galtung is no exception. I do for instance miss some more references and empirical evidence in his treatment of Reagenism, and I think his outlines of different cosmologies in somewhat superficial. He critical to the American's manichean world view, where the Soviet Union was labeled as "evil" and the States as good. Occassionally however, Galtung seems to do something very similar, when he creates an enemy picture of USA.

Still, this book is written by a visionary and creative thinker. Peace by Peaceful Means integrates knowledge from different fields. Most of all, it can make you think! The book can inspire students and academics who want to work for justice and peace, and it can also inspire "lay people". Read it, be inspired, think, and make up your own opinions!

It's the main theoretical play of the first athor in peace theory. If you are a new reader surely need begin with "Theoretical researches" (same author) to get the basic concepts: 'Direct' and 'structural' violence. In this play it is developed a third and definitive 'cultural' violence for a complete theoretical frame (suitable for making a work on this matter). All is clearly explanated.

This is an exceptionally important book. Johan Galtung (b. 1930) graduated from The University of Oslo, and soon after started PRIO -the peace research insitute of Oslo, the first such research institution in the world. Since then he has been travelling the world, writing more than 50 books and 1000 articles, and doing groundbreaking work within peace research. He has also been professor at numerous of universities around the world.

In this book Galtung shows his talent for conceptual innovation and introduces the student of peace research to some basic aspects of this discipline. Galtung is conceptually creative and challenges the reader's perspecetive. He introduces such concepts as structural violence, cultural violence and the idea of studying "deep culture". He explores different economies, and political ideologies such as Reagenism. He outlines his approach: diagnosis- prognosis-therapy.

The book is empowering because it gives the reader many concepts and knowledge. A writer can, however, always be criticized, and Galtung is no exception. I do for instance miss some more references and empirical evidence in his treatment of Reagenism, and I think his outlines of different cosmologies in somewhat superficial. He critical to the American's manichean world view, where the Soviet Union was labeled as "evil" and the States as good. Occassionally however, Galtung seems to do something very similar, when he creates an enemy picture of USA.

Still, this book is written by a visionary and creative thinker. Peace by Peaceful Means integrates knowledge from different fields. Most of all, it can make you think! Read it, be inspired, think, and make up your own opinions!

Many of the problems stemming from George W. Bush's grand
neoconservative crusade are practical, resulting from the sort of
mistakes to be expected from a gaggle of arrogant incompetents.
Iraq, of course, is the most obvious example, but by no means the
only one.

Also fundamentally flawed, however, are the principles
behind the Bush program. At these the redoubtable Chris Layne
takes aim.

Layne is a professor at Texas A&M University. He has long
been writing trenchant articles and studies attacking the
imperialist temptation, and especially the idea that the end of
the Cold War allows--no, mandates--that Washington manage the
rest of the globe down to the most insignificant civil war and
local disturbance.

The culmination of Layne's work is The Peace of Illusions,
which focuses on matters of American grand strategy. The book is
a serious read, but a necessary one if you want to understand why
current policy would still have been a disaster even if Bush &
Company hadn't been guided by fantasies when attempting to
implement their vision. It is the imperialist vision itself that
is flawed.

Layne's analysis is thoroughly substantive, a sharp contrast
especially with so much of the junk pouring forth from alleged
"conservative thinkers." And the work is historical, recognizing
that what happened yesterday still matters today. Layne explores
the relationship between current controversies, past events,
current players, and past strategies.

It is a modern cliche to term books a "must read," but The
Peace of Illusions surely is a must read for anyone who wants to
understand and especially to change U.S. foreign policy.

The Peace of Illusions may be the most important book on America's security strategy published in the last decade. Layne accomplishes three difficult feats, when achieving even one would have been impressive. He provides a controversial yet well-documented interpetation of U.S. grand strategy since the end of the 1930s. At the same time, he shows convincingly that Washington's current approach to world affairs does not serve the best interests of the American people and is ultimately doomed to failure. Finally, he articulates an alternative grand strategy--"offshore balancing"--that would reduce America's costs and risks and prove to be far more sustainable.

In his historical analysis, Layne argues that the United States has consistently pursued global dominance since the early days of World War II. Probably the most controversial thesis in the Peace of Illusions is the argument that Washington would have embraced such a strategy during the Cold War era even if the Soviet Union had not existed. Layne attributes much of the U.S. drive for global hegemony to the goal of maintaining a liberal world economic order--the "open door." In advancing that thesis, he builds on the work of a number of "revisionist" historians and economists, most notably William Appleman Williams. Critics may contend, with some justification, that Layne overstates the open door thesis and does not give sufficient weight to other factors, including the impact of crusading idealism on U.S. policymakers. Nevertheless, it is hard to rebut his case that the United States, instead of adopting a more sober and restrained foreign policy following the demise of the USSR, has expanded both the definition of its interests and the aggressivness of its pursuit of those interests. Washington's conduct since 1989 tracks perfectly with a strategy of global hegemony.

Layne does an even better job of demonstrating how Washington's current security strategy is needlessly costly in blood and treasure. His analysis of the Iraq debacle is especially devastating, but he shows that Iraq is not an aberration. The current imperial overstretch is now, and promises to be in the future, a bipartisan folly. Layne builds a compelling case that a hegemonic strategy has invariably led to the demise of previous great powers, and that a similar fate awaits the United States unless there is a change in course.

And Layne has an appealing alternative security strategy--America as offshore balancer. Other scholars have used different terms, such as strategic independence and balancer of last resort, to describe such a strategy, but the principles remain the same. Instead of trying to be the global policeman (or even worse, the global armed social worker), the United States needs to adopt a more selective and restrained foreign policy. Contrary to proponents of the current policy, this alternative is not "isolationism"--a vacuous slur designed to stifle intelligent debate. It is, however, a policy that focuses on defending America's vital interests instead of trying to remake the entire planet in America's image at the point of bayonets or cruise missiles. Layne does an extremely good job of building the case for an alternative grand strategy.

The Peace of Illusions is one of those rare books that anyone who is interested in America's future in the international system needs to read. It is a book that should spark a badly overdue debate on the direction of U.S. foreign policy.

Christopher Layne's work The Peace of Illusions is a book published on the onset of a new millennium. It is a book about hegemony and preponderance and equally a book about grand strategies. More precisely, it is about US hegemony and US grand strategy. Layne argues that in order for the US to preserve its preponderant role in the world affairs a strategy of off-shore balancing is required. America could remain the main player in international affairs without necessarily engaging in costly and dangerous wars of expansion.
In order to convince the reader that he is right, Layne wrote a book whose intellectual foundation is three-fold. First, at the theoretical level Layne offers probably the best taxonomy of realist theories. In the present academic world in which notions such as defensive or offensive realism are often open to debate and more often not clearly understood or, by the same token, not clearly defined, Layne's book brings precious theoretical clarifications. The author does not seek to find out what the foundation of a certain theoretical approach is or may have promised to be. Layne already knows all that. He shares his theoretical knowledge with the reader in a clear and direct language which makes his sophisticated analysis of theories of international politics accesible to the intellectual reader, regardless of his background. Layne's theoretical analysis is at the same time a taxonomy and a superb in-depth analysis of realism.
Second, for those readers out there, political scientists, as well as, historians who believe that America's grand strategy since 1940s until the present was driven only by the noble purpose of saving the world from all sorts of -isms such as communism, totalitarianism. authoritarianism, or terrorism, Layne's interpretation of historical accounts would seem at the least bizarre. Some of the readers, possible, will be left with a bitter taste in their mouth. Layne's historical accounts are mostly drawn from primary sources. By doing so Layne comes to the conclusion that open door policy considerations ans liberal ideologies have pushed the US on a dangerous way of expansion. Those two factors have become the driving engine behind America's strategy of expansion. Certainly, those who believe that the US joined NATO solely for the noble purpose of defending Western Europe, or got involved in Iraq for the purpose of defending its citizens and the whole "free" world from terrorists who were not there to begin with before the US invasion, Layne's argument may seem outrageous. However, for those readers who are willing to pose and think twice, Layne's argument makes perfect sense.
Third, in order to preserve American preponderance in the world for a longer period of time, Layne proposes a strategy of off-shore balancing. Layne's claim is based on the propositions that the US has the best military in the world and, at the same time, a sheltered geographical position. Therefore America can defend itself at any time from any kind of massive invasion, or to use a new security studies' jargon, from any kind of existential threat. That is to say that the US is two oceans away from any possible serious competitor, which can make a bid for hegemony. And in a metaphorical sense, the US is "two oceans way" from WWI Europe whose appetite for war could be very well explained by offensive realism. Bringing theory and history together in a masterful way, Layne's concludes his work with a plea for a strategy of off-shore balancing aimed at preserving US preponderance in the world. Let me be clear. Layne does not believe that US primacy will last forever. He certainly heard about the law of entropy and read Paul Kennedy's work. However, Layne believes that by following an off-shore balancing strategy America can maintain its preponderance in the world for a longer period of time, and, very importantly could be much safer.
Layne's book is a masterpiece: a work of intelligence and creativity - based on impressive research - that must be applauded; however, before all that it must be read.

20 bucks for a book?! Well, this one's worth it and much more! The hundreds of articles and illustrations will satisfy every interest under the sun. I swear, once you start reading this book you won't be able to put it down! I've learned so much about 20th century history from this one book than in my five months of Modern History at college. Entertaining AND informative!

I bought this book for my husband at Christmas, because he had read another edition of it so much and enjoyed it. I wanted to get him some new material of this sort, and he is enjoying it just as much. The price was good for a used copy and was received in good shape. Another thank you to the seller for having it for sale is due.

At last a history book that you can browse through.

As expected, you can learn about wars, presidents, and genocide. But you can also find the unexpected, with fascinating tidbits everywhere. For example: read about great practical jokers (page781), great thefts (page 190), entertainment scandals (page 434), the invention of silly putty (p 581), hoaxes (769). Well written, fun, and interesting -- what more could you want

I have recently wanted to understand our government better. I think this is particularly important since our rights as Americans are not well understood and thus in danger of being lost at this point in our country's history. This book made the subject extremely clear. The intents and background of our forefathers were communicated in such a way that the document came alive for me. Thank you Mr. Kluge for this important book. I recommend it for all students of our government, young and old!

The Constitution - perhaps America's most important document. But what does it actually all mean to the modern, every day America? "The People's Guide to the United States Constitution" is a through and comprehensive guide put in the common terms that everyone can understand, free of the spin artists that readers so often see on political news programs. Presenting the original text of the document and then giving a complete run down to what it really means, it's a must for anyone who wishes to truly understand the United States Constitution. "The People's Guide to the United States Constitution" is a top pick for community library collections dealing with politics and easy to use guides.

I am a non-american citizen and I loved the way this book is written. Every american should read it, for sure. It is VERY enlighting.

Great condition. Worn corners, but no highlighting. I thought it was too good to be true, but it was the real deal in great condition. It saved me $50 compared to the price of the book store!

As a student I was required to purchase this book.

I certainly did not expect this book to be so enlightening to read. Not only were the articles interesting, but mostly nice and short. Also I liked how it was divided into twenty chapters, some of which include film and television, media studies, criminal behavior, terrorism and war, & education.

One day, I was just flipping through the book, and because I had in interest in the criminal behavior chapter, I read all of the articles on my free time. Oh wait, but that is unheard of!

The book's pretty niffty. And in combination with the fact that I can't sell it back for jacksquat, I'm keeping this badboy and using it for some nice leisure reading.

Ackley's text is quite simply a work of pedagogical genius. As a college professor, I have used this text with remarkable results. It not only introduces the reader to a broad spectrum of thought provoking issues, but also helps to strengthen his/her thinking skills, unfortunately a forgotten art for many of today's college freshmen. As the title indicates, the book covers a wide range of subject areas from rock and roll to bisexuality. The student is motivated to react, and therefore think about, the various issues raised in the readings. The exhaustive section on the writing of a research paper is a great help for the instructor as it is so thorough that no extra information is required. This book certainly receives an A+ from this professor.

I read a lot of books, but sometimes one comes along that really surprises me with its excellence, and this is one of those books. In this book, Professor Neil Bierling presents up-to-date information on those bad guys of the Old Testament, the Philistines. Combining the Biblical references to the Philistines with recent archeological finds, Prof. Bierling fleshes out the Philistines, following their history from their origination in the Aegean(!), through their arrival in Egypt and Canaan, their interaction with the Israelites, and on to their final destruction by the Babylonian Empire.

This is an excellent resource for any student of the Bible who has wondered who the Philistines really were. The author uses the Biblical references to them in a skillful way, showing where the archaeological finds have complemented the Biblical narrative, and where they have not. Indeed, he does not simply follow the Bible (though the Bible does give the book its organization), but follows the history of the Philistines as they interacted with such Middle Eastern nations as Egypt and Assyria.

So, let me just sum up by saying that this is a great book on the Philistines, one that is sure to amplify your understanding of who they were.

Thank you Prof. Bierling for writing a new study of the Philistines with all the latest archaeological information. This book is a fantastic resource for the subject and I really appreciate the lavish use of color plates. It should be required reading for every Bible student.

This is a completely new study, lavishly illustrated with 30 color plates... a must have for anyone interested in the Bible!

--our times. This book shows what he has seen all over the world in his "short" life.

He is most famous for being Gerald Ford's photographer during the aftermath of the Nixon insanity. When his Whitehouse pass was revoked after the lost election, he wasn't even 30 -- YET had a body of work that was the envy of many of his fellow Shooters, me included. I am honored that he is aware that I exist.

Follow this man for the rest of your life and you will be exposed to all the wonders of this world. He is not just a photographer; he is a driven "oracle" of the 20th century who must make images or die - much like a shark who must keep swimming or drown.

Having known David Kennerly since he was 24 on on his way to Viet Nam. I threw a party for him while passing through Chicago on his birthday.

I bought many copies for gifts as I thought that highly of the book and especially for anyone interested in photography.

I strongly recommend reading this for a statement in courage and tremedous enthusiasm and talent for his work. His Jonestown story, as one of the first on the scene, is breathtaking.

Stan Golomb

Photo-Op will take you on an unforgettable journey through the last 30 years. Through the commentary and photographs you will experience such events as the Ali-Fraiser fight, the Ford White House years and the Veitnam War. Every one needs a copy of this book to teach the next generation of Kids, the true History of the USA