United Kingdom Books

Christopher Allmand has taken a very long timeframe of medieval rivalry between the two great powers of the time, England and France and has done an excellent job of describing the begining, preperation and culmination of a very Bloody and Nasty war between England and France. These two great nations were always antagonistic with each other and had finally reached a "boiling point" around 1300, thus declaring official and unofficial war with each other that did not end until the beginning of the 19th century. Allmand doesn't use schollarly details to confuse the reader, he writes in a good prose and is easy to understand the background of the French and English Kings who honestly did not like each other, even though in most circumstances they were related to each other by blood or marriage. This book also gives analysis of how the war between these two nations affected the innocent victims such as the villiagers, serfs and even nobility. This was a war of gaining territory, sacking villiages in the name of the King, very nasty and terrible battles and political status in Medieval Europe. I highly recommend this book to all who want to know about how the rivalry between England and France developed and how the rivalry led to war that made it not just a hundred year war, but a war that lasted well over 400 years.

Read this for graduate history course in medieval history.
Christopher Allmand, is an excellent historian who tells the story of the Hundred Years War in a very succinct manner. End of 14th C England emerges with a real national identity. Edward III 1327-77. An example, 1362 Edward III has official records kept in English, not French, moving away from Norman influence, this is a defining moment. This helps English literature to flourish. A political identity is being built as well.

Edward III (13 November 1312 - 21 June 1377) was one of the most successful English monarchs of the Middle Ages. He remained on the throne for 50 years; no English monarch had reigned as long since Henry III, and none would until George III. Having restored royal authority after the disastrous reign of his father, Edward II, he went on to transform England into the most efficient military power in Europe. To a large extent, Edward III can be credited with the birth of the English nation. He pushes idea of 100 Year's war his reign saw vital developments in legislature and government--in particular the evolution of the English parliament--as well as the ravaging of the Black Death. Where 1/3 population dies which also causes him to scale back on 100 Year's war.

Parliament as a representative institution was already well established by the time of Edward III, but the reign was nevertheless central to its development. During this period membership in the English baronage, formerly a somewhat indistinct group, became restricted to those who received a personal summons to parliament. This happened as parliament gradually developed into a bicameral institution. Yet it was not in the House of Lords, but in the House of Commons that the greatest changes took place. The widening of political power can be seen in the crisis of the Good Parliament, where the Commons for the first time--albeit with noble support--was responsible for precipitating a political crisis. In the process, both the procedure of impeachment and the office of the Speaker were created. Even though the political gains were of only temporary duration, this parliament represented a watershed in English political history.
The political influence of the Commons originally lay in its right to grant taxes. The financial demands of the Hundred Years' War were enormous, and the king and his ministers tried different methods of covering the expenses. The king had a steady income from crown lands, and could also take up substantial loans from Italian and domestic financiers. To finance warfare on Edward III's scale, however, the king had to resort to taxation of his subjects. Taxation took two primary forms: levy and customs. The levy was a grant of a proportion of all moveable property, normally a tenth for towns and a fifteenth for farmland. This could produce large sums of money, but each such levy had to be approved by parliament, and the king had to prove the necessity. The customs therefore provided a welcome supplement, as a steady and reliable source of income. An 'ancient duty' on the export of wool had existed since 1275. Edward I had tried to introduce an additional duty on wool, but this unpopular maltolt, or 'unjust exaction', was soon abandoned. Then, from 1336 onwards, a series of schemes aimed at increasing royal revenues from wool export were introduced. After some initial problems and discontent, it was agreed through the Ordinance of the Staple of 1353 that the new customs should be approved by parliament, though in reality they became permanent. Through the steady taxation of Edward III's reign, parliament--and in particular the Commons--gained political influence. A consensus emerged that in order for a tax to be just, the king had to prove its necessity, it had to be granted by the community of the realm, and it had to be to the benefit of that community. In addition to imposing taxes, parliament would also present petitions for redress of grievances to the king, most often concerning misgovernment by royal officials. This way the system was beneficial for both parties. Through this process the commons, and the community they represented, became increasingly politically aware, and the foundation was laid for the particular English brand of constitutional monarchy.

In the 1356 Battle of Poitiers against Edward, the Black Prince (son of King Edward III of England), John II suffered a humiliating defeat and was taken as captive back to England. As a prisoner of the English, John was granted royal privileges, permitted to travel about, and to enjoy a regal lifestyle. At a time when law and order was breaking down in France and the government was having a hard time raising money for the defense of the realm, his account books during his captivity show that he was purchasing horses, pets and clothes while maintaining an astrologer and a court band.

The 1360 Treaty of Brétigny set his ransom at 650,000pounds and 1/3 French territory. In keeping with the honor between himself and King Edward III, and leaving his son Louis of Anjou in English-held Calais as a replacement hostage, John was allowed to return to France to raise his ransom funds. While King John tried to raise the money, his son Louis, accorded the same royal dignity, easily escaped from the English. An angry King John surrendered himself again to the English, claiming an inability to pay the ransom as the reason. The true motive of John's decision remains murky today, with many pointing to the devastation in France caused by war with England and the Jacquerie peasant uprising as likely candidates. His councilors and nearly the whole nation was critical of the decision, since they had raised the ransom through painstaking sacrifice. However Jean arrived in England in early 1364, looked upon by ordinary citizens and English royalty alike with great admiration. Accordingly, he was held as an honored prisoner in the Savoy Palace but died in London a few months later. His body was returned to France, where he was interred in the royal chambers at Saint Denis Basilica.

Richard II (6 January 1367 - 14 February 1400) was the son of Edward the Black Prince, Prince of Wales, and Joan "The Fair Maid of Kent". He was born in Bordeaux and became his father's successor when his elder brother died in infancy. He was deposed in 1399 and died the next year. He was arrogant and had problems with Barons; he wanted to be more of an autocrat. As Richard began to take over the business of government himself, he sidelined many of the established nobles, Instead he turned to his inner circle of favorites for his council, men such as Michael de la Pole, whom Richard created Earl of Suffolk and made chancellor of England. The nobles he had snubbed formed the head of a group of the disaffected who called themselves the Lords Appellant. The central tenet of their appeal was continued war with France against Richard's policy of peace, an aim that many of them pursued in the interests of personal gain since it is the best way for them to make money by looting France. Rather than the interests of the nation.

In 1387, the English Parliament, under pressure from the Lords Appellant, demanded that Richard remove his unpopular councilors. When he refused, he was told that since he was still a minor, a Council of Government would rule in his place. Richard had the Earl of Arundel, leader of the Lords Appellant, arrested; but Richard's small army led by de Vere was overpowered by the forces of the Lords Appellant outside Oxford, and Richard was imprisoned in the Tower of London. Subsequently Richard agreed to hold a parliament in order to resolve the Appellants' grievances; the unpopular councilors were forcibly disposed of (eight being executed for treason and the others exiled) in the Merciless Parliament of 1388. Richard was forced to accept new councilors and was temporarily stripped of almost all his authority. By 1398, some of them are repealed.

However, Richard was more concerned with Gaunt's son and heir Henry Bolingbroke, (Lancaster his cousin) whom he banished for ten years on a spurious pretext in 1399. After Gaunt's death, Richard also confiscated Bolingbroke's lands, this is seen as a violation of Baron's rights. Bolingbroke's inheritance was huge, large enough to be seen as a small state within the greater state of England and thus an obvious obstacle on the path of a unified and peaceful England. At this point Richard left for a campaign in Ireland, allowing Bolingbroke the opportunity to land in Yorkshire with an army provided by the King of France to reclaim his father's lands. Richard's autocratic ways, deeply unpopular with many nobles, facilitated Bolingbroke's gaining control quickly of most of southern and eastern England. Bolingbroke had originally just wanted his inheritance and a reimposition of the power of the Lords Appellant, accepting Richard's right to be king and March's right to succeed him. However, by the time Richard finally arrived back on the mainland in Wales, a tide of discontent had swept England. In the King's absence, Bolingbroke, who was generally well-liked, was being urged to take the crown himself. Richard was captured at Flint Castle in Wales and taken to London, where crowds pelted him with rubbish. He was held in the Tower of London and eventually forced to abdicate. He was brought, on his request, before parliament, where he officially renounced his crown and thirty-three official charges (including `vengeful sentences given against lords') were made against him. He was not permitted to answer the charges. Parliament then accepted Henry Bolingbroke (Henry IV) as the new king.

Richard was placed in Pontefract Castle, and died there in 1400. He is believed to have been killed by starvation (perhaps he refused to take nourishment and starved himself) or otherwise murdered. Richard was dead by 17 February. By 1400, England has a stable government. You see the tensions play out between King, Barons, and Parliament, Edward III did well at this.

France- Lots of problems. It has a much larger population 10-12 million as opposed to England's 3-4 million. This makes the country unwieldy to deal with. It also suffers from bad politics from a slew of bad kings. Philip IV the Fair (French: Philippe IV le Bel) (1268 - November 29, 1314) was King of France from 1285 until his death in 1314. The Valois Dynasty succeeded the Capetian Dynasty as rulers of France from 1328-1589. They were descendants of Charles of Valois, the third son of King Philip III and based their claim to be ahead of Edward III of England and Jeanne de Navarre on a reintroduction of the Salic law.

Philip VI of Valois (French: Philippe VI de Valois; 1293 - August 22, 1350) was the King of France from 1328 to his death, and Count of Anjou, Maine, and Valois 1325-1328. He was the son of Charles of Valois and founded the Valois Dynasty.

John II of France (French: Jean II de France; April 16, 1319-April 8, 1364),
Charles V the Wise (French: Charles V le Sage) (January 31, 1338 - September 16, 1380) was king of France from 1364 to 1380 and a member of the Valois Dynasty. His reign marked a high point for France during the Hundred Years' War, with his armies recovering much of the territory ceded to England at the Treaty of Bretigny.

Charles VI the Well-Beloved, later known as the Mad (French: Charles VI le Bien-Aimé, later known as le Fol) (December 3, 1368 - October 21, 1422) was a King of France (1380 - 1422) and a member of the Valois Dynasty. The king would suffer from periods of mental illness 1/2 his life. This is disastrous for France.

France doesn't have Parliament or any central control due to fact the King was never able to interfere with the autonomy Baron's had in the lands. Also political problems because many French baron's side with the English. In addition, the English are used to having assemblies under Anglo-Saxon rule, French have no such tradition. French king has great councils like English Privy but it's not well defined. No exchequer, but 2 men in control of money, income and expenditure, thus both become corrupt, spendthrifts, bankruptcy. French kings have habit of devaluing money. The 100 Year's war goes bad for them which causes them trouble. He has no money to pay his professional army, so they become organized bands of highwaymen and robbers even laying siege to towns for ransom money. The French country is scarred by war thus harder to get tax revenue from people.

Lavish living among nobility. Systematic taxation becomes harsh by 1356 because they are having to raise ransom money. Bureaucracy has to use non nobles so they will be loyal to the king and not their family interests. Court is 500 people who are a drain on money, don't do much. Only 200 bureaucrats do the real governing of the country. Flanders is a constant problem for them. Textile manufacture using English wool makes them close allies against French interests. Gascony in France is an English possession. 1347-50, low point for taxes because of devastation of plague. 1330's 210K hearth tax, 1378 30K this is a big drop.

Recommended reading for those interested in medieval history.

An authentic and well written experience of eighteenth century Bath. An absolute treasure to own. A triumph.

Eglin's book is an excellent addition to eighteenth-century scholarship, especially on the ever fascinating topic of Bath. He sets the record straight on a number of issues regarding Nash, whose self-manufactured celebrity has helped to obscure the historical record. Previous biographers have relied on dubious sources--namely, earlier biographers--who have frequently simply rehashed old anecdotes and stories without proper scholarly attention. Eglin corrects this trend by delving deep into archival material such as collections of letters and period newspapers. Although written with rigorous scholarship, Eglin's style is not studded with difficult jargon or stuffed with ten-cent words. A fun read for the armchair historian as well as a valuable addition to period scholarship, Eglin's work presents true value for money--if a university press had published this work it would be twice the cost. This book is well worth the purchase.

The Imperial Quest and Modern Memory from Conrad to Greene provides a critical bridge between modernism and postmodernism--especially in its use of multiple interpretive lenses. Its author presents a contextual analysis which synthesizes the historical, cultural, political and aesthetic forces which contribute to the modern and postmodern ethos. The book compares the archetypal quest of the epic hero to the quasi-imperial quest of the modern anti-hero and examines the narrative dissonances within the modern novel. The inner and outer journeys of modern protagonists such as Marlowe and Fowler provide strong indictments of imperialism (whether in Africa, India, or Vietnam). Conrad and Greene critique imperialism in its British, European, and American masks by confronting the human dimensions through their introspective, albeit unstable narrators. This work also offers a well-focused and contemporary analysis of the social and political role of the modern novel in exploring the psychological and political discourses between the East and West, male and female, colonizers and colonized. The author connects the psychological and moral dilemmas of these modern protagonists with existential philosophy, further exploring the dimensions of objectification in both interpersonal and international relationships. This probing study is relevant to the contemporary reader in its analysis of imperial power in both the 20th and 21st centuries.

The Imperial Quest and Modern Memory from Conrad to Greene is a thought provoking read that combines literary criticism and cultural theory. The book explores the politics of the quest motif in Western literature with an emphasis on modern novels. Many will find this book accessible and worthwhile. The Imperial Quest is written in a clear and direct style but readers should expect some postmodern interpretive techniques. Those interested in studying Western civilization (and imperialism) via literature should find this an interesting read. The book transcends literary criticism to become a work of cultural criticism.

During the four years of WWI while battles raged across the European continent, the Royal Navy quietly transformed itself from a largely amateurish, unskilled, and unimaginatively led force into a highly professional, increasingly technical, and totally dominant juggernaut. Very quickly political appointees ran aground in the wartime environment and were replaced by confident, daring commanders. These changes became immediately apparent to the officers and men serving aboard RN ships, whose fascinating letters we read throughout the book.

The book starts by describing the life of prospective officers attending naval cadet school and later their (typical) traumas serving as midshipmen - basically one hazing after another until they became sub-lieutenants. However difficult midshipmen had it generally paled in comparison to the subservient, demeaning, and physically demanding life many common sailors led. The captain unquestionably remained God aboard ship with dire consequences for those who fell foul of him. Fisher's navy was extraordinarily class-conscious and overly centralized (with commanders often awaiting orders from distant superiors in the midst of desperate battle).

Julian Thompson, the author, summarizes all the Royal Navy's main actions in the book - Heligoland, Coronel, the Falklands, Gallipoli, Jutland, Zeebrugge/Ostend - using both narration and eyewitness sources. But beyond these well-known actions, Thompson takes us aboard tin cans shipping hurricane-strength seas during U-boat patrols, flying recon & bombing runs over the North Sea & Germany, and audaciously torpedoing enemy warships in their home waters. These accounts are absolutely fascinating - especially the zeppelin hunting expeditions over the North Sea and the trials (and failures) of early naval aviation. Ever heard of launching a plane off of a lighter (barge) pulled by a destroyer? They did it!

For landlubbers, the book also has a naval glossary, a list of naval rankings & ratings, and a few general area maps. Also included are some rarely seen photos and an extensive bibliography with notes. Having read lots about WWI, I was happily surprised that I found much fresh material in this book. It was a pleasure to read, too. I highly recommend it!

Julian Thompson's "The War at Sea" is an excellent study for all World War-II collectors as well as researchers. In the book, there are selected memories which were taken from major and minor naval actions during the Second World War. The book has a valuable photo-archive of Royal Navy, including some opponents' photos. Although the information level was shadowed by book's visual effects (also have some color paintings), you can find good statistics. Ten chapters of book were formed in the chronological way, having struggle of Royal Navy, not only in the Atlantic and Mediterranean but also in the Pacific and Indian Ocean. Unfortunately, there are only five basic maps showing main naval bases and a detailed diagram. In sum, excellent and different.

The word "imperialism" today has become worn from misuse. Many of us have come to expect the word to signify that the speaker is a radical Marxist, or perhaps an embittered citizen of a defunct imperial power. Unfortunate indeed, because discussion of imperialism as a type of foreign policy decision has thereby been squelched.
But in 1902, when Hobson wrote Imperialism, it was not yet a term of odium. Imperialism was a foreign policy strategy advocated as a benefit to the colonial power and to the subjugated nation alike; one advocate referred to it as "...the greatest secular agency for good known to the world," and some of the greatest minds of the day--John Stuart Mill, John Ruskin, William Gladstone, Joseph Chamberlain and Alfred Milner--were "social imperialists," partisans of a mission to bring liberal institutions to the rest of the world, and create markets for British manufactured goods. More common by far were advocates of imperialism as an alternative to redistributive socialist policies, as an outlet for surplus population (Britain was widely regarded as being overpopulated), and as a backyard for flagship companies. Hobson was addressing these arguments without acrimony, and without assuming a radical agenda his readers were unlikely to share.

The fact that self-described socialists and lassez-faire dogmatics alike, in 1902, regarded "imperialism" as a means to their rival ends, shows that this was not merely a right-left debate, and Hobson attacks the idea of solving the problems of capitalist societies by making war on other nations. His analysis of imperialism and its allure for the industrialized world makes this one of the most revealing books on 19th century history. The effects of imperialism on the rest of the human race are spelled out with precision and clarity, as is his nuanced analysis of why it is doomed to fail. Hobson's forecasts of the future of imperialism is astonishingly prescient, especially his passage on China.

Hobson was a pioneer of the underconsumptionist theories, theories later advanced by Keynes, Samuelson, and Tobin. Underconsumption presupposes that mature economies are unlikely to be be able to consume all that they produce; as a result, more capital accumulates, the marginal return on that capital declines, and stagnation sets in. But while Hobson was a seminal mind in economics, this is not an economics book--it is overwhelmingly a historical survey of ideologies, propaganda and the harsh reality, a disciplined yet creatively assembled explanation of how the needs of industrial Britain were so woefully met by imperial dogma. With the terrifying triumph of neo conservative ideology in our era, it is an extremely relevant book for contemporary citizens of America, and of the world.

When a powerful country invades another with the express intention of changing their culture or system of government, there are several things that can happen. The invasion can be military, economic or various combinations of both. In the first case, the invaded country can mount armed resistance until the invaders eventually leave. For the second case, a small percentage of the natives can adopt the ways of the invaders and become the ruling class while the majority simply continues their lives. In the third case the invaded country can assimilate the ways of the invaders into their culture, becoming a synthesis. All three cases have happened in response to the policy that we now know as imperialism.
In the century since this book was written, imperialism has become somewhat of a derogatory term, so it is avoided when describing modern actions. The strategy advocated by the American group known as neo-cons is a modified version of what the European countries did a century ago under the banner of imperialism. Their policy is that the United States invades a Middle Eastern country and imposes a local democratic government. The country then becomes a powerful role model for others in the region and they also adopt a democratic government. Once democracy becomes the norm, the countries will be transformed into modern states that are friendly to the west.
Those who adhere to that thought should have read this book first. Hobson is very non-judgmental about the motives of people who advocated imperialism, but he is not restricted in his conclusions regarding the results. When the powerful states carved up Africa and Asia between them, imperialism was touted as an effective way to change the world for the better. Many of the best minds in the west supported imperialism as an effective way to increase the standards of living of the subjugated peoples. It was also considered as a way to provide outlets for the excess population and energy of the subjugators. However, in only a few cases were the results anywhere close to what was intended. One hundred years later, Africa still foments with tribal conflicts, with democracy a hypothetical rather than a reality.
Hobson also demonstrates a great deal of insight into what the future could bring. His statement on page 313, " . . . the pressure of working-class movements in politics and industry in the West can be met by a flood of Chinese goods . . . " On page 317 he also mentions the possibility of Japan embarking on an Asian version of Manifest Destiny and adopting an imperialist policy in Asia. In some sense he predicted the rise of the Empire of Japan and the current situation with the Peoples Republic of China rising to the status of a great economic power.
Although he occasionally adopts the terminology and arrogance of European cultural supremacy over "the natives", Hobson has written a well-balanced treatise on how imperialism was viewed and justified at the time it was the global norm. His statements on the results should be required reading for policy makers and business people who are required to deal with other cultures.

I am about half way in the book and it is great. It is very well written and covers the topic with very good examples. I am really enjoying it.

"Democracy is hard to love." Iris Marion Young writes these words near the beginning of INCLUSION AND DEMOCRACY (2000). The love/hate relationship many people have with democracy originates in part from a love of democracy in theory but displeasure surrounding the outcomes of democratic systems in practice. I write this review from Jamaica during a time in which the struggle for democracy has reached critical proportions. The imminent national elections will play a part in determining the future direction of this polity. Jamaica presently operates under a neo-liberal economic system. Its flirtation with democratic socialism in the 1970s, though, along with its strong ties to Cuba hinted at a potential turn to socialism at a time when revolutions in Grenada, Iran, and Nicaragua fueled the Cold War Red Scare. The failure of both communist state capitalism and neo-liberalism among developing countries before and after the fall of the Soviet Union has left open the question, "What constitutes a democracy?" Furthermore, developed nations such as the US in the post-September 11 era are questioning WHO and WHAT constitute the fabric of their democracy amid daily economic struggles and racial profiling.
Young, like the late Hannah Arendt, is trained as a philosopher yet writes primarily as a political theorist. As such, Young is offering a theoretical framework in her discourse rather than a text full of regressions or allusions to philosopher-kings and queens. For academics in the discipline of "political science" who see a divide between the theorists and empiricists, this work offers fresh ideas for both camps. For the grassroots organic intellectuals and activists, you too will find new ideas.
Young outlines reasons why we should love democracy in three ways as I read the book: (1) Detailing an overview of contemporary democratic theory, (2) providing her criteria of the components of a democracy and (2) offering future directions in democratic theory. Per the title, "inclusion" is a cornerstone element of democracies and the prevention of exclusion is paramount. Jurgen Habermas has been criticized for composing theories that exclude several groups outside his closed Enlightenment project. What is telling about Young's thought is that Habermas taught a recent course at Northwestern University interrogating Young's ideas on multiculturalism and race. Young asks very important questions on the meaning of inclusion in a democratic polity.
So why read this book instead of the recent spate of works on the topic? The author is able to do something that unfortunately many writes cannot: compose a highly readable work that is simultaneously informative. In terms of innovations, Young links political theory, distributive justice, and social justice queries with "international" concerns for global justice; a move persons like Charles Beitz began and John Rawls avoided.
In conclusion, I urge anyone reading to pick up this work. The journal POLITICAL THEORY offers a useful recent response by Young to a critic of the book. Lastly, read Young's previous works on feminism and social justice (esp. JUSTICE AND THE POLITICS OF DIFFERENCE) to see get a sense of the author's writing. The only way we all can forge democracy in these precarious times is to talk, read, debate, and throw away the false belief that political theory is only an isolated academic exercise.

This book was told to me to be the only generalist field guide to Insects and I can now say it is true! Very useful, simple and precise!

The most detailed and complete field guide on insects I've ever seen....plenty of color drawings and descriptions on morphology, habitat, ecology and ethology of each species. If you love the nature you can't loose it!

Teddlie and Reynolds have managed to put together one of the most comprehensive anthologies of current effectiveness research I have ever seen. Focusing on current issues and the implications of multi-layer modeling, it is a must read for policy makers, educators and researchers alike.

The book "the international handbook of school effectiveness" is written by Charles Teddlie and David Reynolds who are two leading names in the field of quality international education both being professors of education and educational research. The book is a result of extensive research on the most emerging topic and world is going through the stage when effectiveness of schools is the focus of current research in many countries. As schools affect directly to the development of children at a very early stage, the schools are to follow the patterns made available to them through research. This book is all out to influence the lead teams of school improvement and effectiveness. Highly practical and applicable in academic and research institutions offering, teachers training programs affecting teachers and school heads.A MUST READ for teacher educators, teachers, educational leaders and school improvement teams.

This is one of the few books that does justice to Iona, an island that has enchanted and captivated visitors for, literally, thousands of years. It is truly difficult to convey the elusive magic of Iona, that combination of physical place and atmosphere which draws so many of us back, time after time. Colin Baxter needs no introduction to those familiar with landscape photography in Scotland, and his work here is up to his usual breath-taking standard. Mairi MacArthur has a solid grounding in the history of the island, and of Argyll and the Highlands, as well as a sympathetic but honest perspective on islanders, past and present. As a guide during your visit to Iona, the book is first-rate. The maps and diagrams are simple but clear and full. The explanations and descriptions help you understand what you see around you, in terms of geology, ecology, human settlements, animal and human life - and including of course the ancient religious centre. It is readable and useful for those less familiar with Scotland and its life and traditions as well as for those of us who live here For those who have visited Iona, it is a lovely reminder. For those who have not yet had that privilege, this is a taster which should have you itching to come.

This book is the latest of Mairi MacArthur's books on her family's native island. It is rich in accurate, well-researched detail, supported by her extensive knowledge of Iona. This has been gained through academic research and through her close acquaintance with the island's residents over many years. Colin Baxter's photographs give an excellent impression of Iona, though generally when on its best behaviour in the summer - it can be a wild place at other times! The island is of interest to tourists, academics and also Christian people wishing to explore this small and incredibly beautiful island, and to see for themselves the place where some of those rugged Celtic saints brought their faith from Ireland to Scotland in the sixth century. The pictures and story of the Abbey show how it remains very much a living home of the Christian faith. It will surely also appeal to the generations of Iona emigrants who have settled in the USA and Canada.

At the conclusion of the First World War, famed British author Rudyard Kipling was asked to write the regimental history of the Irish Guards in that conflict. Kipling, long associated with the British Army in India and still grieving for his only son, who went missing in action with 2nd Battalion of the Irish Guards at Loos in 1915, took on the task. The result is a subdued but respectful and unusually readable regimental history in two volumes, one for each of the two active battalions.

Kipling keeps his focus on the events at battalion and company level. The narrative is from the perspective of the fighting men, who were largely unaware of the events of the larger war in their day-to-day struggles. Kipling acknowledges up front the impossibility of capturing an accurate account of four years of desperate fighting. His research from the war diaries of the units and interviews with survivors does captures the general flow of events from day to day as the Irish Guards moved around Northern France between 1914 and the armistice in 1918.

A number of features stand out in Kipling's narrative from the perspective of the 21st Century:

First, the Irish Guards enjoyed tremendous unit cohesion, based on high standards of professionalism among its officers, non-commissioned officers and private soldiers. Kipling notes again and again the continued attention of the soldiers to the care of their arms, equipment and clothing and of the officers to the care of their soldiers, under appalling conditions in the trenches and under enemy fire.

Second, the Irish Guards remained a highly effective fighting unit throughout the war. The First Battalion's stand at the First Battle of Ypres in 1914 is an example of their excellence. After the defeat of the initial German thrust toward Paris, the British Army fought to protect its lines of communication through ports on the English Channel. The Irish Guards found itself repeatedly fighting outnumbered and isolated on a fragmented line, knowing there were no reserves behind them. The battalion suffered horrendous casualties but stubbornly blocked German advances that if successful might have ended the war.

Third, Kipling notes the tremendous patience, courage, and good humor with which the unit faced its challenges, including the lack of up-to-date equipment in the first years of the war, the constant need to integrate fresh drafts of replacements from home, and the continuing deadly innovations of the Germans across the trench lines.

"The Irish Guards in the Great War" is very highly recommended to students of the First World War and of the British Army as an outstanding example of regimental history. This edition is richly illustrated with photographs and maps.

Mr Kipling has always been a favorite author of mine. My intense intrest in English and specifically Irish, Scots and Welsh military history led me to reading both volumes on the 1st and 2d Battalions of the Irish Guards. Mr. Kipling's history of the Irish Guards is a spectacular book set that unflinchingly describes the sacrifices of the men of the Regiment (and that generation) that willing sacrificed themselves for their comrades on the Fields of France. For those intrested, I highly recommend another great book entitled, Ireland's Forgotten Soldiers. It details the establishment and battles that the 16th Irish Division participated in and the Redmond Volunteers in the Great War.