Events Books

1. Dispersion: Even original equipment manufacturers with captive technology are not immune from dispersion. NEC may develop a state-of-the art memory chip for its own mainframes, but it can sell five times the volume to other computer makers.
2. Partnerships: Nothing stays propriety for long and no player can master everything. Partnerships are key to spreading of technology.
3. Reducing fixed costs: To compete in global markets, companies have to incur and show find a way to defray - immense fixed costs. Automation has drive the cost of labor out of production and manufacturing has become a fixed cost activity. R&D has become a fixed cost. With globalization all major players in an industry are or may become direct competitors. You need your own people and your own labels too. That's fixed cost.
4. Brand: Brand name is a fixed cost. For many product, a brand name has no value if brand recognition falls below certain levels. You must spend enough money on brand promotion to realize "pull" benefits. With some products you can better use the same money to enhance commissions so that the sales force will push them.
5. Is IBM Japan an American or Japanese company? Its workforce is 20,000 Japanese, but its equity holders are American. IBM Japan has provided 3 times more tax revenue to the Japanese government than Fujitsu.
6. The Government's role. "People have become more informed and clever, as a real consequence of living in a truly global information era. And now governments have become the major obstacle for people to have the best and the cheapest from anywhere in the world." "What the energy crisis has taught us is that for a short term the `have' nations can create a supply shortage if they gang up. However, over a longer period of time, alternative supplies develop and the economic principles of supply and demand prevail." "Having an abundance of resources has truly slowed down a country's development, because bureaucrats there still think that money could solve all problems". "The key to success is shifting the focus from resources to marketplace." "The government's role, then, is to ensure that its people have a good life by ensuring stable access to the best and cheapest goods and services from anywhere in the world, not to protect certain industries and certain clusters of people." "Every time governments try to protect resources, markets, industries, and jobs, they cost the taxpayers dearly." "Government officials exercise power by regulating and deregulating the market, but their new role is to assume a backseat, not the driver's position, and to make sure that their country is benefiting fully from the best-performing corporation corporations and producers in the world, at the lowest possible cost to their people on a long-term basis"
7. Service Sector. In the US the service sector represents 70 percent of the work force; the cost of manufacturing is about 25 percent of the end user cost; the leading edge producers have all but eliminated simple labor from production and use robots; value chain produces high quality and cheap products in a globally interlinked economies; the most value added is in the marketplace; governmental preoccupation with production forces them to hang onto old and incompatible industries, disserving the customer and the taxpayer.
8. Equidistance: Japanese engineers working for different companies in Kyushu, a small island only 100 km away from South Korea would cat a late flight on Friday evenings to South Korea, work privately for S Korean semiconductor companies; this was illegal and violated employment agreements; the exchange of knowledge made semiconductor design methods and software similar through out the world. The Japanese learned to tailor products to local market interest, needs, and preferences rather than create a global product. Companies that are globally successful in white goods focus on close interactions with individual users; where as those that prosper with equipment installation focus on interactions with designers, engineers, and trade unions.
9. Customer oriented Strategies: Japanese auto companies are caught between a low cost producer, Hyundai and a high-end producer, Mercedes or BMW. Korea's Hyundai, Samsung, and Lucky Goldstar produces high volume products, half of what it costs the Japanese. The Japanese are caught in the middle. If you're a Japanese leader, what do you do? First, dramatically reduce the content of labor in production and push towards full automation. Examples are Nikon Seiko, Mazak Machinery, and Fujitsu Fanuc. The second way out of the squeeze is to move upmarketet toward higher margin products. Corporate culture and price cutting instincts will work against the move, as low-cost marketing games feel comfortable and predictable. Sometimes getting back to strategy means getting back to a deep understanding of what a product is about. Basics of sound management means looking closely at the customer needs, thinking deeply about a product.
10. Demand: Do more better. Create a second demand boosting market is the key. "If your goal is to beat the competition, you win by narrowing your field of vision and doing more better". "But why do companies stick with such devotion to a course that is obviously self-destructive?": Subborness, intensive rivalry, companyism, inescapable defeat or retreat phobias, nationalism, correction action did not occur because the situation did not become painful enough, and consensus from the group they were doing the right thing. "Companyism get much of its strength from this consensus-building mechanism". All must suffer visible before corrective action will occur. "Maintaining the customer relationship through good service is now the key to success". Measurement counts. Measure the powerful and often invisible influences on what you think and do.

Kenichi Ohmae, argues that borders and nation states are becoming irrelevant and explains that a "fundamental paradigm shift has occurred that is changing the way business is being done...[and that the majority of us] are still operating under the old rules. Ohmae predicts that nation states will become obsolete as their sole job will be to facilitate a comfortable environment for global companies serving the ever more educated consumer in the Inter Linked Economy.

At the business level, most of Ohmae's reasoning seem sound, and is based on basic economic principles such as economies of scale and the bargaining power a global corporation might realize etc. What may be most controversial in his book are Ohmae's views on globalization. In most ways Ohmae's view is utopian.

Ultimately Ohmae left me unconvinced in regard to his view on the speed, the benefits, and even the best methods of dealing with the ILE/globalization.

Two other good books dealing with these topics in interesting ways are Lindblom's "The Market System", and also to some degree Huntington's "Clash of Civilizations".

Tom Anderson
Anderson Analytics, LLC

Great Book!, one of Ohmae's best book. Read it, and you will understand why this world would getting smaller and smaller everyday. In this globalized economy, every single nation could take an advantage from it, no matter how poor it is, because we believe everyone in this world has a spesific competencies and capabilities to increasing their own wealth quality. See how the business organizations around the world develop their competencies and capabilities and take profit from "interlinked economy", and create something called "win-win solution", something that almost impossible if we talk that in the past paradigm.

This tilte can give us the great idea how to successfully live in the coming 21th century. After finishing this title, you can say he is one of the best auther about business.

Dr. Ohmae reveals the fundamental driving forces of the world in the new era. With his astute logic based upon numerous cases, he delineates how wealth can be created both on corporation bases and also on nation bases. No wonder Prime Minister of Malaysia invited Dr. Ohmae as an economic advisor for the nation. So far his logics have been proven to be the realities of the today's world. Some may call him a visonary, but I think what he says in this book is not the outcome of his dubious imaginations. It has been some time since this book came out, and not only we have witnessed some of the phnomena he discussed and foretold, but also now we can catch ourselves using the terminology, "borderless world", or "borderless economy" while thinking about the world. This "BORDERLESS" is one of words he made commonly used in our lives, if not he is the one who coined the word.

I was a political science major in college in the United States. I! tried hard to understand the logic of the world while studying hegemonies of various nations. However, I can tell that this book was the most powerful book for me to understand the world, not all the thick textbooks or ugly notes from the boring lectures.

So, why don't you give it a try and order this phenomenal book with Amazon!

Thank you very much, Dr. Ohmae & Amazon.

Minoru Nadai, alias NORM

As long as men and women strive to civilize their society the problem of tolerance will remain, because the urge toward intolerance will not go away. The achievement of Dr. Cohen-Almagor's work is that it adds to our knowledge and awareness of this central problem of politics. His arguments are made in the context of classical liberal thought, of practical politics, and of jurisprudence.

A rare blend of philosophical skill & political sensitivity, of detached analytical and critical attitude and deep ethical concern and commitment to liberal democracy.

Raphael Cohen-Almagor maps the course of the struggle against Meir Kahane in the Israeli courts and legislature. But he places it firmly in the context of the traditional controversy over the limits of toleration, providing us with a rigorous examination of the damage principle as it applies to speech and expression. He forces us to face the question why, if we refuse to tolerate the damage done by thefts, assault, fraud or murder, we should tolerate the potential damage that can be brought about by aggressive or violent speech. His work blends together political philosophy, contemporary history, and constitutional theory. It deserves the close attention of students of all three disciplines. But it should fascinate and provoke also all those who wish to confront what is probably the principal dilemma of the modern democratic practice.

This book, although not particularly well written or well researched, does prove how the government of Israel targeted Rabbi Kahane. Both right-wing and left-wing governments violated Israel's own laws in order to try and stop Rabbi Kahane's rising popularity among Israel's young people. While members of the Labor party illegally negotiated with the PLO and have still not been prosecuted, Rabbi Kahane, an Orthodox rabbi, was accused of being a racist .. even though racism was not defined. The real tragedy that the book uncovers is that Rabbi Kahane, was immorally and illegally silenced because no one had answers to the uncomfortable questions that he raised. This book is anti-Kahane. For a more fair look a Rabbi Kahane's impact on Israel readers should look for Jay Shapiro's Meir Kahane: A Litmus Test for Israel's Democracy.

Living in a country like Israel, which is beset by fateful ongoing conflicts from within and without, one is torn between impulses of appeasement and revenge, diplomacy and force, empathy and despair. A particularly difficult dilemma arises when dealing with hate-and-violence rhetoric against the Other - rhetoric which, ipso facto, challenges the selfsame democratic system that allows it to exist in the first place. It is this "catch of democracy" that Raphael Cohen-Almagor examines in The Boundaries of Liberty and Tolerance: the Struggle Against Kahanism in Israel. As a layperson in the disciplines upon which he draws - philosophy, jurisprudence, political science - I approached the book with some trepidation. Much to my relief, though, I found that it to be reader-friendly yet extremely thorough in attempting to delineate the boundaries of liberty and tolerance in a democracy.

From the outset, the decision to allow a racist demagogue like Kahane to run for a seat in the Israeli legislature raised ethical issues of the most troubling kind. The decision to revoke that privilege was no less troubling: as they fought to have Kahanism outlawed, advocates of tolerance and democracy came under bitter attack for defying the very principle which they claimed to support. The book provides a reasoned, thoughtful and comprehensive explanation of the ethical questions underlying this problematic position. And as we know only too well, no country is immune from such questions; i.e. from the emergence of would-be political parties brandishing blatantly racist or xenophobic slogans, or advocating blatantly racist or xenophobic measures. The analysis set forth in the book examines the most sensitive implications of such a development, particularly the need to reconcile the sacrosanct principles of freedom of speech, on the one hand, with the obligation to stem any tangible threat to democracy, on the other. In trying to gain a better understanding of this complex paradox, I found Cohen-Almagor's lucid description of the distinction between freedom of expression, per se, and infringements of the Harm and Offense Principles particularly enlightening.

I too believe, like the author (and indeed, who doesn't?), in the solution outlined in Epilogue - education - as the ultimate means of delegitimizing and eventually eradicating racist politics. And yet, while pursuing the educational route, it also behooves us to continue grappling with the excruciating moral and legal dilemmas which these politics force upon us. I would heartily recommend Cohen-Almagor's book as a quintessential case study, capable of shedding light on one of the most problematic challenges to the democratic system.

Listened to the interview with the author
on First Voice. A real interesting
book and interview.

The interview is online

There's a transcript for those using dial up.

--J. R.

It's beyond dispute that America's public schools, particularly in our cities, are failing to provide either an adequate education or an adequate socializing experience for children. The consequences are also well known: low self-esteem, poverty, crime... the gamut of ills attendant to relegating whole communities to the status of "underclass", unable to contribute to a 21st century economy.

The reasons for school failure and how to significantly improve our public schools are frequently debated. Proposals include "raise teacher pay", "get more teachers certified by our schools of education", "build better schoolhouses", and the incredible demand, "send us better kids". With a parent's perspective and a keen eye, Stern sweeps aside all the self-serving nonsense and gets right to the point: if the public wants public schools to perform, then schools must be managed to achieve that performance. Management means a controlling authority (most importantly, a principal) with the power to select teachers and other staff who will collaborate to achieve measurable goals. In today's public schools, the principal's inability to hire, fire, or to define work content and compensation, is a fatal blow to any attempts to dramatically improve school performance.

Stern goes on to document how, with $2 billion in annual dues and unprecedented political power that ranges from the local to the national level, the teachers' unions have dominated the political process. On the national and state level, wielding hundreds of millions of dollars worth of political clout, the teachers' unions have generally dominated the legislative process. On the local level, school districts are forced into signing labor contracts running to hundreds of pages, loaded with provisions that effectively eliminate teacher accountability and the principal's control.

Talented teachers and principals are disgusted and often demoralized when they see their profession become a dumping ground for incompetence, protected by a union that only cares about teacher prerogatives, including the "right" not to be judged, and who actively obstruct any drive for standards of performance. Principals with enough integrity to put students' interests first must struggle with a morass of rules and procedures that would be considered farcical in the private sector. The teacher's classroom is a fief impenetrable to any objective evidence of success or failure.

Stern focuses on the massive New York City public school system, where an antiquated administration is helpless to defend the interests of the individual school. In the case of Stuyvessant High School, where the City's finest students are assembled, Stern documents how an aggressively pro-student principal is "grievanced" into retirement by a diligent union representative wielding nothing more (or less) lethal than the teacher contract.

Stern's primary concern is the fate of students from poor homes, where parents are unable to supplement their children's education, and who attend schools where "to teach" is a process, not a result. These students fall behind early and never catch up. The significance of this academic failure is disputed by faddish school-of-ed-talk about "the inner child" and "learning to learn" and "critical faculties". Nevertheless, in the real world where reading, writing and math really matter, these children are stamped once and for all with the mark of the underclass. Meanwhile, down the street, with half the money, the City's Catholic schools are doing a significantly better job with the same students.

"Breaking Free" is a plea for school choice, to date the only school reform movement that has opened a chink in the Berlin Wall of public education. Charter schools and vouchers have proven the enormous pent-up demand for alternatives to the public school monopoly and the potential to do much better with our education dollars. Both programs, ferociously opposed by the unions, are struggling to meet their potential, hobbled by grossly inadequate state and local legislation. Behind these great public battles lies an even greater battle: to create public schools that work.

This is a remarkable book. Part of it is the author's own story--how he grew up in NYC in the 1940s and, as the bright son of immigrant parents, attended the best public schools, which taught real skills and civic consciousness; and how his own children now attend the best public schools in the city (Stuyvesant, etc.) and face curricular chaos and the tyrannical incompetence of teachers who consider themselves union members more than instructors. In the second part of the book, the author goes looking for alternatives and stumbles on a Catholic school in his neighborhood where the students are all black. And unlike the underprivileged black kids imprisoned in the horrible NYC ghetto schools, these kids are learning in an orderly, humane environment. Stern completes his odyssey by going to areas like Cleveland and Milwaukee where choice has been institutionalized and he finds there more small educational miracles. He concludes that school choice is a moral imperative, the new civil rights movement of our era. This is an eye opening book. I did some research and discovered that some of the articles that Stern wrote while working on this book came to the attention of Mayor Rudi Guiliani and were instrumental in his decision to come out in favor of school choice for New York, a plan that the teachers unions killed. (Naturally).

This book starts quietly, with a personal look at the New York City schools, as experienced by the author as a child and as experienced by his own children several decades later. This section of the book is very powerful, precisely because it is non-ideological. Stern is not writing as a political theorist, but simply as a parent, trying to get a decent education for his children. This tone is powerful, in part, because Stern actually is a political theorist, for his day job so to speak; he is a journalist who was deeply involved in the New Left.

Keeping that tone and that focus, Stern takes us, with his kids, through a tour of New York City's best and most elite public schools. The schools that his kids got into are the best of the best. And, while his kids managed to get a reasonable education at them, Stern shows us, in a very understated way, just how bad the system is, even in the best of the schools. The problem, fundamentally, is simple. The schools are not run for the good of the children. Instead, the schools are run for the good of the adults who have jobs in the school system. Exhibit A of this is how even a super elite school can not fire a grossly incompetent teacher, and can not hire an extremely qualified teacher who does not have the right credentials. In both cases, if you actually cared about the kids, the decision would be simple: fire the incompetent, and hire the gifted but unconventional teacher.

But, in New York City, as in most of our large urban school districts, that common sense result is nearly impossible. Why? Because the union contract basically forbids firing tenured teachers, and takes a very rigid, uncreative approach to credentialiing. Why? It is simple. The unions wants its members to live without risk, to have guaranteed jobs and guaranteed security. From the union's point of view, that is perfectly logical and reasonable. After all, it is the union's duty to protect its members. But, the problem is that the union has an extraordinary level of political power, and no one within the educational system has the power to stand up to them, so decisions are made for the whole system, which are driven by nothing but the self-interest of the union.

Stern then moves on to examine a number of successful alternatives to the public schools. He looks at the Catholic schools, as well as a mixed bag of voucher schools and charter schools. As he shows, these schools vary greatly, but many of them produce much better results than the public ones, simply because they are run for the good of the children, not as a jobs program for the union.

Stern does a very good job of discussing the opponents to school choice. I am pretty familiar with this area, so I am very familiar with the writings of Jonathan Kozol, who is perhaps the most passionate opponent of school choice writing in America today. Kozol has written a series of books, which very dramatically and emotionally attack American schools for being racist and under-funded, while, at the same time, defending the status quo on every point, except his passion for racial integration and increasing funding.

As well known as Kozol is, I did not know that he was a hard-line radical Leftist. Stern gives a very useful summary of Kozol's career. Apparently, Kozol, at one point, went to Cuba and produced a book which lavishly praised Castro and his educational system. Also, in Kozol's books directed at teachers, he suggests that they look up to Cuba and China as models of the sort of society which radical teachers should create in this country. Kozol, in short, is as close to an old-line Communist as one is likely to find these days, a fact not stressed by all of the glowing New York Times reviews of Kozol's latest pro-union book.

Breaking Free tries hard to be the one-size-fits-all destroyer of the public school temple. And it comes very close. But its ancestry as a bunch of shorter journalism, and its seemingly complete faith in principals, keep it from being perfect.

Mr. Stern seems to believe that dynamic principals can single-handedly reshape a school. That is true to a point. But there are two problems he fails to address. One is that these dynamic leaders are hard to find, and even harder to identify. I worked for many years in public schools and knew many principals. Among the worst was a charming and pretty lady who knew the jargon, conveyed authority and confidence, and was "for the children." She was a PR prize, known in the community and valued as an "expert." She was also a very bad principal. Cronies were in positions of authority, cronies who were always "downtown" or "at a conference" but never around. She wanted everything to run wonderfully, and did not want to know anything about the details. So details were kept away. I am reasonably certain that standardized tests were "corrected" by the teachers, giving comparatively good scores to very weak students. Even in a world of choice, it would be hard to pinpoint her school as anything other than a success. Good scores, great leadership, happy staff. It all looked good. And it was all a charade.

Principals have plenty of other ways of jiggering the books. And giving them additional unregulated power will only allow those with a deceptive streak to provide jobs for friends and lovers, keep critics away, and create personal fiefdoms where their word goes. So, though a dynamic, dedicated principal, willing to work slavishly long hours for low pay, may be the answer, just how many of those guys are there?

But his devastating critique of the New York City public schools, with their entrenched unions that ultimately make the only rules that matter, and his comparisons with (admittedly selected) private schools doing far more with much less should be required reading for those who believe the Chicken Littles in the education world who run screaming whenever any change is proposed.

Public education is a near-total failure. It is outrageously expensive. Teachers control the language of debate, the politicians pretending to debate, and the future voters, so their terms and their ability to exclude critics make them apparently invulnerable. But enough people are avoiding public schools, even the best ones, that change will have to come. I just hope we don't wait until the entire system is in ruins.

This book provides a clear description of the Lebanese situation. Lebanon encompasses intertwined subcultures that underlie its current situation. This book covers all the details that are needed to understand why Lebanon is the way it is.

It is informative and covers the major details. Good book to read!

"Bring down the Walls" is a truly unique contribution to the understanding of the sublime mosaic that is the Middle East. The author delves with expert understanding into the complexities of Lebanon's post-war efforts to renew itself and rejuvuate inter-communal relations. Unlike many other writers who approach Lebanon with a snide cyncism and stereotypical images of religious and political groups, author Dahger treats her subject with a compelling sense of humanity, realism and dignity. Combining her honed journalistic skills with an obvious scholarly aptitude, Dagher offers the reader that rare literary opportunity: to learn and enjoy at the same time. The book is replete with incisive first-hand accounts of dramatic efforts to rebuild the shattered spirit of Lebanon, and in particular that of its ancient Christian community. With equal skill and finesse,the reader is effortlessly transported inside the walls of the Vatican to listen in on the great deliberations of the historic 1995 Synod for Lebanon, or to Damascus and the discussion between the US Secretary of State and the President of Syria over Lebanon's future, or to Pope John Paul II's emotional and triumpiant 1997 visit to Lebanon, listen to the author's words, "The Popemobile dived into the bubbling cauldron of the jubliant crowd. It was strewn with rose petals and rice. His face turned red by the sweltering heat of May and by the emotion,the Supreme Pontiff scanned with tenderness and attention the faces and hands lifted toward him. He opened the window and reached out to a a child." (p.189) Not only is this a book sparkling with an abundance of literary gems, but it is an important and timely contribution to the fundamental issue of nation-building. Pluralism, civic society, the role of the military, consenual democracy and institutional governance are seriously treated within the Lebanese experience, but are clearly applicable to any society cop with religious, ethnic and racial diversity. So at one level, "Bring Down the Walls" is an unsurpassed examination of the recent trails and tribulations of the Christians of Lebanon, particularily the Maronite Catholics, at another level, it suggests a blueprint for Lebanon's spiritual and intercommunal revival, and finally it provides a universal message, through the prism of Lebanon's long ordeal of suffering, that speaks to the values of tolerance, diversity and co-existance. I highly recommend "Bring Down the Walls" as an historical account of significant events hitherto ignored, as a political and social analysis of modern day Eastern Christians and their role in the great issues of the Middle East and Islam, and as a moving and personal tribute to Lebanon, a land of martyrs, a land of heros.

"Bring down the Walls" is a truly unique contribution to the understanding of the sublime mosaic that is the Middle East. The author delves with expert understanding into the complexities of Lebanon's post-war efforts to renew itself and rejuvuate inter-communal relations. Unlike many other writers who approach Lebanon with a snide cyncism and stereotypical images of religious and political groups, author Dahger treats her subject with a compelling sense of humanity, realism and dignity. Combining her honed journalistic skills with an obvious scholarly aptitude, Dagher offers the reader that rare literary opportunity: to learn and enjoy at the same time. The book is replete with incisive first-hand accounts of dramatic efforts to rebuild the shattered spirit of Lebanon, and in particular that of its ancient Christian community. With equal skill and finesse,the reader is effortlessly transported inside the walls of the Vatican to listen in on the great deliberations of the historic 1995 Synod for Lebanon, or to Damascus and the discussion between the US Secretary of State and the President of Syria over Lebanon's future, or to Pope John Paul II's emotional and triumpiant 1997 visit to Lebanon, listen to the author's words, "The Popemobile dived into the bubbling cauldron of the jubliant crowd. It was strewn with rose petals and rice. His face turned red by the sweltering heat of May and by the emotion,the Supreme Pontiff scanned with tenderness and attention the faces and hands lifted toward him. He opened the window and reached out to a a child." (p.189) Not only is this a book sparkling with an abundance of literary gems, but it is an important and timely contribution to the fundamental issue of nation-building. Pluralism, civic society, the role of the military, consenual democracy and institutional governance are seriously treated within the Lebanese experience, but are clearly applicable to any society cop with religious, ethnic and racial diversity. So at one level, "Bring Down the Walls" is an unsurpassed examination of the recent trails and tribulations of the Christians of Lebanon, particularily the Maronite Catholics, at another level, it suggests a blueprint for Lebanon's spiritual and intercommunal revival, and finally it provides a universal message, through the prism of Lebanon's long ordeal of suffering, that speaks to the values of tolerance, diversity and co-existance. I highly recommend "Bring Down the Walls" as an historical account of significant events hitherto ignored, as a political and social analysis of modern day Eastern Christians and their role in the great issues of the Middle East and Islam, and as a moving and personal tribute to Lebanon, a land of martyrs, a land of heros.

To reclaim its legacy as a paragon of plurality, argues a research associate at Georgetown's Center for Muslim-Christian Understanding, Lebanon must first climb out of the morass of "isms" into which it has devolved through decades of civil strife and the meddling of others. Though relatively short, Dagher's book covers a lot of ground. It contains a historical overview of Lebanon's myriad communities as well as an analysis of the development of their mutual distrust. By exposing the nation's self-destructive, inter-communal misconceptions, the author aims to dispel them. Among her allies she numbers no less a figure than Pope John Paul II, whose 1997 visit to Lebanon is stirringly described by Dagher, who shows him standing outside a cathedral (with the sun setting into the Mediterranean as a backdrop) and imploring the country's youth to "bring down the walls erected in the painful past". Those walls, in the author's view, are founded on dogmatic ideologies: sectarianism, Maronitism, fundamentalism, pluralism, and pan-Arabism, to name a few. With unabashed passion, Dagher warns that if Lebanon fails in its multicultural mission, it spells doom not just for a nation uniquely positioned to bridge the gap between Christianity and Islam, but for the entire Levant, which looks to the "country of Cedars" as an oasis in a desert of expanding fanaticism. Her book is a model of engaged journalism, combining thorough research with intensity derived from a personal connection to the subject matter. Quoting numerous Christian and Muslim leaders who stress the importance of preserving diversity, she proves that pluralism is not her ideal alone; it is Lebanon's. Documenting the nation's efforts before and after the civil war to build a model democratic society of diverse sects, she makes a convincing case that the current chronic discord is an aberration. A tougher read for the casual Middle East reader than, say, Thomas Friedman's From Beirut to Jerusalem (1989), but far more penetrating and therefore a must for the expert.

"Bring down the Walls" is a truly unique contribution to the understanding of the sublime mosaic that is the Middle East. The author delves with expert understanding into the complexities of Lebanon's post-war efforts to renew itself and rejuvuate intercommunal relations. Unlike many other writers who approach Lebanon with a snide cyncism and stereotypical images of religious and political groups, author Dahger treats her subject with a compelling sense of humanity, realism and dignity. Combining her honed journalistic skills with an obvious scholarly aptitude, Dagher offers the reader that rare literary opportunity: to learn and enjoy at the same time. The book is replete with incisive first-hand accounts of dramatic efforts to rebuild the shattered spirit of Lebanon, and in particular that of its ancient Christian community. With equal skill and finesse,the reader is effortlessly transported inside the walls of the Vatican to listen in on the great deliberations of the historic 1995 Synod for Lebanon, or to Damascus and the discussion between the US Secretary of State and the President of Syria over Lebanon's future, or to Pope John Paul II's emotional and triumpiant 1997 visit to Lebanon; listen to the author's words, "The Popemobile dived into the bubbling cauldron of the jubliant crowd. It was strewn with rose petals and rice. His face turned red by the sweltering heat of May and by the emotion,the Supreme Pontiff scanned with tenderness and attention the faces and hands lifted toward him. He opened the window and reached out to a a child." (p.189) Not only is this a book sparkling with an abundance of literary gems, but it is an important and timely contribution to the fundamental issue of nation-building. Pluralism, civic society, the role of the military, consenual democracy and institutional governance are seriously treated within the Lebanese experience, but are clearly applicable to any society coping with religious, ethnic and racial diversity. So at one level, "Bring Down the Walls" is an unsurpassed examination of the recent trails and tribulations of the Christians of Lebanon, particularily the Maronite Catholics, at another level, it suggests a blueprint for Lebanon's spiritual and intercommunal revival, and finally it provides a universal message, through the prism of Lebanon's long ordeal of suffering, that speaks to the values of tolerance, diversity and co-existance. I highly recommend "Bring Down the Walls" as an historical account of significant events hitherto ignored, as a political and social analysis of modern day Eastern Christians and their role in the great issues of the Middle East and Islam, and as a moving and personal tribute to Lebanon, a land of martyrs, a land of heros.

A thorough and complete review of all the events, policies, and ideas that this Administration has used to make a person fear that the U. S. is undergoing changes. Changes that would make the average citizen gasp if he or she knew about them and drew the unavoidable conclusions. And the illustrations are great!

I wish to commend "Bushed!" to any person who is undecided about the upcoming presidential election. Dr. Walter Clemens' book will clear up any uncertainties that might accidentally induce a subsequently shaming vote for George Bush.

This book is assured protection from post-election regrets. Every reader should be spared the pain and heartbreak of sending a total scoundrel back to the White House. It is a must-read for the informed voter who cares about his or her own personal integrity.

Read "Bushed!" now; not his lips.

H. Watkins Ellerson
Attorney at Law & Commentator
PO Box 90
Hadensville, VA 23067

Clemens's incisive evaluations of the president's statements and actions over a wide spectrum since 2001, graphically enlivened by Morin's editorial cartoons, tellingly exposes the emptiness of the 'compassionate conservative' mantra and the multiple failures of the administration's domestic and foreign policies. Bushed! pithily encapsulates the concerns of those disillusioned with the administration's foibles. From beginning to end, the book engages as well as disturbs and alarms the reader. It should be widely read. - Hermann Fr. Eilts, former U.S. ambassador to Saudi Arabia and Egypt, and Deputy Commandant, U.S. Army War College.

I bought this book figuring I knew it was obviously going to be anti-George W. Bush. But I'm surprised at how fact-based it is. By that I mean the author isn't just giving opinions about our current President, he's citing actual documents and official sources in illustrating the many liberties taken by the Bush administration.

It's amazing just how much George W has gotten away with, going back to when he transferred all his papers as the Governor of Texas to his daddy's Presidential Library, away from public view...To giving himself more control over his White House papers than any President before...To allowing the identity of a CIA agent to be leaked after the agent's husband was slightly critical of Bush's administration. That's just a small tip of the iceberg. I haven't even mentioned Iraq! The rest is for you to read.

BUSHED! is actually quite a pleasant read. You can use it almost like a reference tool, especially considering it's extensive table of contents. And the political cartoons seem not only to compliment the words, they enhance them.

While I'd LIKE to recommend this BUSHED! to fans of Dubya, I know better. Instead, I'd recommend this book to everyone else.

Although there are many political cartoons, which made me laugh out loud, the authors cover Bush's not so stellar record from Govenor to President. This book makes no claims of being objective, however the events and issues are referenced lending them at least a minimal degree of credibility. The Authors also take it up an intellectual level by showing how Bush's actions are Machiavellian to a fault and they tie in some quotes of the ancient Greek philosphers on how democracy is supposed to work.

There are no issues here which will surprise anyone who has watched the news for the past four years, but will remind us of things like: how our president wants to promote a cluture of life and thus protect the unborn, but during his terms as TX govenor, TX had the highest number of excutions in the US; ENRON's and Halliburton's ties to the current administration, Environment- what was that Kyoto thing?; Education and how NCLB is mandated, but not funded, the Middle East Debacle, and many more.

If you are already firmly anti-Bush this book will reinforce your sentiment. If nothing else the cartoons are worth it, but the text is not throw-away by any stretch.

Patrick Mallon's writing style is direct, informative and entertaining. He writes with the confidence of a knowledgeable truth seeker. I found this book compelling on every level. Reading it stirred emotions from angst to disbelief. What is California thinking? It's all there, recalls; corruptive protocols; political pitfalls; soaring debt; heterosexism? I hope that Arnold has read California Dictatorship from cover to cover. This book is energizing.

I originally came across Mallon's work in the form of contributions to NewsMax.com. I was hooked. This book is a must read for everyone concerned about the future of our Nation. As Patrick so eloquently points out, "As California goes, so goes the nation".

Patrick Mallon has written a superb book on California politics. This is the book to read to understand the Gray Davis recall and the state of the State. It was a pleasure to have Patrick on my program on KGO Newstalk 810. Whenever we talk California politics, I will call Patrick Mallon.

John F. Rothmann

KGO Newstalk 810 Radio
San Francisco, CA
www.kgo.com

As the voters increasingly prefer the conservative message to the liberal one that proved so successful for so many years, the most dramatic rejection of a political figure in recent times has to be the election that removed the former liberal, Democrat Governor of California, Gray Davis, from office and replaced him with Arnold Schwarzenegger. Patrick Mallon has documented why Californians took this dramatic step in California Dictatorship: How Liberal Extremism Destroyed Gray Davis [...]. As the title suggests, the author is highly critical of the liberal approach to governing, but he backs it up with a clear-eyed look at the way California legislators failed to serve citizens. A classic polemic, this book should be read by every Californian and political junky who wants to understand how the electricity crisis, immigration, the gay agenda, and other social issues undermined the tone-deaf, arrogant Davis and the crony politics that underwrote his administration. Mallon reveals that the largest "party" in California were people who didn't vote! One result, in Davis' hands was the destruction of its economy and a huge migration of people out of California. The other result was his recall by a lot of people who decided to vote to save the State. -- [...]

Patrick Mallon's "California Dictatorship" is book that shows the danger of politicians (Davis in this case) that are so beholden to extremist groups that they can't even govern. In Davis' case, Mr. Mallon explains that on several matters (English-only and immigration specifically) Davis thumbed his nose at the voters. Remember, in California, people get to vote on such things, and it's binding. But that didn't matter to Davis. This book is a perfect library item (after you've read it) because it contains the details of these and other factors leading up to Davis' demise and you will want to revisit those stories before debating your liberal friends. The lesson? Ingore the voters at your peril. Other governors should read this book, although my Governor, Rick Perry of Texas, seems to be much more in tune with voters these days. Maybe he's read Mallon.

This book is great! Patrick Mallon says it as it is. He put together a highly entertaining and very interesting read for those on the right and on the left. No matter what political party you associate yourself with, you have to read it and draw conclusions about how not to govern California.
Even if you don't agree with author's views, his writing style is great, and it's well worth the read. Anyone with a strong opinion should check it out. Thank you Mr. Mallon. Highly recommend.

Prof.Mueller tries to correct several misconceptions about capitalism and democracy.
a) Quite contrary to popular beliefs and the propaganda from a deafening chorus of anticapitalist voices Prof.Mueller posits, that capitalism tends to reward positive ethical behavior. "Nice guys come out first" .
b) For a variety of reasons this simple truth became obscured and capitalism tends to be maligned and is believed to be governed by the opposite priciples of theft, deception and moral depravity.
Reading Prof.Mueller`s book I remembered the opening line of a letter, Karl Marx wrote 1872 in reply to an article in a German business paper ("Concordia"). Summarily Marx adressed producers ("Fabrikanten") as experts in counterfeiting their merchandise.
This contrasts eerily with research findings, Prof.Mueller cites, which attest English and German producers a marked shift towards ethical behaviour during the 19.th century!
c) Following Prof.Mueller, democracy may be described to be the rule of a minority with acquiescence of the majority. And this minority rule with majority asquiescence happens to be not a defect but a
strongpoint. There may even be democracy without elections, because not the ballot box is to be considered the heart of a democratic government but the responsiveness towards special interests from society, which must be given the guarantee of peaceful pursuit against those in power.
Following the author`s very sensible train of thoughts I started wondering, wether we could call the period of Kaiserreich" in German history 1870 to 1914 a democratic period and there may be room for a democratic development in China - even without challenging the one-party rule.
I can gladly label Prof.Mueller`s book the most important title about capitalism and democracy I ever read. This is a seminal book for many years to come. I am very fortunate, to have come across it! Thank you indeed, John Mueller!

If a friend told me that he was flying to a deserted island in the South Pacific and starting a new country, first I would tell him he was crazy. Next, I would give him this book, insist that he read it, and use it as a blueprint for a successful society. Mr. Mueller's book is an excellent defense of both capitalism and democracy, the twin pillars of our American society. The author points out that while neither system is perfect, both are superior to any other economic method or political institution. His book is filled with interesting facts and fascinating insights. For example, Mr. Mueller insists that capitalism, far from extinguishing virtue, actually encourages it. This is because businessmen who treat their customers and co-workers with fairness and compassion have an economic advantage over their brooding colleagues. This seems counterintuitive but is born out by evidence. Service was especially poor and rude in former communist countries. Today, American companies from McDonald's to K-Mart, much maligned by the press, are teaching benevolent business practices to Third World nations from Africa to the Orient. Mr. Mueller also makes the interesting point that economics is approaching a level of sophistication similar to medicine at the turn of the twentieth century. Today, for the first time ever, economists can offer truly effective remedies for policy makers. Such a development, if true, promises an era of truly spectacular growth. The author also makes the sobering point that capitalism is a poor tonic for increasing personal happiness. Money has never substituted for family, faith, and meaningful work. Nor will it in the future. When it comes to democracy, Mr. Mueller believes that we expect too much from our political process. The 1994 health care debate, to some commentators, is an example of our failed democracy. In contrast, Mr. Mueller suggests that this episode proves the resiliency of our institutions. Legislation was proposed and debated, constituencies were mobilized and addressed, and the outcome was largely favorable. Democracy can be messy but it is incredibly responsive and self-correcting. It is the only political system that provides the average citizen with the instruments of political power. As more and more nations embrace the virtue of capitalism and democracy, colossal progress can be made in alleviating poverty, ensuring human rights, and achieving self-actualization. There is no realistic alternative to democracy or capitalism on the horizon. Nor should we want one.

Although capitalism and democracy are regarded by many as the twin engines propelling the United States into its present position of world leadership, discussions of what these institutions mean for Amercians in practical, everyday terms are exceedingly rare. John Mueller, a professor of political science at the University of Rochester, has taken a giant step toward examining the reality of capitalism and democracy...As he puts it, capitalism and democracy consistently fall short of the images and ideas conveyed by theorists and pundits.

Mueller is convinced that the free-market economy has proven its value. Government intervention cannot instill the values essential to successful enterprise, and over the long run it undercuts them...In any event, economic inequality is inevitable, whatever the economic system in place, and capitalism has the advantage over other systems of providing greater prosperity and rewarding moral behavior...

Whereas Mueller focuses on the negative images frequently associated with capitalism, his discussion of democracy concentrates on the unattainable ideal by which it is often judged...Especially important from Mueller's perspective is recognition of the fact that special interests and inequality are inherent in democratic systems...

Democracy may be grubby, chaotic, and constantly compromising, but it soundly beats any of the alternatives. Mueller concedes that authoritarian forms of government may occasionally produce great leaders, but he argues that in no nation have such leaders existed for any length of time. Democracy constantly reevaluates its leaders and provides the means for replacing them, and it has consistently demonstrated a capacity to thrive even with large amounts of citizen apathy, cynicism, and even ignorance...

Obviously, Mueller's bare-bones approach to democracy drives a stake into the core assumptions of many texts and courses on the history of political thought. Traditionally, the rise of democratic institutions in the West has been traced to religious, economic, and ideological forces that not only forced change but also provided a basis for the survival of democratic institutions...Mueller rejects all such appeals to specific preconditions-primarily, it appears, because he fears that reliance on such historical developments will inhibit the promotion of democracy in today's world...In Mueller's view, democracy now is in "fashion" (p. 204), and the only serious threat to it is the appearance of groups of armed "thugs" (p. 203)...

As the United States moves into the twenty-first century, it has established itself as the dominant political, economic, and military power in the world. Yet its leaders and intellectuals lack the sort of architectonic theoretical paradigms that have emerged on the continent and to which many American scholars continue to feel obliged to genuflect as models to be emulated. Mueller seems singularly unimpressed by the need to formulate overarching theoretical explanations...Mueller's position is that individual liberty propelled by self-interest has made a better, if imperfect and untidy world that can be justified on its own terms.

If a friend told me that he was flying to a deserted island in the South Pacific to start a new country, first I would tell him he was crazy. Next, I would give him this book, insist that he read it, and use it as a blueprint for a successful society. Mr. Mueller's book is an excellent defense of both capitalism and democracy, the twin pillars of our American society. The author points out that while neither system is perfect, both are superior to any other economic method or political institution. His book is filled with interesting facts and fascinating insights. For example, Mr. Mueller insists that capitalism, far from extinguishing virtue, actually encourages it. This is because businessmen who treat their customers and co-workers with fairness and compassion have an economic advantage over their brooding colleagues. This seems counterintuitive but is born out by evidence. Service was especially poor and rude in former communist countries. Today, American companies from McDonald's to K-Mart, much maligned by the press, are teaching benevolent business practices to Third World nations from Africa to the Orient. Mr. Mueller also makes the interesting point that economics is approaching a level of sophistication similar to medicine at the turn of the twentieth century. Today, for the first time ever, economists can offer truly effective remedies for policy makers. Such a development, if true, promises an era of truly spectacular growth. The author also makes the sobering point that capitalism is a poor tonic for increasing personal happiness. Money has never substituted for family, faith, and meaningful work. Nor will it in the future. When it comes to democracy, Mr. Mueller believes that we expect too much from our political process. The 1994 health care debate, to some commentators, is an example of our failed democracy. In contrast, Mr. Mueller suggests that this episode proves the resiliency of our institutions. Legislation was proposed and debated, constituencies were mobilized and addressed, and the outcome was largely favorable. Democracy can be messy but it is incredibly responsive and self-correcting. It is the only political system that provides the average citizen with the instruments of political power. As more and more nations embrace the virtue of capitalism and democracy, colossal progress can be made in alleviating poverty, ensuring human rights, and achieving self-actualization. There is no realistic alternative to democracy or capitalism on the horizon. Nor should we want one.

This is a fine book and should receive much more attention. It's well researched, but accessible and entertaining. If you, like me, believe it's near paradise to live in a society where you can be left alone to live in relative comfort so long as you don't mind working for it, you'll love this book. If, on the other hand, you think that there was some prehistoric Shangrila, or that the constitution gurantees everyone a color TV and self esteem, don't bother unless you're prepared to learn something.

If I recall his New Yorker profile accurately, Posner gets up at 4 a.m. every morning to maintain his extraordinary and excellent output as a public intellectual and judge of the 7th Circuit Court of Appeals. At 145 pages, this volume is perhaps Posner's shortest and--both because it is aimed at a general audience and resulted from a lecture series--one of his most readable. My sense, however, is that it would only appeal to those already steeped in the profession. Not even a law student would find instructive comparisons with Stone, Hand, Friendly, Prosser, or Schaeffer. For those in the profession, however, I recommend this book most highly. It is less valuable for its purported study in reputation than for its profound, if succinct, understanding of Cardozo the man and the insight it provides into the style and logic of some of his best known decisions, Palsgraf and MacPherson chief among them. Posner's original attempt at a quantitative understanding of reputation relies on Cardozo's relative frequency of citation in some Westlaw data bases over the years. It is pseudo-scientific, redolent of Posner's application of economics to an understanding of the law and, while interesting, not very meaningful. The book as a whole, however, is most gratifying.

This may be the classic book by Posner. Shorter than most his books--and less encyclopaedic--but also less maiandering. Cardozo: A Study in Reputation stays on track, while revealing a complex sensibility of jurisprudence by Posner and an astounding intuition by Cardozo. In this book we see two great legal minds at work: Cardozo's providing the interpretations that further social welfare and Posner's explaining why these interpretations are so desirable.

I 'd rate this book the one MUST READ book if you are thinking about law school. This is what law school is about: Struggling with how to promote social welfare by interpretation and rulemaking.

Judge Posner examines the reasons for Cardozo's reputation and, more important, analyzes the rhetorical methods the judge used in creating some of the most renowned and cited decisions in American law. How and why he crafted the statement of the facts a certain way for one decision, a different way for another; how Cardozo used a lawyer's persuasive skills in reaching results he believed were warranted. Posner also examines the inconsistencies in Cardozo's thinking and opinion-writing. The book presents a portrait of a brilliant, prudent jurist and illuminates his professional shortcomings as well. May have little appeal for the non-lawyer, but for anyone interested in legal writing, the judicial process, and opinion-making, this is a terrific book.

Judge Posner builds and presents a strong case in defense of Justice Cardozo's reputation as a leading American jurist. Apparently, sometime during the 1950s a revisionary movement emerged in American legal thought that eventually injured Benjamin N. Cardozo. His Hemmingwayesque opinions were criticized as pedestrian, and the logic behind his reasoning was attacked as paternalistic. Judge Posner's thesis (a top-notch dissertation) deflects the subjective defamation and focuses upon objective standards of judicial measurement. Employing the resources of an electronic legal database, he proves that the Cardozo opinions, particularly those written as a judge in NY's Ct. of Appeals, have been consistently cited with regularity. This original test demonstrates that Cardozo's influence on the common law is unrivaled by any jurist other than O W Holmes.

Attempting to create a new genre of social science, Judge Posner smoothly integrates the drives that formed Cardozo as a man with the strictures of the law that define a judge. Analysis of the opinions, along with the briefs of the arguments, show that he was a good judge because he was able to reach correct results even when the specific facts of cases seemed to predict a legal anamoly. That quality produced case law that remains hard to reconcile, and the result has been attacks on the decisions as inconsistent. Judge Posner recognizes those weaknesses, but rather than contorting his logic in reconciling them explains that a man's reputation is typically based on either his high points or his low ones. In Cardozo's case, his death after only six years on the US Supreme Court limited the high points to controversial cases, such as MacPherson and Hynes. Judge Posner speculates that had Cardozo, like Holmes, had a full career as a Supreme Court justice the subjective standard for measurement of his reputation would have shifted away from the decisions as a state judge.

Although those state court opinions continue to dominate Torts textbooks, Cardozo's critics have injured his reputation by suggesting that he was merely a flamboyant local judge. Judge Posner shows that their slurs have not reached the ears of leading jurists. However, the ordinary person is apt to adopt those reputationary revisions without actually reading Cardozo's opinions and relating them to the specific cases and the development of American common law. Thus, Judge Posner creates a bridge, somewhat like Justice Cardozo, between arcane legal studies and the conduct of the people that law governs.

I just started my law school teaching career by teaching Torts, and I was a bit baffled at Cardozo's fame. Judge Posner explains the extent to which Cardozo stood head and shoulders above other jurists in notoriety, speculates why this is so, shows why Cardozo's reputation as a Supreme Court justice is dimmer than his reputation as a state judge, and dissects Cardozo's opinions. I thought that his discussion of Cardozo's literary style was especially masterful, as was his explanation of Cardozo's advantages in obtaining a great reputation.

The only part of the book I found lacking was Posner's discussion of individual cases, which was a bit less exciting than the rest of the book. Before reading the book I was not convinced that the infarmous Palsgraf case deserved its notoriety-- and I still don't get the Palsgraf mystique that seems to entrance so many other law professors and lawyers.

Greg and I are now in the process of completing an updated version of Celestial Delights, which will track naked-eye events from 2003 through 2010 (and in some cases beyond). It is slated for release in October by Celestial Arts, ISBN 1-58761-157-0, 7 x 10 inches.

Thank you all for your supportive comments!

I received this book as a gift in 1995 and have referred to it monthly sharing with others the upcoming events of the celestial sky. I hope the authors of this fine book will release same for the next ten years. I keep searching new releases for information regarding same. I look forward to the new release!

I agree with Steve from Ketchum, ID.
When will we be able to learn what to watch for from 2002 to 2010 in the beautiful sky here in Springdale (Zion National Park), Utah?

I hope you authors plan to do the next edition to cover 2001-2010. I found the current edition very useful for what to look for and when. Eclipses, times etc. All very helpful.

This book is easy to read and understand with lots of diagrams and illustrations. It covers everything from meteor showers to eclipses to viewing planets. There are illustrations to show exactly where to look in the sky (helpful for those of us who aren't too familiar with the constellations), and a calendar in the back which shows you what will be happening each month till 2010. I have always enjoyed astromony, but I always felt like I missed eclipses or forgot about meteor showers. This book will solve those problems!

Chemical And Biological Warfare analyzes the key issues related to chemical and biological warfare, detailing known chemical and biological agents, how they may be used in weaponry, and the possibilities of their use in modern conflicts. Readers seeking a technical survey of proliferation and basic concepts of chemical and biological weaponry receive more in-depth information here than in many titles.

A first class presentation of Chem/Bio warfare basics. Highly recommend it.

A first-rate survey of this important topic. Croddy has produced a calm and clear overview that should prove invaluable to both students and scholars.

I read, and enjoyed, Judith Miller's Germs book, but its sometimes superficial journalistic treatment left me wanting more concrete information: on chemical and biological agents, where they come from, who has them, how they could get used, what we can do to stop or counteract them, etc. I found all that and more in this excellent book, which, in spite of its straightforward presentation, is every bit as gripping as Germs. Croddy is no alarmist---he thinks a lot of the recent hoopla is overblown given the difficulties any terrorist would have spreading an agent like anthrax (and, thank God, he appears to be right on this score)---but there's plenty to get alarmed over in this book, and now is the right time to read it and digest its lessons, rather than waiting for the next chemical or biological panic attack.

Chemical and Biological Warfare: An Annotated Bibliography is a great book to read before bed, on the subway or lounging on the beach. It is sensitively written, and though the roto-protagonist isn't very well developed as a character, the subplot and the overall romance is beautiful. If you liked The Firm, you'll love this book. (I have gotten some great pick-up lines from this book, too!)