Events Books

This book is the first account of US foreign policy in the 1990s that treats the decade as genuine history. I mean that it does not simply offer a chronicle of the period, or a set of newspaper clippings and individual events - it offers a guiding historical interpretation that sets those years in relation to the Cold War before and 9/11 and beyond. It is very convincing that there is far more continuity today with the foreign policies of those years than many people, left or right, give credit for. It is a highly persuasive interpretation of the period and I believe will remain the standard account of its foreign policy for a long time to come.

This is a tremendously important book that explains what happened when the Berlin wall fell and America's foreign policy establishment was forced to confront a world that was no longer organized by the US/Soviet rivalry. As it becomes increasingly clear that the "war on terrorism" is only a part of the broader foreign policy needed to protect our nation in a complex and multi-polar world, this is the book to read if you want to understand how the next generation of policymakers will draw on the lessons of the recent past to set a new course. Chollet and Goldgeier know what they are talking about. They have done exhaustive research, and each of them has hands on experience in the foreign policy business. It's a bonus that the writing is lively and engaging. Don't miss this book.

An excellent read for someone who wants a non-partisan approach to history's impact on international relations and foreign policy. Additionally, Chollet and Goldgeier postulate how our current state of affairs will shape tomorrow's. This is a perfect book for someone who wants to understand where we were and where we are going.

America Between the Wars tells the story of 11/9 to 9/11 through informative, behind-the-scenes stories that illustrate the dynamic and contentious foreign policy debates from the fall of the Berlin wall to the fall of the twin towers. If you like the stories behind the history, you'll love America Between the Wars. And if you usually prefer novels, you may find Chollet and Goldgeier's narrative voice appealing. Rather than writing a wonky, boring foreign policy book as so many unfortunately do, the authors present a relevant and relatable book. Especially for those who lived through this period, America Between the Wars reveals critical elements of our past and our future.

I was in Jr. High and High School during the 90s and so wasn't very familiar with this period before reading this, and while interested and somewhat familiar with policy, am certainly no expert. After years of thinking I knew who neoconservatives were and what both parties "stood for", this book really put things into perspective and contextualized things for me. And though it's a "history", it draws extensively on interviews with leading policymakers & insiders during the period, so the text ends up reading more like a narrative (great for a novel-reader like myself).

In sum, this was really informative, interesting, and a quick read - perfect for anyone looking for a genuinely nonpartisan, nuanced look at how we got to where we are - both domestically and abroad. Definitely a must for your summer reading list.

This is a nice read. The only minor downfall, Jim should have written more about the massive challenges surrounding health care and education. I also would have liked to see him talk more about the split between conservatives and liberals in the USA and how it is dividing the country.

I like Jim's straightforward and honest approach, in his first book and on his talk show "America in the Morning"

The book expressed some excellent ideas and other ideas that weren't so good. It was, however, straight to the point when dealing with the issues. Bohannon never stayed too long on any one topic, which is both good and bad. I hoped he would've written more on Poverty, Education, and Politics. Those chapters were good in and of themselves, but I was left wanting to read more on those topics. The book's bibliography in the back did provide more help. Its a superb book that deals with a variety of topics and goes into some detail. In the future, I hope Bohannon comes out another book containing more details about the issues.

I do not like convoluted political rhetoric or confusing sociological observations. Bohannon's writing is practical, knowledgeable, and simple. That's what made his book so enjoyable. You will not need a Phd. to read Bohannon's examinations of what America needs to do to improve. "Jimbo" is a great communicator. It is no wonder that he is the top radio talk show host for millions of Americans! If you like his program, you'll want to buy this book.

Jim's a friend and colleague, so I was prepared to be gracious. Instead, I'm REAL impressed. His plainspoken take on what-the-heck's-wrong-around-here-and-what-we-CAN-do-about-it is thoughtful and affirming. I'm recommending that all my client stations which carry his show buy a stack of copies of this book, and give them to clients and listeners.

Going to a seasoned expert in the media for perspectives and opinions can mean that the "media mouth" is a devout right or left winger. A good, hard driving, well-centered moderate man is hard to find! Take heart! Bohannon's book is the moderate voice who loves his country and wants it to achieve its promise and embrace the ideals that truly did and can once again revive our "moral center." Bohannon's breadth and depth of history is evident. If a reader is interested in a moderate's sensible perspectives, then Jim Bohannon's America in Crisis is worth the "dime" and time spent on this book. Jim has a large national following for his week night program. His callers appreciate his wit, incisive thinking, and his professional standards in taking the "spins" off of the current topics and really getting to the truth. Just as with his listening audience, Jim Bohannon's readers will be invigorated with his insight and solutions to America's problems in his "Twelve Step Program for America" chapter. Bohannon's book certainly has no "obfuscations." You will understand, know, and actually remember what you have read in his book when you finish this fast but very full "read." He communicates in a clean, no-nonsense style and with rich humor. I was impressed with his down-to-earth, conversational prose--available prose. There is so much right thinking in this book that I found my head moving in agreement and interspersing a few "amens" and "That's exactly how I think, too." I purchased four copies to give as gifts. That should be enough of a testimony as to my enthusiastic recommendation of America in Crisis--readable, enjoyable, believable.

America's Conscience
Bernadette T. Vadurro

Whether you support or oppose the so-called Neo-Conservatives in American government, this is a book well worth reading, guaranteed to be eye-opening, cage-rattling, and pointedly informative from page to page. This is not the angst-driven opinionated rant we see so often in books about the American scene. Moving coolly and rapidly through some very complex and turbulent subject matter, America's Conscience is a stimulating analysis of the rise of the political movement which has swept the halls of power in Washington DC, and has committed our future to extreme peril in pursuit of a world American hegemony.

Though this analysis is focused to reveal the movement clearly, and to show the author's viewpoint, it is not biased, or burdened with personal views. It is researched, documented, and footnoted like a Masters thesis (or so I would presume, as I don't hold the degree). As a literary work, it is trimmed and sleek, and with its many tight sidebars, it enables the reader to absorb a lot of information in a very fast read.

Those who agree with the fundamental axioms and objectives of the Neo-Conservative movement, in both domestic and foreign matters, will likely be pleased to see so well documented how deliberately, and for how long a relatively small association of colleagues have been working to bring about events which have forever changed our world. They will be pleased to know those patriots do not hesitate to use whatever means, methods, or misinformations are necessary to accomplish what they have begun.

Those who disagree will likely find reason in these pages to consider the Neo-Cons to be a gluttonous cabal of military-industrialists who have wrapped themselves in the Flag and seduced both Christians and Jews into getting into bed with them, who have lied to the Congress, the press, and the people to enable their agenda, and who have committed the lives and fortunes of all of us to that militant global marketing campaign. They will be astonished to see how openly this fraternity of political extremists and industrialists has been declaring its ideology and systematically acting to bring about a world objective, of which the war in Iraq is only one step, and control of the American mind by market manipulation through a symbiotic media monopoly is only one tool.

In America's Conscience, Bernadette Vadurro focuses the spotlight on the motivation and actions of this small but powerful group of leaders, like Toto drawing back the curtain to reveal who has been pulling the strings and giving the orders. Even so, it is neither an indictment nor a call for opposition. It is an invitation, an exhortation to examine certain things closely and realistically, and then to decide for yourself how to best respond to what they reveal, in the most positive and productive manner you can. As an exhortation to those who, like myself, I confess, have felt politically disenfranchised and socially disconnected, her message is refreshingly optimistic.

James Nathan Post
Postscript Publishing Company www.postpubco.com

Bernadette Vadurro's, "America's Conscience" is a remarkable book. Ms. Vadurro was brought up in a family where political discussion at the dinner table was the "blue plate special." Moreover, she was encouraged to question what she had seen, heard, and was being told by the media. This is how one becomes an informed citizen able to separate the truth from the spin and then make a cogent critique of the propaganda that is spoon fed by the media as "news."

"America's Conscience" is a remarkable book becasue predicated on this process that combines objectivity with critical analysis Ms. Vadurro, like Nietzsche and Kierkegaard found in their day, has discovered that when one strips the veneer of deceit and lies from social institutions, particularly political ones, all that is left is rot. It is not surprising that when Ms. Vadurro applies this process to neoconservativism and the Bush Administration the stench of rot is unbearable.

In a clear, concise, and cogent manner Ms. Vadurro creates a framework and then builds upon it an argument that exposes neoconservativism and the Bush Administration for what it is: a myopic, truncated, self-aggrandizing movement that has hijacked both America and what it means to be an American. She then clearly illustrates specifically how this happened and the disastrous result for not only America and Americans but for the entire world.

"America's Conscience" is the voice of Ms. Vadurro calling each of us back to the vision of the Founding Fathers as expressed in the Constitution of the United States of America. As such, she echoes the voice of Thomas Paine who understood that freedom, true freedom, requires more than "Summertime soldiers and Sometime patriots." True freedom exacts, in Pain's words, "a dear price."

In Chapter 20 of "American's Conscience" Ms. Vadurro challenges us to become full time soldiers and full time patriots. She challenges us to pay the "dear price" and return America to the vision of the Founding Fathers.

I most highly recommend "America's Conscience" as a book that in the words of Sir Frances Bacon everyone, "read, mark, learn, and inwardly digest."

Bernadette Vadurro has provided a wealth of detailed information and its my hope that this excellent book will be read all over America. America's Conscience, provides the information essential for an informed electorate. An informed electorate is critical, for without it democracy cannot possibly fulfill its potential.

As Lincoln said, "Democracy is government of the people by the people." That means citizens comprise the government and it is political leaders who are elected to be servants of the people.

There can be no excuse for ignorance. It is ignorance that has allowed power to defer to a sophisticated, arrogant, dishonest and exceptionally dangerous administration. It is time people woke up before its too late. American Conscience is the place to start.

The Bush administration, the entire neocon cabel, and sadly, the response of the American people themselves--has had a profoundly negative impact across the planet. The tired and hungry of the world have looked to America with its promise of justice and freedom for all, and found it wanting.

I'm deeply concerned for it seems, barring some drastic changes, the world is headed into a profoundly unsafe state, where extremism becomes the norm and violence a way of life.

Bernadette, provides an unflinching examination of what is transpiring in her country and calls upon her fellow citizens to reclaim the promise of their nation, to hold political leaders to account and thereby bring about the required course correction--not just for the United States, but for the impact it has on the rest of the world as well.

Colin D. Mallard.

Jam packed into this 20 chapter gem of a book are maps, charts, pie graphs and detailed source references to enable the average lay person to coherently challenge the faux news on Fox and the entertainment posing as "info"-tainment news on every other Main Stream Media television outlet.

This fact-filled first edition will forcefully arm your brain to Fight Against "Spin". Stash a copy into your daily backpack arsenal or heavy-hitting handbag, then go out to "Preach the Truth"! (Want PROOF: check out Chapter *9*, Spin, Baby, Spin.)

A MUST HAVE book ... purchase, read, share, keep in your library at home, and DEMAND a copy at the library in your hometown or your school.

I just sent "America's Conscience" to a young lady in California as a special occasion gift upon her "party promotion" in a State political organization!

As author Bernadette Vadurro writes in Chapter *20*, World Redemption: "Where do we begin to redeem the good name and honor of our nation?" I say let's start RIGHT HERE. Let us begin by reading and sharing both the knowledge and the ideas outlined in, "America's Conscience: Facing Threats to Democracy, the Middle Class and Our World."

Bernadette T. Vadurro's "America's Conscience" is a great place to start reading for anyone who is just becoming aware that the neoconservative power structure that has orchestrated George Bush's presidency serves neither Americans nor the rest of the world well. And it's a valuable resource for readers who, already aware, would benefit from having facts, figures, sources, and resources at their fingertips in a single volume.

The author has organized and assembled a dizzying volume of information, documented each of the twenty chapters with notes, and provided the reader with wide-angle views of everything from endless war to those elusive WMDs; from spinning stories to outright lies; from quieting dissent to an often lazy media; from who gives money to whom to the impact of the contributions. And more.

Transcending the extremists on the political left and right who don't let research or fact interfere with their respective agendas, Vadurro constructs her argument with reason, backs it with documentation, and, in my reading, essentially asks Americans, "Is this what you want?"

"America's Conscience" provides intelligent, concerned and open-minded American citizens, regardless of political affiliation or lack thereof, with verifiable evidence to back up the cliched, but nevertheless accurate slogan, "If you're not outraged, you're not paying attention."

The author has paid and is paying attention. Her book calls on the rest of us to do the same.

During the Vietnam war the United States used its enormous military power to try to install in South Vietnam a minority government of U.S. choice, with its military operations based on the knowledge that the people there were the enemy. This country killed millions and left Vietnam (and the rest of Indochina) devastated. A Wall Street Journal report in 1997 estimated that perhaps 500,000 children in Vietnam suffer from serious birth defects resulting from the U.S. use of chemical weapons there. Seems fairly reasonable to protest against this, surely?... This was and is a groundbreaking book, and ....

American Power and the New Mandarins, first published in 1967, is a collection of essays by Noam Chomsky about the Vietnam War and related subjects. Originally famous for his contributions to linguistics, Chomsky began writing extensively about U.S. foreign policy during the Vietnam War, and this collection is the first of his many political books. While the subject matter is a bit dated, those who are interested in either the intellectual climate during the Vietnam era or the origins of Chomsky's career as a critic of U.S. policy will find plenty to interest them in this book.

Chomsky's primary goal in American Power and the New Mandarins is not to convince the reader that the Vietnam War was wrong. On this issue, he says that "Anyone who puts a fraction of his mind to the task can construct a case [against the war] that is overwhelming" (9). Rather, his goal is to illustrate the degree to which American intellectuals supported the war, or at least the assumptions behind it. Many people remember the Vietnam War as a time of widespread protest against U.S. policy, with intellectuals and the youth leading the way. Chomsky argues that the war's "opponents" were often not concerned with the moral issues related to the war, but rather with the fact that the war seemed to be unwinnable and was costing too many American lives. The implication is that these intellectuals would not be protesting if the U.S. had crushed the Vietnamese resistance without significant loss of American life (Vietnamese life being irrelevant).

The book is made up of eight essays of varying length, and an introduction and an epilogue.

- In "Objectivity and Liberal Scholarship," Chomsky introduces the concept of the "new mandarins"--those who claim the authority to determine policy based on their allegedly "scientific" understanding of human nature and technology. These "new mandarins" believe that their knowledge gives them the right to restructure society in Vietnam and elsewhere, regardless of the wishes of the local population. In addition, Chomsky argues that many intellectuals tend to accept the status quo and support the basic assumptions of U.S. policy--that Western nations always know best, and force is justified to keep Third World countries from going down the "wrong" path. This essay is not very concise or organized; Chomsky has plenty of evidence to present but it flows out in no particular order. Chomsky devotes nearly 50 pages to criticizing a single historian's book about the Spanish Civil War--an excellent example, in Chomsky's opinion, of "the deep-seated bias of liberal historians," (93) but a cumbersome way to make his point. Still, whatever its organizational shortcomings, this essay presents plenty of evidence to illustrate the biases of liberal intellectuals in favor of American power.

- In "The Revolutionary Pacifism of A. J. Muste: On the Backgrounds of the Pacific War," Chomsky explains the parallels between the Vietnam War and Japanese expansion in China in the 1930's. In both cases, defenders of government policy appealed to "the high moral character of the intervention, the benefits it would bring to the suffering masses" (183). Both America and Japan tried to set up puppet governments to serve their interests, and responded to doubts about their actions by emphasizing the "Communist" threat (196).

- "The Logic of Withdrawal" discusses the political strength of the NLF (Vietcong) and the continuing resistance of the United States to any political settlement that might allow the Vietnamese a fair choice between the NLF and other alternatives. Chomsky ridicules the idea that an NLF political victory could pose any threat to America's survival, comparing this to the Nazis' claim that "a Jewish-Bolshevik conspiracy was threatening the survival of Germany" (249).

- "The Bitter Heritage" is Chomsky's review of Arthur Schlesinger's book of the same name. Schlesinger expresses the "liberal" view that the United States had made a tactical error by fighting a costly war, but that American motives were pure. Chomsky argues that this view represents the extreme limit of mainstream opposition to the war in the United States. The view that "the United States has no unilateral right to determine by force the course of development of the nations of the Third World" (297) is not considered to be "responsible criticism" (296).

- In "Some Thoughts on Intellectuals and the Schools" and "The Responsibility of Intellectuals," Chomsky continues his criticism of intellectuals who endorse the irresponsible use of American power.

- "On Resistance" and "Supplement to 'On Resistance'" are Chomsky's statements about how to protest the war. Chomsky argues that resistance should remain nonviolent, not only because of moral considerations, but also because violence "will surely fail, will simply frighten and alienate some who can be reached, and will further encourage the ideologists and administrators of repression" (374-5). Chomsky endorses the refusal to be drafted as an ideal means of resistance, since it directly impedes the government's ability to carry out its policies and can be used to make a visible statement as well.

If you are a Chomsky fan, you will probably enjoy this book; his writing style and basic outlook have remained consistent over the decades. He has written plenty of books and essays about more recent events, however, so if you are interested in American power in general rather than Vietnam in particular, you might want to check the newer ones out first.

Noam Chomsky's first political work is a first-rate collection of essays critiquing the U.S. war of aggression in Vietnam. Chomsky is more concerned here with the ideological defenses for the war than with the moral implications of the war itself, which are totally transparent at this late date. There are a wide variety of topics discussed in this broad volume, from the origins of the Pacific War to Arthur Schlesinger's liberal apologetics for U.S. imperialism. Chomsky's famous essay 'Objectivity and Liberal Scholarship' is a meandering account of the liberal intelligentsia's understanding of the Spanish Civil War. In it, Chomsky falls into the pitfalls of ultra-leftism, with low quality critiques of Bolshevism and Leninism. He relies on Rosa Luxemburg's fine criticisms of Lenin without examining Luxemburg's own political context in the German SDP, or her own explicit support for forming a revolutionary 'vanguard.' However, there are some fine passages in 'American Power and the New Mandarins,' such as 'The Logic of Withdrawal' or Chomsky's own personal reflections on the demonstrations at the Pentagon. This book will surely remain one of the better examinations of the criminal war in Vietnam for years to come.

Chomsky's first political book, _American Power_ is a devastating critique for the U.S. foray into Southeast Asia, which Chomsky considers to be little more than modified imperialism. The book starts somewhat slowly, first with an extended essay focusing largely on the Spanish Civil War, which though interesting, seems like a strange place to begin the discussion. The second essay focuses on the decision of drop nuclear weapons during World War II, and the absence of "war guilt" in the U.S. over that action. The second essay, like the first, is interesting, though not seemingly directly related to Chomsky's Vietnam critique. The remainder of work focuses quite squarely on Vietnam, and offers the sort of moral outrage that Chomsky contends was conspicuously lacking from the liberal academics of the time. The entire underpinning of Chomsky's premise has to do with the morality of U.S. action, rather than the pragmatism that he chides others for basing their positions on.

The book is quite powerful in many of its conclusions. A few criticisms: there is extensive use of irony throughout the work, occasionally to the point of excess; while Chomsky eviscerates a half dozen of the "liberal intelligensia", it's difficult for me, as someone who was not alive to witness the war, to know if these voices typify the liberal objections to the war, or if Chomsky has cherry-picked these individuals (obviously Schlesinger was a major voice, but I'm not familiar with the others); if you don't have some conception of the forces behind the Spanish Civil War, the first essay will be somewhat confusing. It was for me, anyway.

Altogether though, particularly in light the U.S. invasion of Iraq, many of Chomsky's ideas have taken on a new urgency. The comparision between Vietnam and Iraq will come very naturally as you read _American Power_. It is well worth our time to make this comparison. Chomsky's thesis is as valid now as it was in 1969.

I recently reread Chomsky's classic. It's very enlightening to see the parallels as well as the differences between the role America's "intelligencia" played during the Vietnam War and the role they are playing now with just another war "won".

A book that is very useful to all people that they have a particular interest for the Middle East and the Israeli-Palestinial conflict.

its a very good book, full of detailed information about a very sensitive period of the middle east.

Dr. Marwan Muasher's compelling message in The Arab Center: the Promise of Moderation is a must read-especially for American and Western policymakers and academics. The Arab Center injects a much needed dose of reality about the challenges and opportunities in the Middle East today and where it is heading in the future.

A rare account of Arab diplomacy and the intricacies of backstage developments and deliberations that have shaped Jordan's foreign and domestic policies as well as regional initiatives, Musher's book is what every student of Middle East politics should study thoroughly. As an Arab Political Science and international affairs student in Western academia, I can attest to the paucity of Arab history books for Western consumption and study. I can only hope to see more Arab leaders, thinkers, politicians and diplomats follow Muasher's path in rebuilding the Arab world's historical narrative and thereby globalizing the message of the Arab Center on the international arena. History cannot be recorded if its leaders do not assume ownership of passing on the torch of their knowledge, expertise and lessons learnt.

Mushaer's account also presents a guide on how you can seize the moment and walk against the tide to make a difference. The author unconsciously offers the reader a formula for leadership in diplomacy: daft psychological skills, creative thinking, the ability to contain and challenge hard-nose bargaining and the art of communications.

My favorite parts of the book were those laden with personal anecdotes and descriptions of backstage developments and the decision-making processes. My understanding of how things work behind the scenes and why certain policy positions are shaped have been truly illuminated by these descriptions and analysis. Also, The psychological dimension Muasher illustrates about his time in Israel as Jordan's first Ambassador resonates with every Arab upon his/her first visit to Israel and the Palestinian Territories. It is about breaking psychological and socio-cultural barriers and as Muasher eloquently says it is about takings leaps of faith in the pursuit of peace and prosperity for generations to come.

As he shares his professional and personal journey across twenty years of diplomacy and public service, Muasher weaves together a gripping paradigm that clearly defines and describes the political and socioeconomic dynamics in the Arab world today; The Arab Center. Muasher not only coins a novel formula, he identifies the criteria for membership- moderation for peace, prosperity and pluralism. He also identifies the Israeli, American and European counterparts with which the Arab centrists can work with as well as the rejectionists which Arab centrists will have to challenge. His argument about maintaining the Center and strengthening its cause for moderation is logical, pragmatic but also passionate: Arabs cannot cherry pick the pieces of moderation that best-suit them. Rather, he says emphatically, the Arab Center rests on two pillars of moderation: peace and reform. The Center cannot stand on one leg for too long.

Finally, Muasher's concluding chapter is most compelling. He connects the dots so clearly and builds his case so cogently about the past, present and future of the region. Failure to end the lingering Palestinian-Israeli conflict, establish a lasting peace AND failure to embrace cultural and political diversity and to reform is a recipe for disaster for the region and all the stake-holders involved:Arabs, Israelis, Americans and the West alike. I only hope his audience heeds his message.

For those of us who follow Arab politics closely, I found that this book has many new things to say. Marwan Muasher has been privy to three unique situations. (A) He was the first Jordanian Ambassador to Israel. (B) He was one among very few to be around the late King Hussein during the last few weeks of his life (intrigues over the succession issue). (C) He is intimately familiar with details of the many peace process attempts with Israel.
More like a personal diary, it is full anecdotes that show the human side of his time with King Hussein and as ambassador. It is an easy read and has good insights into the psyche of the Arab and the Israeli political players.
The last part of the book also has some interesting things to say. It is a candid non apologetic exposé on reform in the Arab world--not academic but fairly analytical. He talks about his experience (and frustrations) during the formulation of a document and roadmap for reform in Jordan--liberalization of press, democratization of the election process, curbing nepotism, the institutionalization of a merit based public sector, gender and economic parity--and the challenges of this process. This document was presented as the National Agenda in 2005, and to date, that is what it remains, an agenda. Some themes of discussion in this part of the book are the resistance of an old social guard to any change, the dynamics of the political/economic elites in the Arab world and a view on the political role of the different religious movements in the region. A must book to have.

A very detailed and easy to read chronicle of recent events in Jordan's history. Mr. Muasher has done a phenomenal job in providing a detailed account of these events. His sincerity, devotion and love for his country is very evident in every part of the book. I am proud to have a fellow Jordanian produce such a magnificent document. All of Jordan should be proud of Mr. Muasher's accomplishments and contributions to the peace process in the Middle East. God Bless!

What I love about this book is that it's not a 'genre' book-- it's about so many different kinds of people that you can hardly hold it all in your head-- whoa, I'm reading about two old Jewish ladies one minute, and somehow it's vitally connected to hot anonymous sex in Central Park, and also to opera singers spending their whole lives on an off-chance dream, and vicious successful writers (the more successful, the more vicious, it seems....), and oh yes, romantic types just as hopelesly optimistic --- what dreams are worth pursuing, I guess is the question. And isn't that what everyone wonders, always?
It's innovative and witty, too, by the way. My heart is full, and I'm inspired to go out and live my life more courageously and with more love. If that's a dopey thing to say, I'm sorry, but that's what the book makes me feel.

I forgot to eat and drink and maybe breathe while I was reading this book-- it's the book I've been writing in my head all these years, as my own life has unfolded. It's always so strange to see in somebody else's words your own life described, but that's what it was like to read this novel by a really wonderful writer I just discovered. How did he know THAT about me! Finally someone has described THAT impossible-to-describe moment, when the sun is setting, and your whole life seems to make sense for a moment, and then it's gone and life's a big confusion again....
I'm so moved by this book. It seems so full of love, is the thing, despite the fact that it's so clear-sighted and unafraid to say that even those we love, even ourselves (especially ourselves) are flawed, flawed, flawed-- and yet always, always deserving of love. I'm so sick of the smooth, cynical, heartless styles, that are so superior to everyone and everything. This universe is eloquent, beautiful, and yet always human and humble.
The other thing I love about AURA is that it's--imaginative! It's funny! It makes you smile and laugh, with its inventive plot and struggling characters. I teach, and I'm definitely going to teach this in my contemporary lit class.

Without reiterating the plot I have four things to say about this book.

1. For me, this book was not a page-turner but one that I wanted to read slowly and savor each moment, marvel at the unfolding of every character, and reflect on those times when some epiphany in the book crossed over to call forth or merge with similar times in my own life.

2. The non-linear plot is a wonderful literary devise, even though it sometimes makes it difficult to know exactly where you are in the unfolding of the story-which makes it feel even more true to life.

3. The characters are uniquely and relentlessly consistent in their development, which is what makes them so believable and engaging.

4. There is a subtle underlying darkness to the novel, because it is so honest in dealing with the failed hopes and imperfections that exist in each of the characters, reminding the reader that we are also imperfect creatures. The good news is that we do not have to be perfect to appreciate and even enjoy each day that is given to us.

I think Gary Glickman is a literary genius just waiting to be discovered. His writing is beautiful, simple, but deep, and allows us to see the depths of every character beneath their carefully constructed façades. There are many levels to this book, and a great deal of subtle social commentary. I was in New York in the 70's and this book so totally captures that time. It's like a painting, beautifully crafted, sometimes disturbing, but always fascinating... Definitely a great read.

I read the other review here and thought I just had to respond. I never heard of Gary Glickman before I read "Aura"-- I was just looking for a vacation book that would grab my attention and keep it. But I loved this novel. I always wondered what it would have been like to live in New York, and risk everything to "make it", and take the risk of hanging out with ruthless, talented people.....now it feels like I know.
But there's more going on in this novel than just what "happens"-- that's why I loved it so much. Every moment-- a thousand private moments people have that you just think, "I could never describe this, all these connections, all this gorgeous life happening all around me"-- that's what this novel describes, over and over again. It's hard to imagine how the writer remembered so much, so vividly, or even how he managed to create so many of those private, mystical moments. Like just looking across a courtyard, and seeing your sister's kitchen window, when you're an old woman. Or falling in love, or succeeding in your dreams and realizing that -- woops!-- love and connection and heart are worth more than any of the gold.
If I have any quibble with the book it's that ambition and privilege do seem to win in the end. If you're lucky in the beginning, you win: the privileged kids become the privileged and powerful adults. ... just like life, I guess. Darn!
Anyway, this book (I'll say it) changed my life. I'm buying it for my friends, all of us just out of school, and big with our own dreams.

This book is written with such energy and near-paranoid conviction that I'm convinced the author must have been shooting up while writing it. And I mean that as a compliment. Really. Tackling a subject as taboo (and as neglected) as the drug war takes chutzpah, and, I must say, the author does it with the fire of a crack-crazed prophet.

What surprised me most about the book, though, is its sardonic tone. It's got a wry sense of humor that really compliments the seedy subject matter. A great mix of comedy, tragedy, and ouright absurdity. It's refreshing to read a topical book with strong writing as well as research.

I must admit, I approached this book with extreme caution. And though I'm not sure I'm ready to have drugs completely legalized (I'm definitely a child of the "Just Say No" generation), Miller's case against the drug war is powerful and hard to dispute.

Highly recommended. Surprisingly entertaining as well as informative. All around, a very good trip (and I'm not just saying that because I want to smoke dope without fear of repercussions).

To put it succinctly, the war on drugs is a war against the American people. Over two-thirds of American adults born since 1955 have used illegal drugs at some point in their lives, most without any trace of subsequent harm. However, our gov't, through its Gestapo-like enforcement arm, the DEA (which has a vested interest in prosecuting the war to its maximum extent and keeping the war going as long as possible) continue to circumscribe the rights of the American people. Since the inception of the DEA the civil rights of Americans in regards to drugs have been increasingly ignored, and it's a rare politician who doesn't use the drug war as an opportunity to appear tough on crime. The DEA and many police forces actually rely on asset forfeiture to provide a substantial portion of their budgets, even though fewer than 5% of asset forfeiture cases involve any prosecution, let alone conviction. The DEA is then free to spend this confiscated wealth as it pleases. Orwell was prophetic.

Let's face facts: this is not a problem of supply, it's a problem of demand. But it need not be a problem at all. University sponsored and AMA and BMA endorsed research has consistently shown most "classic" drugs, such as weed, hash, heroin and morphine to be non-toxic. Coke is rarely dangerous, and then primarily to those with heart conditions. The prohibition of these drugs has caused the gov't to entirely surrender their ability to regulate a drug's content, which is far more detrimental to the health of any user of classic drugs in their unadulturated form. Medical studies have shown without fail that Alcohol is the most poisonous and detrimental of mood-altering substances.

Additionally, America's drug war has resulted in the wholesale destablization of producer and transshipment nations. The lawlessness seen in Colombia and along the Mexican border is entirely a result of America's campaign of zero tolerance-an unobtainable goal. Senator John Kerry perpetrated the prevaricative canard that criminal cartels were behind the drive for legalization. Nothing could be further from the truth: cartels always step into a vacuum, and they benefit from our draconian laws. One has to wonder where Senator Kerry gets his marching orders. Cartels would disappear if drugs were legalized, just as they did when alcohol prohibition was repealed in 1933.

Prohibition also leads to police corruption: studies show that 30% of police have been unlawfully involved with illegal drugs. The supreme court recently overturned a previous 9-0 ruling regarding the knock-and-announce rule, stating that the cops need merely identify themselves before entering a residence-usually violently.

Enforcement of drug laws are also racially biased (I'm a white male). Most drug users are white and casual users of weed, coke or heroin. Yet most of those doing time for drug offenses are disproportionately black and hispanic. It's a case of a predatory DEA wolfpack picking off the most vulnerable members of a herd, rather than facing down a banker who can afford something better than a court-appointed defence. It's so unfair it pangs the conscience.

America has among the most restrictive drug laws in the world, and they have only made the situation worse. Canada recently considered a Senate recommendation to legalize pot. Holland has legalized pot without any negative consequences: the Dutch have the longest life-span in the world and a violent crime rate less than 1 sixth of the US. Injection programs for the most hard-core heroin addicts in Switzerland have caused aids to disappear among this vulnerable group, and employment among them stands at 70%. Other countries have come to grips with this problem through rationality and compassion. America has not-and it has utterly failed. Studies of American conditions and behavior prior to 1914, when these subsances were legal, show no correlation to poorer health or crime-Alcohol is the sole exception to this.

President McKinley used cocaine for 27 years until his death by an assasin's bullet. Grant used morphine to ease his discomfort after his presidency. 250,000 Civil War vets were morphine addicts.

The police chiefs of Kansas City, MO, San Jose and San Diego, CA, Seattle, WA and many smaller departments have called for the legalization of drugs. Former drug czar Barry McCaffrey has called the Federal prison system "America's drug Gulag" and has stated "We cannot incarcerate our way out of this problem." Former Secy of State George Schultz has called for an end to prohibition and consideration of decriminalization and legalization.

"Necessity is the plea for every infringement of human freedom. It is the argument of tyrants; it is the creed of slaves."-William Pitt.

If there's one cliche that has been blatantly overused in the past few years, it's that our government is fighting a "war on drugs." Sure, the government is pretending to wage it, but we all know the war on drugs has been over for years, if it even ever existed in the first place. How exactly can we have a war on something so many people seem to want? Next thing you know, the government will start telling people they can't gamble, or pay for sex, or smoke in a privately-owned bar (whoops). Anyway, Joel Miller adds plenty of fuel to the raging debate over the drug war with Bad Trip. This short, direct, and intelligent volume should convince anyone who hasn't been indoctrinated up to their eyeballs in governmental propaganda that the war on drugs (like most wars) isn't worth fighting.

In one rather entertaining early segment, Miller takes the reader on a glimpse of the drug war's early days, illustrating the roots of the current mess in the first half of the 20th century. There's plenty of unintentional comedy to be found when Miller discusses some of the attitudes regarding drugs (including alcohol) that were commonly held back in the twenties and thirties. In one especially uproarious moment, in 1938 the Commissioner of the Federal Bureau of Narcotics actually wrote, "an overdose of marijuana generates savage and sadistic traits likely to reach a climax in axe and ice-pick murders." And then of course, there was Reefer Madness, the classic 1936 movie where a little toking resulted in PERMANENT INSANITY. Now, having been around some pot smokers myself, I can say for sure that while marijuana use may result in giddiness, the telling of off-color jokes, and the consumption of junk food, it does not lead to violence or insanity. Sadly, though, the ridiculous beliefs outlined above continue to inform the drug laws even in these more "enlightened" times, and Miller does us all a favor by casting light upon them.

Of course, it's not drugs themselves that cause so much crime, it's the illegality of drugs. If people can't obtain drugs through legal means, they'll just get them elsewhere, very likely from violent gangs. Every halfway-informed person knows the same thing happened when alcohol was prohibited and gangsters took over the market, but apparently our politicians are slow learners (duh). Essentially, Miller writes, the drug war is bound to fail due in large part to simple economics. Drug dealers, he writes, are profiteers, while drug warriors are mere bureaucrats. Since the sale and use of drugs are prohibited, the government creates a black market in which any willing person with some brains can turn an easy profit. Therefore, the dealer trying to make a buck will always be ahead of the DEA agent who's getting paid anyway. As Miller details in the chapter on drug smuggling, the tighter the noose of prohibition gets, the more inventive dealers get in the quest for money.

Most tragically, though, since the drug trade is entirely voluntary and there are no victims to file complaints, governments have to resort to ever more proactive and draconian measures in order to catch dealers and users. Warrantless searches, no-knock military-style raids, blanket traffic stops, and utterly unjustified confiscations have made a mockery of everybody's Constitutional rights while doing little or nothing to stem the flow of drugs. Miller provides us with a laundry list of innocent people who have been robbed, terrorized, and even killed at the hands of overzealous (or outright corrupt) drug warriors. In many cases, governments have established a giant network of informants to fink on friends, customers, and even classmates, often going so far as to entrap people into breaking the law. Not to mention, the travesty of mandatory-sentencing laws has filled our jails with non-violent "criminals" who take up space that could be used for slightly more dangerous folks, like, say, muggers, burglars, and rapists.

Ultimately, Miller writes, the war on drugs amounts to nothing more than a war on freedom. There are plenty of other institutions in society, such as the family and the church, that can help prevent people from abusing drugs, but government prohibition merely creates a whole slew of new problems for all of us. Accepting the fact that other people are going to do things you don't like is a necessary part of living in a free society, one that mature people are going to have to get used to. After all, I don't think people should watch reality TV or listen to Celine Dion, but I manage to get over it. Miller finishes with a quote from Thomas Sowell that sums up the issue better than I ever could: "What do people get out of using drugs? I don't know...but there is all the difference in the world between deciding that you don't want to do something and trying to force other people to live your way." Amen.

This should scare the hell out of a lot of dirty law enforcement agencies! The War on drugs is OVER,and the drugs won. Illegal drugs cannot be stopped. It has created more dirty cops,and turned them into Nazi style storm troopers that bust into homes of the innocent in the wee hours of the morning. This book should be required reading for every American. Like the book? Please visit www.leap.cc/.
Leagalize the drugs and then you control them. President Bush, wake up and read this book.

Miller does a superb job of marshalling a number of philosophical, economic, legal and practical arguments against the war drugs. Although he states that he believes drug use is a bad choice, he also believes that life in a free society necessarily encumbers the fact that others will make choices that we personally oppose.

I wonder how Miller's argument would apply to the abortion debate?

In any event, I am a conservative Christian who happens to believe that the war on drugs is a misguided, miserable failure implemented by self-serving politicians who sought more votes in the 1970s.

The principle of states' rigths should apply to this question. Prohibition at the federal level is a failed policy that ought to be abandoned, and Miller gives us the ammuntion needed in this battle.

"Battling Wall Street: The Kennedy Presidency" is great reading for people who want to move beyond books about the mechanics of the Kennedy assassination. The book helps explain why the "Eastern establishment" and a lot of other influential people, might want to get rid of President Kennedy. Another book, "History Will Not Absolve Us : Orwellian Control, Public Denial, & the Murder of President Kennedy" provides additional pieces of the puzzle by explaining how the American establishment, including leading establishment liberals like Noam Chomsky and Alexander Cockburn, have worked to sell the Warren Commision's 'lone gunman' cover-up. The amazing thing about the Kennedy assassination is that, despite a lot of nonsense coming from the mainstream media, the American people know it wasn't a lone gunman and the killers didn't do us a favor.

In reviewing the thoughts of most researchers of the JFK assassination, one sees that most of them invariably bring up the Cuba issue, and occasionally Lee Harvey Oswald's possible involvement with this issue.
Now, however, in this book, Professor Donald Gibson may have uncovered the real issues behind the death of President Kennedy. He reveals so many issues, in fact, that one has to begin to decide which one is the crucial one, the one that provoked the conspirators to decide to kill him.

The death of Kennedy seems to this observer of the American scene a resolution of the struggle of the two forces to decide who really rules America. Since people who run the government colluded with the murderers of the president, it's pretty obvious who really runs the show.
Readers of this book may want to try Gibson's second book, "The Kennedy Assassination Cover-Up". After forty years, Americans should want a reasonable answer to the question of who killed Kennedy. Gibson may provide the answer.

In 1989 a book was published called "Crossfire", in which Texas-based journalist Jim Marrs reviewed most of the information he thought was then available concerning the JFK assassination. A large part of the book dealt with those people and groups whom he thought were the most likely to have killed Kennedy. Allen Dulles and his CIA were included in his list.
Donald Gibson has added one more suspect to this list in this book, and it would appear to this reader that someone has finally made sense of the events of November 22, 1963.
From this one book alone, one could seriously accept the idea that the eastern establishment, the Wall Street crowd, the corporate elite and all their connections had the most to lose with Kennedy as president. They had the motive and means to kill the president and then to cover it up. Gibson flatly states the establishment and the CIA's interests were intertwined. In fact, the CIA was merely the enforcer for the Council on Foreign Relations global agenda. Both Allen Dulles and John J McCloy were extremely important members of the Council, who managed to land on the Warren Commission and lead the cover-up. In fact, a case could be built that they organized the plot. All they needed was the green light from someone in the inner circle of the Rockefeller-dominated Council, like one of the Rockefellers.

this book helped give me a whole new meaningful perspective on the kennedy assasination..it sifts through all the misinformation, and the same tired trashy expose type books on the kennedy presidency that don't give any meaningful information, i am much more interested in a president's policies economic and otherwise as opposed to his sex life...i highly reccommend that anyone interested in politics, economics, or the kennedy assasination read this book twice and very slowly. gibson lays everything out clearly in an easy to understand way, i highly reccomend this book.

This book is a great read. The subject matter is interesting and thought provoking. I had the privilage of having Prof. Gibson in class. His knowledge is vast and inspiring. His passion has motivated me not only in the college realm but in life itself.

For anyone seeking to connect with the vision that Thomas Jefferson maintained for our republic, this book will not disappoint. A much needed call to reawaken our boldness, optimism, and self-reliance. -OP

Becoming Jefferson's People: Re-inventing the American Republic in the Twenty-first Century urges change within the American political system. The author believes that the current political system, including both democrats and republicans, has become focused on keeping the status quo no despite the ultimate costs to the country. In this way, right to free speech and potentially new ideas have been restricted while cynicism and apathy have flourished. This book looks to Thomas Jefferson for guidance.

Thomas Jefferson, as a man and as third president of the United States (1801-1809), was not a perfect man. He was a slave owner, a racist, and an apartheidist. Conversely, however, Jefferson was also an idealist, a free thinker, and a radical that believed that change was beneficial in keeping the nation strong. It is these more positive qualities and other like ideals that the author believes that politicians should adopt in rebuilding a stronger nation.

To this end, this book examines the ideal qualities of a Jeffersonian politician. Each of these qualities is examined in detail and then examined for potential adaptation to present concerns. Though this book focuses on founding and traditional political ideals, many of these ideals would also be beneficial if adopted in our daily life and the way we as individuals look at the world.

If everyone read this book and got excited about implementing two or three of the ideas in their own lives and communities, America would truly become the light to the world that Thomas Jefferson envisioned.

Using his vast knowledge of Jefferson's writings and his deep understanding of Jefferson's soul, Clay Jenkinson gives a blueprint for becoming the people "who hold these truths to be self-evident."

This book is a perfect mix of thoughts about Jefferson's ideals and practical suggestions for living up to those ideals.

This short book (131 pgs) succinctly presents how Thomas Jefferson's philosophy of life could be applied by today's citizens. Jefferson was an astonishingly prolific and articulate proponent of the Enlightenment idea that reason and inquiry are the only oracles give to us by the Creator, and we should to gain happiness through reflection, conviction, and action. One of Jefferson's heroes, Francis Bacon, said, "...the improvement of man's lot and the improvement of man's mind are one and the same thing." Each chapter starts with a quote or quotes, followed by a few explanatory paragraphs. A listing of the first few chapter titles indicates something of the ideas presented: Self Reliance (pg. 12), Foreign Policy (pg. 15), Education, (pg. 19), Leadership, (pg. 22), Distributive Justice, (pg. 25), Love of Books (pg. 28), The Role of Government, (pg. 31), the Size of Government, (pg. 35), etc. Jeffersonian characteristics include a preference for the art of living over power, wealth, and status, an appreciation of the wholesomeness of nature, self-reliance and a sanguine outlook on life. Jenkinson states that "Jefferson believed that we exist to be happy, not to struggle through life or perform duties or deny ourselves pleasures." (pg. 69) The book is a call for renewal, courage, optimism, and change in both major political parties, neither of which, as Jenkinson describes in his introduction, behaves according to most Jeffersonian principles - both parties are identical in their essential respects. This book advocates a grass roots movement, though conversation, questions, email, postings, letters to the editor, etc. toward renewal of the republic.

Clay Jenkinson's practical reminder of what it means to be a productive, "enlightened" and pro-active American citizen who actively participates in democracy is a must read and a pleasant read.

I have loved this series about life at the time of Jesus Christ and his ministry. The entire series flows quickly and helps you build a vivid image of this time in your mind. HIGHLY RECOMMEND!

This is the final book of the series. It brings to life what the emotions must have been during the time of the crucifiction. This is definately a tear jerker in a good way. You will feel the spirit throughout the whole series but this book just shines

I HAVE NOT READ THIS BOOK,BUT I'VE HEARD FROM A FEW PEOPLE THAT IT IS GREAT.I HAVE PURCHASED ALL THREE BOOKS AND PLAN TO GET STARTED READING AS SOON AS POSSIBLE.

I absolutely LOVE these series. I'm now reading them for the 4th time. I love how Lund breaks down the parables and teachings of Christ to make them easier to understand. I also love the historical accuracy. He brings you into the story as if you really are there. I highly recommend these books!

I just loved this series. Book three is by far the best. This book gives you and new insight on the times of Jesus and really brings to life the New Testament. Gerald Lund is a phenominal author. I have ready many of his books and have loved everyone of them. I can't wait to read this book again.