Liberty Books

"Lost Spacecraft: The Search For Liberty Bell 7" is a wonderfully constructed book. Curt Newport shares the trials and tribulations of his personal quest to find Liberty Bell 7 against a rich and detailed backdrop of the US space program and Gus Grissom's own life. He explains the difficulties of finding an object the size of a phone booth, under three miles of water, in a poorly defined area. The reader is taken along on deep-sea explorations to the Titanic, as well as for the serendipitous discovery and recovery of Liberty Bell 7 at the proverbial last minute. This is a gripping and exciting read for anyone who is interested in those who push the technological envelope, here in the extremes of outer space and the unforgiving depths of the oceans.

This is the amazing story of the search and recovery of Liberty Bell 7, Gus Grissom's 1961 Mercury spacecraft that sank to the bottom of the Atlantic ocean in an accidental sinking after the mission, while the capsule was still floating in the recovery area. Curt Newport is a veteran of deep sea underwater work and he gives readers here a page-turning account of the hardships of working with remote vehicles more than three miles under the surface of the ocean where pressures are 7000 pounds per square inch and more. He also covers the man Gus Grissom, who many considered the top astronaut at the time, including his childhood and later. The Mercury capsule (yes, back then they were called capsules, not spacecraft) is covered in detail, it's construction and operation. Also, the trajectory that this 1961 Mercury-Redstone sub-orbital mission travelled is discussed to some length as it's eventual underwater location is dependent on this. The technology of underwater vehicles is covered in addition, to give readers an appreciation of the difficulty inherent in this type of work. Curt Newport has included many, many, excellent photographs in this book, well done here. The writing style is clear and flowing, a joy to read. This is also one man's story of determination and resilience in the face of negative odds.

On a personal note, when I was six years old in 1961 and living in St. Louis County, just a few miles from where this Mercury spacecraft was built, I remember my father coming home from work (he worked at McDonnell Aircraft as an engineer and perhaps did a bit of work on this very spacecraft) and said "it sank to the bottom of the ocean", referring to the sinking of the Liberty Bell 7 that occurred that day. Liberty Bell 7 was recovered in the summer of 1999, restored , and during a national tour I finally got to see it at the St. Louis Science Center in the summer of 2001, in the city where it was built, closure in a sense to me. It is, or soon will be, on permanent display in Hutchinson, Kansas, at the Kansas Cosmosphere and Space Center, can't wait to go there!

I worked for McDonnell on Gemini and for Boeing on Apollo (too young for Mercury), so I naturally read every space history book I can get my hands on. This was definitely one of the best I have ever read.

I usually wind up with a list of technical and/or historical errors whenever I read space history books, but I only noticed a few typos in "Lost Spacecraft".

For someone who was not personally involved in Mercury, Mr. Newport certainly did an excellent job of describing how all the capsule systems worked.

I especially enjoyed the photos, most of which I had never seen before.

This book is worth 10 stars.

Curt does an outstanding job in taking a technical undertaking and making it interesting and easy to understand. There are some great early pictures of Gus, some that has not been seen. He has very interesting insights from some of Gus' childhood friends and those who were close to him during the Mercury missions. It was like I was right there all the way throught the flight and the recovery operations.

It is a must read for those interested in deep sea recovery operations or in Gus' MR-4, Liberty Bell-7 flight.

On 21 July, 1961, after a near perfect flight, The Mercury space capsule, Liberty Bell 7 landed in the Atlantic Ocean off the coast of Florida. During the recovery process, the escape hatch blew prematurely. the capsule filled with water and sank, nearly taking the pilot, Gus Grissom, with it. Thus began one of the great controversies and mysteries of the United States space program The author explores the events leading to the incident and examines possible theories concerning the premature hatch release.

Newport was uniquely qualified to lead the expedition to recover Liberty Bell 7. He was a pioneer in the developement and operation of Remotely Operated Vehicles (ROV) and an experienced veteran of underwater operations all over the world. His fascination with the mystery concerning the lost space capsule led to 14 years of research into the flight, probable location, condition and possible methods of recovery.

The highlight of the book is the detailed description of the search for Liberty Bell 7, and its subsequent recovery from a depth of nearly 3 miles. The narrative reads more like pulp fiction than a factual rendering of events, with moments of elation followed by despair and ultimate victory. This is a must read for space and underwater exploration buffs alike. I only wish that the team had been given the opportunity to recover the hatch cover, surely, one of the targets in the vicinity of the capsule, and a key element in resolving the mystery and controversy concerning the premature hatch release.

There may be no better book anywhere on the subject of the underlying principles of Freedom. Why have men starved for 6,000 years, then in a very short period of time seen prosperity explode? Private Property is one of the keys. The ability of a man to keep what he has earned and dispose of it as he will is a radical concept. The citizen who is protected from the plunder of thieves and of the State can do wonders. If the leaders of every developing nation were to read this book and apply its principles, they could kiss the IMF goodbye and solve their incessant economic woes. This is one of the best five books ever written on economics and freedom. My dad gave me a copy when I went to college - took me about five years to get around to reading it - wow! What I had been missing!

This book can create a general framwork around human history like not too many books that I have read. Expressed in clear language and organized in short, thought provoking sections.

This book, first published in 1947, is both a condensation and an amplification of Rose Wilder Lane's classic The Discovery Of Freedom. With Lane's consent, Weaver retold her story in his own way, making use of her ideas but adding material from his personal experience and from various other sources.

Part One: Comparisons and Contrasts, explores various puzzling questions of history and the concept of human energy. Part Two: The Old World Views, contrasts the fatalistic pagan outlook on life with the Judeo-Christian view of individual freedom and personal responsibility.

Part Three: The Revolution, looks at mankind's three attempts to attain individual freedom: the ancient Israelites, the golden age of Islamic civilization, and the American Revolution. Part Four: The Fruits Of Freedom, investigates the results of freedom, including the flowering of inventive genius that followed. It also explores the concepts of hope versus fear, freedom of choice, the dynamic versus the static, the moral versus the material, voluntary co-operation and the lessons of history.

The writing style is accessible and engaging and there are interesting quotes by people like Thomas Paine, Fredric Bastiat and Isabel Paterson. In an interesting way, the book illuminates many problems still plaguing the world today and traces them back to the ancient conflict between pagan fatalism and the principles of the Judeo-Christian tradition.

Of course there are non-religious philosophies of freedom that are based on reason alone, and the aforementioned Paine was a theist who was opposed to dogmatic religion. But whether one agrees with all of Weaver's points or not, The Mainspring Of Human Progress is a classic that remains an eloquent defence of the principle of individual freedom. The book concludes with a list of references, a bibliography and an index.

On the subject of individual freedom, I also recommend the work of Friedrich Hayek, Ludwig von Mises, Karl Popper, Alfred North Whitehead, Ayn Rand, Stefan Hoeller, Robert Nozick, Milton Friedman and Johan Norberg.

Lucky to have found this one in a "salvage store" that was copyright was 1953. Contains so much information amd simplified that its hard to put down. Enjoyed Mr.Weaver's prospective and I am curious to know more about the author...

At a time when fundamental economic understanding appears lacking, this book (though simplified) makes basic economic principles easy to understand. It is written in a simple format easily understood by all age groups, young folks (junior high school) as well as adults.
I have introduced all of my children to this book and they all agree that it enabled them to have a much better grasp on the realities of economics. If you find Econ 101 boring, read this book. It will provide ample incentive to "dig into" the subject. A "must read."

This book, by far, hits the nail on the proverbial head. What Alan Greenspan wrote in 1966 (included in this book) is prophetic and sobering. What is unique is for someone to propose a logical, peaceful solution. Until now there have been theories and conjecture on what must occur or which tools are needed for the population to take back their economic freedom. This book shows you the tool and how to use it; a proven system, accepted by the majority of business owners, and fun to use. No academic hypothesis...this text contains the FACTS, the TOOLS and the IMPLEMENTATION. The rest is up to us!

To all my brothers and sisters on this earth as we know it. I truly feel that this book is a must read for everyone that has the ability to spend our so called money of today, that they may get a truly eye opening experience of what is real and not real in our monitary systems of today and protect their future from being stolen out from under them as their land is being stolen as we speak. Bernard is a Maverick and a great man among men.
Blessings Dr. Joseph

Bernard vonNothaus has produced one of the best educational compilations regarding money, and specifically, the use of silver and gold as money.
With essays from luminaries such as Alan Greenspan, and G. Edward Griffin, vonNothaus presents a compelling case that our current monetary system is destined to the predictable busts historically associated with fiat currencies which have been foisted upon societies long past.
As the title states, this book provides a solution.
And the solution simply stated is that our economy can only be salvaged with the re-introduction of a commodity based currency as called for in the U.S. Constitution.
I have read this book three times so far. I am reading it for the fourth time, and I learn something new every time.

Great book I can now see that we need to get back to having our money backed by gold and silver I have used Liberty Dollars in many states and find that many like what it stands for.
http://www.chooney.com/liberty/liberty1.html
Buy this book you wont go wrong one you read it you will want to
use Liberty Dollars also and we all will take back our money one Liberty Dollar at a time

About three years ago, while reading Otto Skinner's 'The Biggest "Tax Loophole" of All', I became aware of the phenomenon known as fractional reserve banking. Why is it a phenomenon? Essentially, fractional reserve banking is the ability to create money out of thin air. Or more accurately, the license to create money out of thin air. Black's Law Dictionary defines "license" as, "The permission by competent authority to do an act which without such permission, would be illegal." But it isn't the people doing this. It is the bankers courtesy of the Federal Reserve Act. People like the Rockefellers, Nelson W. Aldrich, J.P. Morgan and Paul Warburg. This books goes into the details. Fantastic information explaining the history of money, where the national debt comes from, why statists depise gold and silver and suggestions on what you can do about the problem of fiat currency. I, above all things, stopped using Federal Reserve Notes and credit cards and started using the Liberty Dollar. I signed up as an associate two years ago. It has been a fun and informative journey. I also have met Bernard von NotHaus on several occassions.

Before MLK, Gandhi, Tolstoy, or Thoreau, there was the brilliant Etienne de La Boetie, who explored civil disobedience, resistance to tyranny, and the brutal exploitative nature of the state.

Murray N. Rothbard's insightful introduction places this pioneering work in historical context and in the pantheon of Libertarian classics.

Boetie wrote his "Discourse" around 1553 when he was about 22 years of age and a student at the University of Orleans. This libertarian essay, two centuries ahead of its time, was never published by the Catholic and soon-to-be conservative Boetie. Huguenots published it anonymously in 1574 and fully credited it in 1576 (Boetie died in 1563 at 32 years of age).

The "Discourse" is an abstract, universal, naturally reasoned argument passionately calling for widespread civil disobedience to tyranny. Harold Laski later made the observation that "A sense of popular right such as the Friend of Montaigne [Boetie] depicts is, indeed, as remote from the spirit of the time as the anarchy of Herbert Spencer in an age committed to government interference" (see his "A Defence of Liberty Against Tyrants, p 11). Boetie appealed to man's universal nature rather than presumed or real historical precedents resulting in a timeless document that speaks to all ages.

Boetie begins "I should like merely to understand how it happens that so many men, so many villages, so many cities, so many nations, sometimes suffer under a single tyrant who has no other power than the power they give him; who is able to harm them only to the extent to which they have the willingness to bear with him . . .". He asks "Shall we call subjection to such a leader cowardice? . . . If a hundred, if a thousand endure the caprice of a single man, should we not rather say that they lack not the courage but the desire to rise against him, and that such an attitude indicates indifference rather than cowardice? . . . What monstrous vice, then, is this which does not even deserve to be called cowardice, a vice for which no term can be found vile enough?"

Boetie made a profound insight into the nature of the State - all states, including tyrannous ones, are based upon general popular acceptance.

Boetie continues "If we led our lives according to the ways intended by nature and the lessons taught by her, we should be intuitively obedient to our parents; later we should adopt reason as our guide and become slaves to nobody". He says ". . . there can be no further doubt that we are all naturally free", and asks "what evil chance has so denatured man that he, the only creature really born to be free, lacks the memory of his original condition and the desire to return to it?"

"He who thus domineers over you . . . How does he have any power over you except through you? How would he dare assail you if he had no cooperation from you?", he asks, ". . . you can deliver yourself if you try, not by taking action, but merely by willing to be free. Resolve to serve no more, and you are at once freed".

Boetie is saying that tyranny dissolves when the majority of the ruled withdraws its consent and thereby deprives the ruling minority of its support and grudging acceptance. Yet, the ruled seldom accomplish this. Boetie tells us the reason is "habituation":

"It is true that in the beginning men submit under constraint and by force; but those who come after them obey without regret and perform willingly what their predecessors had done because they had to. This is why men born under the yoke and then nourished and reared in slavery are content, without further effort, to live in their native circumstance, unaware of any other state or right, and considering as quite natural the condition into which they are born . . . it is clear enough that the powerful influence of custom is in no respect more compelling than in this, namely, habituation to subjection. It is said that . . . nature . . . has less power over us than custom."

Boetie made a second profound insight into the nature of the State - all states are in essence a hierarchy of privilege that benefits a limited minority. In his illustration of this point, Boetie employes the language of natural law and natural rights.

Boetie also noted the State's use of propaganda and techniques of information warfare (IW) employed upon its subjects to maintain servility. He says "it has always happened that tyrants, in order to strengthen their power, have made every effort to train their people not only in obedience and servility toward themselves, but also in adoration."

In conclusion, Boetie should be considered the first "Gandhi" or advocate of civil disobedience and it should be noted that he grounded his notions in man's natural right to liberty as dictated by natural law. His insights into the State ring true today. Modern Americans allow themselves to be regulated, taxed, and shipped off to invade and bomb their global neighbors to the same extent as their "cousins" across the pond in the United Kingdom - a phenomenon that no doubt has their liberty-loving forefathers rolling in their graves. Boetie hoped education would induce the withdrawal of consent, but as his turn to conservatism lays tribute, it is the weight of the yoke that prompts any reaction.

"...And you are at once free. I do not ask that you place hands on the tyrant, but merely cease to obey him, and you will see him, like a colossus, fall of his own weight and break into pieces." So begins this short classic. It reads as if written with words of fire. Astonishing clarity and moral certitude bathe the ideas expressed. There is no room for temporarizing in La Boiete; the breathtaking clarity of his ideas blew cobwebs from my mind. It was like learning to walk on two legs instead of four. Some toung in cheek references to how his rhetoric does not apply to the France of the Capetian dynasty merely add flavor and wit to his insights. Non-violent resistance and civil disobedience both trace their modern pedigrees to this work. This is a book for the ages, and it is a shame that it is not widely available in English. (Knowledge Products excerpts it on tape in their, "Giants of Political Thought" cassette series.) I wish every student could be given a copy of this book; then, our liberty would face a brighter future than now appears to be the case. -Lloyd A. Conway

"The Discourse of Voluntary Servitude" has influencedsome of the world's greatest social thinkers; from Leo Tolstoy toMohandus Gandhi to Ayn Rand. Written in the 1550s, as something of an underground tract or pamphlet by a young French student and friend of essayist Michelle de Montaigne, this short work remains a timeless expose of the psychology and inherent corruption involved in social or political power. The work has been in and out of print in English (Some of its various titles over the years were "Slaves By Choice," "Anti-Dictator," "The Will To Bondage," and "The Politics of Obedience: The Discourse of Voluntary Servitude"). In North America it has been out of print for some time now, unfortunately. Since its original circulation in the early 1550s as "de la servitude volontaire ou contr'un," this short but powerful work seems to find its way back into print whenever the winds of social change began blowing toward tyranny.

Etienne de la Boetie's THE POLITICS OF OBEDIENCE has also been named THE WILL TO BONDAGE edited by James J. Martin. The focus of the Boetie's book is the fact that the "Terrible Tyrant" is often a wimp and a coward and only survives because of the sychophants who readily obey him and betray each other to prove their loyalty.

Boetie cites historical examples of tyrants who ruled large populations due to the fact that their immediate supporters and the masses of people were immune to thinking that they could do better if their changes or regime changes. Yet, history provided very few examples up to the time of Boetie(the 16th. century). Boetie witnessed some of the excesses of the Reformation and Counter Reformation and the fact that tyrants were only too willing to take advantage of religious hatred to exploit their subjects.

Boetie's work is relevant in the 21st. century. The game of politics has not changed much except for the fact that The State has expanded exponentially since the 16th century. Boetie's argument that thinking only have to withdraw their support to bring the State to its knees which Ghandi did in India. Yet, there are so few surviving examples of this political ploy to expect too much except to write for the record.

What has made the situation worse is that the State has layers of burcaucracy with brainless bureaucrats who staff these powerful offices. These bureaucrats are basically useless and stupid and easily fit James J. Martin's description as "The New Stupid." They are useless which is why the State has made them indespensible.

This book has been reissued only a few times since it was first published in 1577. Yet, the reappearence of this book is a good sign that some people still consider it an important study in understanding the State

This definitive edition has been edited and provided with a Foreword and Introduction by Bruce Caldwell who retained the prefaces and forewords of earlier editions. The text has been enhanced by explanatory notes and new appendices that are listed at the end of this review.

Even after six decades, The Road To Serfdom remains essential for understanding economics, politics and history. Hayek's main point, that whatever the problem, human nature demands that government provide the solution and that this is the road to hell, remains more valid than ever. He demonstrated the similarities between Soviet communism and fascism in Germany and Italy.

The consensus in post-war Europe was for the welfare state which seemed humane and sensible for a long time. Now it is clear that this has led to declining birth-rates amongst native Europeans, mass immigration from North Africa and the Middle East, and a tendency to exchange their ancient cultural values for multiculturalism and moral relativism which is just another form of nihilism as the French philosopher Chantal Delsol observes.

In this timeless classic, Hayek examines issues like planning and power, the fallacy of the utopian idea, state planning versus the rule of law, economic control, totalitarianism, security and economic freedom. He brilliantly explains how we are faced with two irreconcilable forms of social organization. Choice and risk either reside with the individual or s/he is relieved of both. Societies that opt for security instead of economic freedom will in the long run have neither.

Complete economic security is inseparable from restrictions on liberty - it becomes the security of the barracks. When the striving for security becomes stronger than the love of freedom, a society gets into deep, deep trouble. The way to prosperity for all is to remove the obstacles of bureaucracy in order to release the creative energy of individuals.

The government's job is not to plan for progress but to create the conditions favorable to progress. This has been proved by the impressive economic expansion under Reagan and Thatcher and by the amazing growth of the Asian Tiger economies, and most recently India since it started implementing sensible economic policies. Everywhere entrepreneurial energy is unshackled, massive improvements follow.

Nowhere is this more obvious than in the contrast between phenomenal growth in formerly communist countries like Estonia or Poland or even the economic health of the UK as measured against the stagnant economies of Germany and France during the first years of the millennium. Old Europe would have benefited by a Thatcher and the French would have welcomed Polish plumbers instead of being resentful.

Hayek warns against utopian yearnings that are exploited by politicians, the stealthy way in which welfarism diminishes individual freedom, the totalitarian impulse and different types of propaganda. As pointed out by Chantal Delsol in Icarus Fallen, lack of personal responsibility leads to perpetual adolescence where citizens conflate desires with rights. Defining this process as the "sacralization" of rights, she shows that freedoms are then transformed into entitlements.

What a pity people don't learn; what a blessing we have in The Road to Serfdom as a reminder and a warning. The new Appendix of Related Documents include: Nazi-Socialism (1933), Reader's Report by Frank Knight (1943), Reader's Report by Jacob Marschak (1943), Foreword to the 1944 American Edition by John Chamberlain, Letter from John Scoon to C. Hartley Grattan (1945) and Introduction to the 1994 Edition by Milton Friedman. The book concludes with an index.

I always am skeptical about experts and their predictions so it was a delight to read Hayek's thoughts in 1944 about the problems with the prevailing economic theories. Life becomes the "answer key" about who was right and who was wrong. I started reading the book because of its historical importance but ended up enjoying Hayek's conversational and relaxed style. Thoughtful and balanced with the right mix of personal and societal examples. It seems that he would have been a wonderful teacher.

Without question one of the finest books every written in the realm of economics and politics. This is required reading for all whom love liberty and freedom.

This new edition includes a foreword by Bruce Caldwell explaining the book's origins and publishing history and assessing common misinterpretations of Hayek's thought. Caldwell has also standardized and corrected Hayek's references and added useful explanatory notes.

Hayek's central thesis of "The road to serfdom" is that all forms of collectivism lead logically and inevitably to tyranny, and he used the Soviet Union and Nazi Germany as examples of countries which had gone down "the road to serfdom" and reached tyranny.

The book has many worthy observations. For example, all people are different by their mental development (which is also influenced by family environment and education, not counting the physical differences of the brain and endocrine system) and thus the classes of the society are needed at least to give more developed people to fully put into action their potential. Liquidation of social classes will also liquidate the abilities of more developed individuals. The same is on the international level. Consider international planning. Whichever honest and democratically open panning system will be adopted, it will be opposed by less developed and poorer nations, because they will see it as ignorance or oppression of their interests. This is obvious - the needs and goals of poor or underdeveloped countries cannot match the goals of rich or developed countries; as the interests of more educated people cannot match the interests of less educated ones.

Many people came to a conclusion that the wealth, in some extent, depends on a level of education. The problem is that not all the people in equal extend incline to the education, to their self-improvement. This is because of the differences of their needs, habits, abilities, capabilities, and so on. Leo Tolstoy in his novel "Resurrection" arose a question of how to improve the level of education: from inside of each individual or from outside? Which came first, the chicken or the egg? Should first the level of education in the society be risen which yields a revolution (dialectic transition of quantity into quality) or the revolution should make the environment to foster the education. Hayek doesn't explicitly raise this issue, but brings parallel between delegation of decision making in managing an enterprise and managing the state. Hayek thought that if a company boss makes all decision making solely by himself and doesn't give the work (of decision making) back to the people (see Ronald Heifetz's publications), it is similar to the states with totalitarian government. Such a dictatorship, enterprise-wide or country-wide, can be used in particular circumstances, but should not be used in all cases as the absolutely correct way of management, according to Hayek.

Over 30 years ago, when I was in graduate school, this book was nowhere to be found on any Political Science or Political Theory reading list. I suppose part of the reason was that once the Nazis and Fascists had been defeated, their ideas were no longer seen as important. The question then was whether or not Communism would succeed. Furthermore, then and now, many people in academia had no complaint about government power as long as their side holds the power.

Hayek skillfully deflates that delusion by showing how the very economic powers of government created by the Social Democrats were the powers the Nazis used to consolidate their power.

This book was published 64 years ago but is as timely today as it was then.

Farley Mowat ,The Dean of the Canadian outdoor Writers, at the top of his form. If you've ever wondered what it was like to work on an Ocean going Tug Boat this is the book for you. Mr. Mowat uses his wartime experience and makes the men and vessels seem to have a life of their own. It's all done in a style that make putting this book down next to impossible. Be sure to have a turtleneck sweater and a steaming mug of Grog available because as you read this account of Maritime Tug's out of Canada you'll be chilled to the bone but kept warm by rapidly turning pages.

Farley Mowat had already written a book titled "The Boat Who Wouldn't Float," so he could very easily have called this volume, "The Ship Who Wouldn't Sink."

"The Serpent's Coil" is a companion book to "Grey Seas Under" and continues the story of ocean-going salvage tug operations in the Atlantic. "Grey Seas Under" chronicled the adventures of the tugboat `Foundation Franklin' before and during World War II. "The Serpent's Coil" takes place after the war and tells the tale of ships battered by the consuming fury of not one but three hurricanes (the "serpent's coil" of the title) in the autumn of 1948.

The author blends mystery, life-and-death adventure, and humor in his tale of rescue and salvage operations on `the Great Western Ocean.' The mystery centers around the disappearance of so many ex-wartime Liberty freighters in mid-ocean. Most of them were in ballast when they vanished, and it was assumed but never proven that shifting ballast caused the freighters to turn turtle and sink so rapidly that no message could be transmitted on the `how' or `why' of their plight.

`Leicester' was an ex-Liberty freighter fitted out in peace-time rig, newly under the command of Captain Hamish Lawson. He met his ship for the first time while she was taking ballast---"a sludge of sand and gravel dredged from the bottom of the [Thames]"---in preparation for a voyage to New York. Lawson had originally been scheduled to take command of another ex-Liberty freighter (called Sam-ships by the sailors, because they were built for the wartime Lend Lease program by `Uncle Sam'), but the `Samkey' had disappeared on route to Cuba. "'Leicester' was the twin sister to `Samkey'; built in the same yards, to the identical design. The only difference was that she was younger by a year..."

Captain Lawson's freighter was halfway between Ireland and Nova Scotia on the Great Circle route to New York when the first storm struck. `Leicester' rolled more than her Master liked, but she weathered the gale easily enough. His main worry was the ship's malfunctioning radio, without which he couldn't receive weather reports or transmit his own position. The Atlantic was not a good place to be in the middle of the hurricane season, without a radio.

Sure enough on the morning of September 14th, the crew of the `Leicester' found themselves sailing under another threatening sky:

"Lawson watched the ominous black arch [of the hurricane bar] for a quarter of an hour, and even during this short interval it seemed to grow, humping up from the horizon, spreading east and west. Above it, and around the hemisphere of sky, the high clouds were thickening, growing more opaque. A light, aimless breeze that seemed to come erratically from every point of the compass had begun to play about the ship. Lawson noticed that there were no gulls or other seabirds anywhere in sight."

The Sam-ship tried to dodge the hurricane, but it was much too late for such maneuvers. Within the hour, `Leicester' found herself enmeshed in the roaring hell of "The Serpent's Coil."

Mowat certainly knows how to tell a suspenseful sea story! The rest of his book describes the travails of `Leicester' as she founders but does not sink amidst the coils of the first hurricane. Her adventures afterward are entwined with those of the salvage and rescue tugs, `Foundation Lillian' and `Foundation Josephine,' plus another, even more savage hurricane that struck while the Sam-ship lay helplessly at what was supposed to be a safe mooring.

"The Serpent's Coil" and its even more exciting companion, "Grey Seas Under" are gripping testaments to the daring and skill of Canada's master seamen. Even the sections of these books that were strictly concerned with salvage operations kept me reading ahead at full steam.

i was given this book in 1964 and started reading it at about 9pm and didn`t finish until 5am. i`ve never forgotten it and thought i would see if it was still in print and wow! they are still printing it. (in 2001) i reread it and it is still one of the most exciting books and timeless..both men and women will like it. read it and enjoy, marti

What a story! The ads on the back state this to be the predecessor of the Perfect Storm. I don't think that is the case but the story is great. The Leicester leaves London, and rides out two hurricanes. At the end of the second hurricane-the ballast shifts and the ship takes on a terrible list. The crew rides out the hurricane on her, and then hails two other freighters and abandons ship. The ship then travels on a southerly direction until spotted by a salvage tug. This and another salvage tug take Leicester to Bermuda where she endures another hurricane and is beached with the salvage tug. The last chapter details the salvage of both the ship and tug. This was indeed the ship that wouldn't sink.
This is a nice little story that will keep the reader's interest.
A Perfect Storm is so much more dramatic that I wouldn't rate this book as highly as that. It is an interesting read.

True account of North Atlantic deep sea salvage.Men and equipment routinely battle impossible odds and harrowing conditions to save stricken ships. Reads like fiction.

As N. Chomsky brilliantly states, `Alex Carey draws the veil of deceit and imposed ignorance in the struggle for freedom and justice.'
Alex Carey shows how corporate propaganda protects corporate power (the few) against democracy (the many). Skilled manipulation conceals the real human nature and the needs of the common man in the interest of corporate efficiency and profit, in other words, in the interest of the privileged segments of society.

The effectiveness of propaganda depends on the availability of emotionally charged symbols and ideas. The most powerful ones are nationalist symbols. Therefore, corporate propaganda tries to identify the free-enterprise system with US national values, and strong unions, interventionist governments, communists and alleged liberal fellow travelers with threats to national security, subversion and tyranny.
A surveillance network detects early signs of ideological drifts. Corrective persuasion is immediately disseminated through the media, completely controlled by fellow megacorporations. As the social scientist H.D. Lasswell said: `propaganda is the one means of mass mobilization which is cheaper than violence, bribery or other possible control techniques.'

Another means of manipulation is the filtering of social science studies. Only those which improve the industry's image and interests are propagated.
Alex Carey shows the nonsense and fundamental hypocrisy of alleged `basic' social experiments (the Hawthorne studies, the experiments of K. Lewin and F. Herzberg), which `prove' that salary, job security and good working conditions are only of secondary importance for employees. In the meantime, corporations pocket superprofits.
Alex Carey's dissection of the Hawthorne studies is simply devastating. He unmasks social scientists as servants of power and union busters.

This book contains also excellent historical information (the McCarthy crusade, the great steel strike of 1919) and exposes rightly the link between propaganda and the pragmatism of Dewey and W. James (the promotion of false beliefs is justified if they are socially useful).

This is a very revealing book and a must read for all those wanting to understand the world we live in.

Alex Carey's work is absolutely some of the best. My favorite quote of his is this: "The 20th century has been characterized by three developments of great political importance: the growth of democracy, the growth of corporate power, and the growth of corporate propaganda as a means of protecting corporate power against democracy." This has become a touchstone for Sheldon Rampton and me in our books Toxic Sludge Is Good for You, Trust Us, We're Experts, and our writing for PR Watch. Carey is much missed.

Mr. Andrew Lohrey informs us in his introduction, to this collection of essays by the late Australian psychologist Alex Carey, that Carey was prevented from going to college by his parents after he finished secondary school as they wanted him to manage their sheep farm which he did with such success that he could sell it about a decade later and enter a university.

Here and there this book is dreadfully dry, particularly towards the end. His ideas probably would have been made clearer and much better organized if he would have been able to put together a regular book instead of a book of essays put together by someone else but he died in 1988 before he could get it done. But the topics he discusses are very important especially now when business and government propaganda has never been more powerful.

The main title of this book describes what big business and their intellectual and political minions have tried to do particularly in the United States as rights to vote and to organize in this country were extended to large segments of the population of this country over the last hundred years. Carey's old friend Noam Chomsky quotes in his preface the numerous intellectual advocates (Walter Lipmann, Harold Laswell,etc.) of what Thomas Jefferson called late in his life "a single and splendid government of an aristocracy" made up of the "banking institutions and monyed incorporations" whom he feared would destroy the freedoms gained during the American revolution. Many prominent liberal intellectuals devoted loyal service to the state during World War one particularly in the government propaganda agencies putting out massive bogus atrocity stories about the Germans and turning a largely anti-war population in a short period into a bunch of maniacs looking to destroy everything remotely connected with Germany and German culture. A young German soldier named Adolf Hitler was deeply impressed with the allied propaganda effort and blamed German weakness in this field for their defeat and vowed that Germany would learn its lessons by the time the next war came around.

The best part of Carey's text, by far, is about the first five chapters. The first topic discussed is the Americanization movement begun in the few years before World War one by big busisiness associatons who were particularly worried about such events as the victory of the IWW led strike of textile workers in Lawrence Massachusetts in 1912. Big business was particularly worried about the influence of IWW-type radicalism on the U.S. immigrant population which mostly worked under very bad conditions at very low wages and set to work with a somwhat successful drive to inculate immigrants as well as the population at large with "American" values like free enterprise and the status quo and social harmony and against alien values like socialism or the welfare state or non-pliable unions. Out of this campaign came the Fourth of July holiday signed into law into 1918. This campaign culminated in the government crushing of the labor movement during 1919-21 under the cover of chasing communists and German spies.

The labor movement, says Carey, did not recover until the Great Depression which forced the U.S. government to enact very basic welfare legislation and protection of unions. This greatly alarmed important segments of big business. The National Association of Manufacturers literature in 1938 warned of the "hazard facing industrialists" of the "newly realized political power of the masses."

The end of World War two saw the beginnings of a massive attack on independent thinkers and organized labor under the cover of a red scare. After a lag in the early 1970's, the elites in this country began to steer this country towards a very markedly right wing political climate, seeing the rise of previously regarded fringe elements as represented by such think tanks as the American Enterprise Institute and the Heritage foundation which featured such profound thinkers as former Nixon and Ford treasury secretary William Simon who fulminated about how the Carter administration was steering the country towards collectivist totalitarianism.

He goes into some detail examining the right wing apparatus in his native Australia. He ends with discussion of some matters dealing with industrial psychology and industrial sociology culminating in a study of the Hawthorne studies, laborious research at an Illinois assembly plant made up of female workers in the late 20's and early 30's where a group of industrial psychologists tried to secure evidence that workers don't care about money and just want to be left alone to do the wonderful jobs that the labor market has forced on them. The Hawthorne chapter is in large part almost unintelligible and very dry, probably inevitable given that it is a scientific paper.

Carey points out that citizens living in totalitarian regimes have no choice but to tow the government line out of fear for their personal safeties. In free societies, Carey explains that more subtle means are used to keep populations under control. Specifically, propaganda is used to ensure that most people will think in a manner that is consistent with the corporate agenda (such as belief in the free market and business' right to unlimited profit). Carey documents how Americans and Australians have been subjected to corporate propaganda during most of the 20th Century, and explains how these efforts have perverted our democracy (for example, American's over willingness to fight communists, real or imagined, to protect capitalism). Indeed, while many Americans were conditioned during the Cold War to believe that propaganda existed only in the Soviet Union, China and other communist regimes, Carey persuasively argues that propaganda actually played (and continues to play) a more critical role in molding the attitudes of citizens in democracies.

"Taking the Risk Out of Democracy : Corporate Propaganda Versus Freedom and Liberty" is a pioneering work in the field of corporate propaganda analysis which reveals just how much of a major force corporate propaganda is in contemporary society. Alex Carey quotes the business press as stating that the public mind is the greatest "hazard facing industrialists."

"Taking the Risk Out of Democracy : Corporate Propaganda Versus Freedom and Liberty" points out that there are two types of propaganda, each of which have specific societal functions. The first type is aimed at the educated, articulate sectors of the population that are involved in in decision making and setting the agenda for others to adhere to. The second type of propaganda is aimed at the unwashed masses, to keep them distracted so as they don't interfere in the public arena where they have no business in being. All in all, "Taking the Risk Out of Democracy : Corporate Propaganda Versus Freedom and Liberty remains a seminal analysis of corporate propaganda and its uses in creating an obedient elite and a subserviant citizenry. Very enjoyable.

I am a BIG fan of Ludwig von Mises. I am aware of what his great contributions are to the science of Economics. All free-market believers are indebted to him for his work. That is precisely why I bought a copy of his Theory of Money and Credit.

I found it VERY DIFFICULT to read, even with a dictionary in hand. So much so that I never finished it. And this even though I have read Rothbard's classic "America's Great Depression" twice.

Admittedly, von Mises wrote the original in German (I think), and translating technical material from another language may be quite difficult.

I give von Mises 5 stars for his Theory, (which really isn't a theory, but FACT). But I must subtract one star for it's lack of readability.

--George Stancliffe

Von Mises' "The Theory of Money and Credit" is a great work in theoretical economics. Its key insight is that money has an influence on the real economy.

Monetary financing of deficits leads to inflation, but this inflation is never proportional, that is variations in the money supply produce variations in relative prices and therefore have distributional consequences.

MV = PT is an identity. The 'V' reflects the money demand of individuals for whom a $ has a subjective value. What happens to PT is dependent on who how the new money will ripple through the economic system. Every change in the amount of money is different. Apart from subjective factors the velocity of circulation will depend on trends in population growth, the division of labour and financial innovation all of these tending to accelerate it over time.

A key price in any economy is the real interest rate. Within a stable monetary framework these would reflect time preference and the (perceived) profitability of investments. By artificially reducing the rate of interest investment booms are provoked by making longer processes of production seem more profitable than they are and when finally because of a intolerantly high rate of inflation the monetary growth is halted a sharp recession occurs, in which firms go bust and the some investments are liquidated. Hence business cycles.

In essence it a manifesto for sound-money which in Mises' view amounts to adopting the gold standard. Inflationary deficit finance is dishonest and arbitrary on people's incomes and should be replaced by explicit taxation.

The late great Murray Rothbard described Ludwig von Mises's _The Theory of Money and Credit_ as the best book on money ever written. And so it is.

It is probably best known as the volume which first set out the distinctive Austrian theory of the trade cycle. For that alone, it deserves a place on the bookshelf of everyone who cares about such things (and more people should).

But there's much more to it than that. This volume sets out a complete and groundbreaking theory of money itself: what it is, where it comes from, what it means to speak of its "value," the differences between commodity money and fiat money, the demand for money and what it has to do with banking, and -- crucially -- the jiggery-pokery that becomes possible when the State starts messing around with unsound monetary policy.

This edition also includes a section on "Monetary Reconstruction" written in 1952 (and first included in the 1953 Yale University Press edition).

Plus there's a foreword by Murray Rothbard. And, finally, it's another beautifully crafted volume from the Liberty Fund, practically a steal at the price posted above. You'd have a hard time buying most such books _used_ at this price.

So what are you waiting for? Throw your Samuelson and Keynes in the trash and pick up a book of _real_ economics.

Murray Newton Rothbard has been quoted as saying this book is THE best book ever written on Money & Credit. So having found Rothbard's writings to be outstanding in their own right, I moved on to this Mises classic!

The first thing to note is that this book was first published in 1912 and in German, and although the translation has been accomplished superbly, the style of writing has somewhat of an antequated feel to it; not quite the same free flowing prose you get with Rothbard. Once you get into the feel of it though, this in no way detracts from your understanding of the theory presented.

It has an excellent new Foreward by Rothbard himself, extensive footnoting and index and is hardbound beautifully by the Liberty Fund Press, with dust jacket. There is also a nice Appendix: On The Classification of Monetary Theories, that is very useful and informative.

The book itself is divided into four main Parts:
Part One: The Nature of Money.
Part Two: The Value of Money.
Part Three: Money and Banking.
Part Four: Monetary Reconstruction.(This part was added in 1952).

For me the book really took on a story of two halves. In the first half of the book, Parts 1 & 2, the bulk of the theory is really laid out. It can be slow going as it is extremely in depth but I highly recommend you stick with it as this pays off in the second half of the book!

In Part 3 Mises really starts putting flesh onto the theory when we get into Money & Banking proper with discussion of demand for money, credit, fiduciary paper, rate of interest etc. But towards the end in Chapters 19 & 20 things get MUCH more interesting as equilibrium rates and interest are discussed in detail and he finally talks about gold, the gold standard and banking freedom.

Part 4 is where my heart lies. Here we have the discussion of the principles of sound money versus contemporary currency systems. There's then an excellent discourse on the Return to Sound Money, ie the Classical Gold Standard.

The second half of this wonderful book certainly flowed better for me, but that may also be just because I am more of an investment manager/trader and less of an economist! You feel like you have had Mises teaching you in fine detail and that he has left no stone unturned in your understanding. Mises doesn't read as easily as the prose of Rothbard but that does not detract from the excellence of the material. Superb!

It really IS a truly outstanding work and if not the best book ever written on the subject, it surely has to be at the very least, one of the very best, and as such is certainly a "must-read"!!!

This wonderful, beautifully bound, classic is an absolute "steal" at $20. I still cannot believe it is sold for so little. My recommendation is to buy it while it is still available in this beautiful hardbound edition!

Enjoy!

The Theory of Money and Credit is the foundation of modern Austrian Economics. The central contribution of this book is its application of marginal utility theory to money. Mises takes a micro-analytic approach to money that differs from the Hume-Fischer-Friedman Quantity Theory significantly. Of course there is some truth in the Quantity Theory. The Quantity Theory also teaches some lessons against inflation.

Mises set the groundwork for Austrian Business Cycle theory, as later developed by Hayek and Garrison. Both the Quantity Theory and the Mises-Hayek theory of trade cycles point to the same root cause: inflation. However, the Mises-Hayek theory explains trade cycles in terms of intertemporal dis-coordination. Hayek owes his Nobel Prize the groundbreaking work of Mises.

The Theory of Money and Credit also served as the basis for the calculation critique of socialism. Mises began to see the significance of monetary calculation in this book. The Austrian theories of the trade cycle and monetary calculation are the two main lines of modern Austrian research. These were the two critical debates of the Interwar Years. Also, Mises formulated his `Regression Theorem' in this book. Without this book, the modern Austrian paradigm would differ beyond recognition. Anyone who wants to learn Austrian economics should read this book.

First of all, I must issue a disclaimer that I have belonged and do belong to the group of people who identify themselves as 'liberals'. I must also say that although I disagree with most of Simon's overall general observations about liberalism itself, I do agree with some of his observations of liberals in particular. However, I mostly I admire the late William Simon himself, and this conservative treatise as being sincerely candid and, indeed, prophetic. (Also, Edith Efron, Simon's ghostwriter, must be credited with the book's elegant cadence.)

In fact, I recommend shaking off some of the dust from the pages of this old, yellowed paperback especially to Republicans who today, in the estimation of this reviewer, have lost touch with the conservative heritage of their party. In short, I write this review as much paying homage as a member of Simon's loyal opposition.

Although in 'A Time For Truth', copyrighted 1978, Simon clearly displayed his partisan credentials, he also left no illusion that if Republicans were ever to take control of the government, they may very well create in their own image the very centralized absolutist state which Simon believed had been established by the Democrats of his era.

Simon greatly feared seemingly "uncontrollable" spending and national debt. He regarded deficit spending on his own watch during the Nixon administration as an experiment gone horribly wrong, from which he learned a profound lesson. As Nixon's Secretary of Treasury, he actually took responsibility (the forgotten virtue of conservatives) for the government's failed energy policies, which are ironically usually attributed to Carter, who actually inherited the crisis.

Simon's self-admitted angry tone in 'A Time For Truth' was in reaction to a growing national debt, and its accompanying bureaucracy, which as of 12/31/1980, at the end of Jimmy Carter's term, according to the Bureau of Public Debt (which they rounded off to millions) was a total $930,210,000,000.00 -- or $930.2 billion. What would have been Simon's reaction to the public debt on 12/30/1988, at the end of Ronald Reagan's term, of $2,602,337,712,041.16 -- or $2.6 trillion? Or on 12/30/1992, at the end of George H.W. Bush's term, a sum of $4,064,620,655,521.66 -- or $4 trillion? Would Simon issue the same outrage at the government, under Reagan's watch, more than doubling the national debt, and under Reagan and Bush cumulatively more than quadrupling the debt? Reagan had a readily-available explanation for this: Congress, still under control of the democrats.

What then would Simon say about the national debt under George W. Bush, who presides during a republican-controlled congress? As of 9/28/2001, the debt was $5,807,463,412,200.06 -- or $5.8 trillion and has grown to $8,269,768,312,946.41 -- over $8 trillion, in the month of this writing, 3/01/2006 ?

Of course, the 'War on Terror' will be among the top explanations given by republicans today. However Simon did not leave the impression that this would be an acceptable excuse. Besides the total defense budget for fiscal year 2006 being $419.3 billion; a comparatively small portion of the total debt of over $2.6 trillion, Simon repudiated any increased spending without cutting other expenses or raising taxes to pay for that spending.

One interesting feature of this book is an early mention and even a definition for "neo-conservative". Simon saw them as among the allies of true conservatives, though he saw "neo-conservatives" as too interventionist. It is perhaps telling that on pg. 118 Simon described an exchange with then chief of staff, Donald Rumsfeld, who accused Simon of "betraying" Ford for criticizing his budget of $51.9 billion as "horrendous." One would be tempted to wonder what Simon, being a staunch fiscal conservative who despised and feared spiraling government spending and abyssmal deficits, would say today to the heritors of his party. However, in 'A Time For Truth' Simon himself indeed issued such dire warnings:

"The only thing that can save the Republican Party, in fact, a counterintelligensia. Without such a reservoir of antiauthoritarian scholarship on which to draw, it is destined to remain the Stupid Party and to die. It may even deserve to die. A political party which declares itself philosophically committed to freedom but allows an economic dictatorship to emerge in the United States without stirring up the fiercest political donnybrook in American history has asked for the oblivion to which it is presently being consigned." --pg. 255

For its time this book must have indeed seemed like an unexpected breath of fresh air issued from the unlikely source of a figure who served under Richard Nixon and Gerald Ford. Today 'A Time For Truth' seems as much a badge of honor for conservatives as an albatross for the Republican Party.

It is an irony that in 2002 and again in 2003 William E. Simon, Jr. ran, though unsuccessfully, as the republican candidate for Governor of California during another energy crisis, finally throwing his grudging support behind another republican.

Now a national debt of under a trillion dollars seems like 'The Good 'Ole Days'. It seems to this reviewer that, though Simon's observations about spending policies of Democrats in the 1970s were indeed relevant, the same observations also apply to today's Republicans, if not more relevantly. Simon was a devotee of Adam Smith and the 'invisible hand' of the free market (historically the quarter of liberalism.) Simon warned of government subsidies and tax examptions for corporations, but instead insisted that only a competitive market would produce wealth. As William E. Simon seemed to prefer simple principles and over-arching abstractions over micromanagement and minutiae, I think it is appropriate to add that, in my view, Simon's warnings simply confirm the old adage that power corrupts, and absolute power corrupts absolutely.

William E. Simon died in June of 2000. Between this and his time of public service under Nixon/Ford, true to the conscience of a sincere human being, he was privately active as a member of the Order of the Knights of Malta as a philanthropist and volunteer in service of terminally ill and destitute patients.

When you begin reading this book it turns into an interesting
read. The book is authored by William Simon who served as the
Secretary of the Treasury under Presidents Richard Nixon and Gerald Ford. Simon relates to you his beliefs and philosphies about the free market system.Simon had done well with this system
becoming mega wealthy.Simon attempts sucessfully to warn the
American peopleabout the unbreakable connection between economic
and political freedom.He warns that the expanding state is taking these freedoms away. A very interesting read by a very
wise man. Read this book. You will like it.

A must-read for anyone concerned not just about our country's economic future, but about personal freedom as well. Easy to read, trenchant, and incisive. William E. Simon comes across as one of our nation's greatest (and most overlooked) thinkers.

The effect of central government planning is shocking. William Simon's foresight is excellent as we now sit with a post-cold war Russia. A strong recommend if you care at all about taxes. The current socialist movement in America should be stopped short.

With the passing of Mr. Simon I was reminded of his book, A TIME FOR TRUTH. I read this great book 20 years ago while picking up what was remaining of my horrific beginning foray in college and working full-time in the vaults of Morgan Guaranty (J.P. Morgan).

I credit Mr. Simon's book with helping to turn my life around and giving me the paternal leadership I was lacking. It's a marvelous book about how our illustrious and bellicose Congress of the United States dupes the American public with it's tax and spend policies and offers us a chance to reaquaint ourselves with our great founding principles. Without principles we are nothing...

In 1986 while in the USMCR I had the privilege of meeting Mr. Simon while pulling guard duty at a MC Scholarship Fund dinner. I was thrilled.

My sincere sympathies go out to his family.

Having researched extensively about the relationship between liberty and security in the United States since September 11, 2001, I would have to say that "The War on Our Freedoms" has provided me with the most fascinating information about the issue. The book provides an account of how civil liberties continue to be rolled back beneath the feet of many citizens without much attention paid to the fact that America is quickly losing sight of its founding principles and most important values. The essays found in "The War on Our Freedoms" carefully yield a perspective on the war against terrorism that many Americans have begun to overlook. I strongly recommend this book to anyone who is passionate about upholding civil liberties for all Americans and to anyone who is knowledgeable (or would like to become knowledgeable) about the importance of the system of checks and balances that our Constitution mandates.

Reading this book, comprised of info from many sources, I got frankly angered by the way this administration, as well as others in the past, used tragedies and wars to take our freedoms from us and invade our privacy on a whim. I understand some liberties must be sacrificed in times of conflict. The government just after 9-11 was running straight from the executive branch without any checks and balances. Of course who would dispute or bring up civil liberties in times of crisis, obviously not anyone in the courts. People were labeled enemy combatants and contained without right to trial, any proof of guilt, and held months without anyone even knowing their whereabouts. Many were probably guilty, but some were innocent and in the wrong place at the wrong time. Our government wanted to get people to act as spies, surveying their neighborhoods, spying on neighbors, getting your library to turn you in as a terrorist for reading muslim literature or something containing dissent to the govt. Luckily that brilliant plan of ashcrofts has not gone over to will not be tolerated, and should not be tolerated by the citizens that are supposed to be the backbone of our democracy. Very informative book. AMerica must fight to revise this orwellian act that is the patriot act.

I read this book cover-to-cover on a flight from L.A. to New York, and found it both well-written and informative. Indeed, I thought it was such a good survey of the major legal issues in America's war on terrorism that I assigned it as required reading for my American Law & Terrorism seminar at UCLA.

This book provides the "backstory" for many of the key issues I plan to cover, such as prohibition of material support to foreign terrorist organizations and how that law squares with America's First Amendment jurisprudence. For the most part, this book takes a critical position against most of the current legal arguments advanced by the Bush Administration, e.g. that the President should be allowed to designate enemy combatants. But each article presents its argument in a fairly balanced way.

Also, the articles do a great job of explaining the law at a college-graduate level, as opposed to a lawyer's level. That's unusual for most books on the subject, and I think it makes this a must-buy for anyone interested in the subject.

In every era of this nation's history, there has been a small minority of wise and prescient thinkers who, unwilling to drift with the popular current, warn us of the forces threatening our basic freedoms. Labeled as agitators, often despised and feared in their own times, these are the people who take seriously the enlightened principles of the American Revolution. They said no to slavery when the rest of the nation was indifferent to it or saying yes; they protested child labor; they demanded the 8-hour day and the minimum wage; they said we must protect our air and water. Their passionate devotion to the ideals of democracy has chopped away at the greed and denial that grows in America like weeds if no one is watching. But whatever the issue, our nasty habit in this country is to ignore the voices of protest. Then we struggle and suffer and people get hurt, very hurt. Eventually the agitators of yesterday become the heroes of the new day. Why can't we learn to listen before the damage is done? This book is a compilation of essays that MUST be listened to. These people are telling us -- with passion, intelligence and good sense, and without greed or agendas and certainly without denial -- about the delicate balance between national security and civil liberties, about the crucial importance of the free trade of ideas, and the danger of popular intolerance of dissent. If we listen now we can prevent that moment for the historians of the future when they say, "How could they not have seen what was about to happen?" As Anthony Lewis says in his essay "Security and Liberty," "If we are to preserve constitutional values - the values of freedom -- understanding and resistance must come now." This book is a MUST READ for everyone who cares deeply about the direction of this nation.

Comprised of a series of scholarly essays on the gradual of secretive reneging of US civil liberties post-9/11, "War on Our Freedoms" is an important book for anyone living in the United States to read. Though some government opacity and reining in of rights is always needed in the wake of an event such as 9/11 or the war in Iraq, this book is a chilling reminder that there is a thin line that we seem to be crossing, unbeknownst to most Americans.