Ohio Books
Related Subjects:
More Pages: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 77 78 79 80 81 82 83 84 85 86 87 88 89 90 91 92 93 94 95 96 97 98 99 100 101 102 103 104 105 106 107 108 109 110 111 112 113 114 115 116 117 118 119 120 121 122 123 124 125 126 127 128 129 130 131 132 133 134 135 136 137 138 139 140 141 142 143 144 145 146 147 148 149 150 151 152 153 154 155 156 157 158 159 160 161 162 163 164 165 166 167 168 169 170 171 172 173 174 175 176 177 178 179 180 181 182 183 184 185 186 187 188 189 190 191 192 193 194 195 196 197 198 199 200 201 202 203 204 205 206 207 208 209 210 211 212 213 214 215 216 217 218 219 220 221 222 223 224 225 226 227 228 229 230 231 232 233 234 235 236 237 238 239 240 241 242 243 244 245 246 247 248 249 250

Used price: $11.77
Collectible price: $35.00

Post Morten of the Nixon PresidencyReview Date: 2006-10-19
What Journalism Ought to BeReview Date: 2004-02-18
The fulcrum of this book is, of course, the "third-rate burglary" from which Watergate takes its name. But Lukas is far-sighted enough not to begin with that. He gives us the larger context of the early Nixon years: the internal wiretapping, the fund-raising money machine, the systematic campaign of dirty tricks against the 1972 Democratic campaign, both primary and general.
Indeed, for me perhaps the true pivot point is not the burglary at all, but rather that moment in January, 1972, when Gordon Liddy launched "a well-prepared thirty-minute 'show-and-tell'" to introduced "Project Gemstone" -- intended as "a vast intelligence-gathering and dirty-tricks campaign" against the Democrats and (one would have to say) against the electoral process itself. Here it all is: electronic surveillance and wiretapping; breakins; kidnap squads; mugging squads; call girls; sabotage. John Dean says he found it "mind-boggling." But Attorney General John Mitchell was more restrained: "That's not quite what we had in mind," he said. And Jeb Magruder was more proactive: "Cheer up, Gordon," he said, "You just tone the plan down a little and we'll try again."
For my money, that is the point at which any decent public servant would have stood up and shouted "GET THIS GUY OUT OF HERE! Don't let him come within a dung-fork's distance of any public policy issue any time, anywhere, ever again." Of course we know better now: in fact, Liddy's campaign did go forward largely as he had planned it. And it was not a free-lance operation: rather, it was embedded at the very heart of the Nixon administration.
From the introduction of Gemstone we move on moment by moment through the burglary, the coverup, the coverup of the coverup and finally, Nixon's resignation. By that point, almost any reader will concede that Lukas has documented his case. The denoument is the celebrated "smoking gun" -- the text of the tape of Nixon's conversation on June 23, 1972.
"What made the tape so damaging," says Lukas, "was ... the plain, irrefutable language which showed that six days after the Watergate burglary the President of the United States knew a great deal about the break-in, realized that Liddy and [E. Howard] Hunt had been involved, recognized Mitchell's probable complicity, personally ordered a cover-up of the facts, and used the CIA and the FBI to protect his personal political interests."
Watergate was a tragedy, of course, and any honest account is bound to make pretty sordid reading. But at the end, one can find uplift. For however many people behaved badly, quite a lot of people behaved well: famously Eliot Richardson, who resigned as Attorney General rather than fire Archibald Cox; perhaps more subtly Congressman Peter W. Rodino, Jr., who succeeded (at no small efort) in keeping the House hearings decent and honorable; more surprisingly Congressman Lawrence Hogan, conservative Republican from Maryland who upstaged some of his more liberal colleagues by declaring for impeachment (he was offended at what Nixon had done to the FBI). And I'd even save a kind word for Hugh W. Sloan, Jr., a campaign staffer who did, concededly, take part in some of the money-sloshing, but who in the end refused to go along with the coverup.
Woodward and Bernstein have their place in Watergate history, if not nearly as great as their own (well--Woodward's) self-promotion would suggest. If they did not originate much in the way of real Watergate news, they did a great deal to keep the topic on the agenda. But their project also did a great deal of long-term harm, helping to facilitate the growth of a climate of "client journalism" where reporters get cozy with sources and manipulate the process as much as any active participant. Tony Lukas died far too young (and a suicide). As a monmument, he leaves a body of exemplary journalism, of which this is a capstone.

Used price: $12.95

Recommended for students of American historyReview Date: 2001-10-14
Great Reading, Excellent and ScholarlyReview Date: 2001-06-14

SUPERB for internship/residencyReview Date: 2004-04-14
easy to read and understandReview Date: 1999-02-06

Used price: $31.00

The Better ChoiceReview Date: 2007-05-13
THE best practitioners manual for landlord/tenant law in OHReview Date: 2004-07-26

Necessary For RentersReview Date: 2000-04-12
Ohio Landlord Tenant LawReview Date: 2000-03-21

Used price: $2.55

A must-read for any Ohio political observerReview Date: 2008-09-22
Your Ohio politics library isn't complete without this book.Review Date: 1999-01-19

need to use this edition which is completely updatedReview Date: 2005-01-05
Out of Date!Review Date: 1997-08-08

Used price: $14.54

OHIO STATE WAS GREAT IN 68Review Date: 2006-10-23
Gooooooooo Bucks!Review Date: 1999-02-17
Great detail, personal stories and game footage.

Used price: $36.79

THE ULTIMATE BUCKEYE FANATIC BOOKReview Date: 2008-08-12
GO BUCKS!!!!
a MUST HAVE for BUCKEYE FANSReview Date: 2008-07-30

Used price: $0.21

Enjoyable ReadReview Date: 2008-07-24
Great book!Review Date: 2008-06-30
Related Subjects:
More Pages: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 77 78 79 80 81 82 83 84 85 86 87 88 89 90 91 92 93 94 95 96 97 98 99 100 101 102 103 104 105 106 107 108 109 110 111 112 113 114 115 116 117 118 119 120 121 122 123 124 125 126 127 128 129 130 131 132 133 134 135 136 137 138 139 140 141 142 143 144 145 146 147 148 149 150 151 152 153 154 155 156 157 158 159 160 161 162 163 164 165 166 167 168 169 170 171 172 173 174 175 176 177 178 179 180 181 182 183 184 185 186 187 188 189 190 191 192 193 194 195 196 197 198 199 200 201 202 203 204 205 206 207 208 209 210 211 212 213 214 215 216 217 218 219 220 221 222 223 224 225 226 227 228 229 230 231 232 233 234 235 236 237 238 239 240 241 242 243 244 245 246 247 248 249 250
In April 1973 J. Anthony Lukas was assigned to write an article on Watergate. This was followed by a second article; then a third. This book covers the whole story of Richard Nixon's abuse of his presidential powers. Chapter 1 starts with the 1970 election, which was not favorable to Nixon's hopes. He wanted a big victory in 1972. Attorney-General John Mitchell was a state and municipal bond lawyer who new about back-room deals. Protests in May 1971 Washington were met with Nixon's public disdain; privately he was worried (p.10). Nixon chose young men who had no independent judgment (p.8). Nixon felt threatened by the Establishment: "Wall Street, Cambridge, Georgetown" and others (p.13). A private security entity was created to investigate Nixon's enemies. [Was Nixon's problems due to an inferiority complex "lifelong sense of powerlessness" (p.18)?] Chapter 2 describes the insecurity of Nixon. The Huston Plan was killed by J. Edgar Hoover; but it seems to have gone forward (p.37). Sophisticated officials don't discuss secrets over a telephone, but in person in a private place (p.55). You never know who is listening to you.
Nixon's 1972 campaign raised an unusually large amount of corporate money; often from companies that had problems in Washington (p.127). [Is creating problems for corporations a way for government to raise campaign contributions?] "Most contributions from the business community ... are made in response to pressure ..." (P.128). [The more business is regulated, the more money that can be extracted by the officials in Washington. "They all do it."] Nixon also raised money from the wealthy who wanted to be appointed ambassadors (p.134). Page 142 shows how a company backs the twin-party system. There are no witnesses on a golf course. [Could Nixon's greediness have caused the Establishment to turn on him after the election?] Kevin Phillips' book noted that the lack of a Wallace candidacy would swell the 1972 Republican vote (p.147). Nixon tried to stop Wallace (pp.147-149), and failed. But something happened (p.150). The most famous dirty trick was on Ed Muskie (p.163). Bogus letters to newspapers and congressmen were used to create public support for Nixon, at least 50 a week (p.166). There is a report about Senator Thomas Eagleton's health (p.168). The next step was to stage break-ins (before Watergate).
And so the book continues with so very many pages on the Nixon Presidency. The Note on Sources says there was a glut of information where the difficulty was finding the truth among self-serving and conflicting data. The 45 pages of index to the 569 pages of text make this a reference book on Nixon's Presidency. The Sources list the books, articles, interviews, documents, and remarks used for this book. This is a one-volume book of information this topic. Lukas watched what Nixon did, not what he said. Not much has changed since this 1975 book was published. Lukas' comment that W. Mark Felt, Jr. was believed to be the source called "Deep Throat" has been confirmed (p.273). [The pagination is from the hardcover edition.]