North Carolina Books
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Delivers a punch!Review Date: 2007-05-03


Labor history as it should be written Review Date: 2008-05-30
Zieger describes the very precarious state of the CIO in the late 30's. I was surprised to learn how extremely modest the victory of the United Rubber Workers was at the Goodyear Akron Ohio plant in early 1936. I always assumed it involved at least union recognition, increase in wages, etc. 10 CIO workers were shot dead and many injured by Chicago police in front of the Republic Steel plant on Memorial Day 1937. The police in that case opened fire without the slightest provocation as did the cops in Masillon Ohio who, in the midst of a wild shooting spree to break up a steelworkers gathering, killed 3. The Little Steel strikes were lost w/o gaining union recognition and anti-unionism at Ford's River Rouge Michigan plant was demonstrated by the ex-cons in Ford's security department who nearly beat to death Walter Reuther and Richard Frankensteen. The United Auto Workers was wracked by revolt against Homer Martin's incompetence at the same time the Reuther brothers, the communists and Richard Frankensteen fought each other and Martin.
Zieger notes that polls of the period showed working class support for government regulation of corporate wealth and protection for unions. But in 1938 one poll showed a preference of two-thirds of workers for the A.F of L's staid, conservative William Green over Lewis. Workers thought unions had too much power and supported efforts to clean leftist radicals from unions and restrict the constitutional rights of commies, etc. In particular most CIO workers were not at all supportive of the backing for African American civil rights that the federation's leader's expressed. This became particularly clear during the "hate strikes" of World War II when white CIO members struck or even rioted to protest desegregation or promotions given to fellow black workers. The leadership made reasonable efforts to oppose this racism according to the author. Such reactionary opinions of course made the workers vulnerable to manipulation by politicians seeking the cover of reactionary fear mongering in order to attack union viability.
Zieger covers the attempts by the CIO leaders to restrain workers militancy defense industries during World War II. Government agencies tried to restrain the growth of workers' wages in the interests of containing inflation. Many workers felt compelled to go on strike to contest this. The government ordered many defense companies to give the unions of their workers some form of security in return for which workers were expected to obey intense work regimens. The union leaders were supposed to make sure that workers were firmly focused on production tasks. Zieger notes the zealotry that unions led by Communists and fellow travelers showed in adhering to the no-strike pledge
The CIO really did not have much choice but to stick to the limits the establishment put on it. That is at least the author's conclusion That is to say the CIO had no choice but to stick to pushing for wage and benefit increases w/o really challenging corporate power while working to strengthen liberal Democrats in order to increase the welfare state and Keynesian economic policies. As the Cold War got under way, the CIO purged 11 of its communist inclined affiliates and the one million members belonging to those unions. The leadership centralized power in its executive committee.....The CIO leaders fervently supported the creation of the national security state and U.S. foreign policy; a few exceptions within the organization expressed criticism of actions like the overthrow of the Arbenz government in Guatemala in 1954. Beginning with their 1946 organizing drive in the South the organization downplayed its commitment to civil rights. Zieger describes the increasing bureaucratization of the CIO and dampening of rank and file activism as the Cold War got under way.
I'm most impressed with the author's portrayal of communists within the CIO. He notes that communist CIO leaders had some virtues. They had an admirable record in organizing African American workers and organizing biracial unions. Moreover according to the author, even among their harshest critics, Communist led unions had a reputation for honest administration, efficiency in gaining better wages and other benefits, an egalitarian internal structure, good cultural and educational programs, etc.
Zieger's portrayal of Communists in American labor in the main text is notable when contrasted with the seeming approval of the CIO's anti-communist purges he expresses in the book's conclusion. To Zieger it was important for the CIO to dissociate itself from people who supported Stalin's crimes (actually Communists tended to deny most of those crimes took place). It may have been a practical necessity given the environment of the late 40's to get rid of the Communists. But I think Zieger errs in trying to dissociate the purge from the processes that led to the CIO's increasing bureaucratization, the passivity of its rank and file and its support for military keynesian based economic growth. The American elite that the CIO was trying to appease opposed a CP presence in American unions not because CP members supported the murderous Stalin but because Communists were seen as a source of labor militancy. Moreover, speaking from my own very left radical perspective I don't see any virtue in choosing the United States over the USSR. Yes Stalin killed millions of people. But the world capitalist system that the United States has overseen since World War II has millions of victims too, from starvation and disease to say nothing of carpet bombing in Vietnam, Central American death squads, etc.
But the book is in the main well written and intellectually diverting. If only all labor history could be done as Zieger does this book.

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Mountaineers in the Civil War "Trenches"Review Date: 2006-01-13
From triumph to tragedy, the "soldiers' letters" express what few authors or writers can achieve--realism.
According to cartographic and demographic studies, Southern Appalachia comprised a unique indigenous people, and by isolating these rare letters it allows the reader the most detailed insight to their experiences.
The soldier experienced various traumatic stressors in the conflict: such as witnessing death or dismemberment, handling dead bodies, traumatic loss of comrades, realizing imminent death, killing others and being helpless to prevent others' deaths.
Plain, raw and to the point: The reader will witness the most detailed insight to the so-called American Civil War. Intimate and personal: diseases, privation, wounds, loneliness, exhaustion, heartache, and death are all explored.
To understand and fathom the sociopolitical and geopolitical "tone" of western North Carolina and the American Civil War, purchase "The Heart of Confederate Appalachia: Western North Carolina in the Civil War" by John C. Inscoe and Gordon B. McKinney.
Matthew D. Parker

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A dramatically presented and extensively researched surveyReview Date: 2003-01-11


A Must-Have for Classical SchoolsReview Date: 2005-09-26

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Clingman's Brigade analyzed and evaluatedReview Date: 2006-01-22
Clingman's Brigade and its leader for whom it was named, has received a mixed assessment for their Civil War activities. Often on the losing side of engagements, the brigade has been ranked "below average" by some; Robert E. Lee, however, after the affair at Drewry's Bluff in May 1864, said that Clingman's men "did their duty well," and Jefferson Davis, who witnessed Clingman's charge at the same battle, described it as "the most gallant ... he had ever witnessed." Casstevens's purpose in this book is to examine the military activities of the Brigade in order to determine its impact on various battles and affairs. In this she does a credible, evenhanded, and thorough job.
Thomas Lanier Clingman was a proud man from a proud family. A "scholar-soldier," he was born and raised in North Carolina and loved nothing more than to wander the Blue Ridge and Great Smoky Mountains, mainly in pursuit of minerals and gems. He studied for the law and was elected to both the state and national legislature; he had no military training. Clingman's Brigade was formed late in 1862 and was sent to the eastern part of the state, where it saw its first action at the Neuse River (RR) Bridge near Goldsboro, in December. Ordered to protect the bridge, an overwhelming Federal force was able to capture it and burn it. Clingman and his men fought bravely, however, and blame for the failure rests on an insufficiency of men to do the job properly. Thus a pattern formed that attached itself to Clingman's Brigade like a curse: he and his men would perform their orders and their duty well, but circumstances beyond their control would intervene and diminish results.
The Brigade also saw action at Battery Wagner, New Bern, the Wilderness, Cold Harbor, Petersburg, and Globe Tavern, where Clingman was severely wounded in the leg and was out of the war until almost the very end. Like most fighting units, Clingman's Brigade had some successes, some failures; had luck and better planning been on their side at some engagements, they might have done better; they certainly could have done worse. Most of the time they did what they could under the circumstances, which might be high enough praise for anyone.
Casstevens presents a very full picture of the Brigade and its leader. She is honest and shows the men in good and bad light, though usually presents an "excuse" for the group's failures (most seem reasonable). She also draws a thorough picture of Clingman himself, his years as a congressman and his character. My favorite description of him is from Mary Chestnut's Diary, where at a party she is critical of Clingman's dancing, which is "a serious business with him." When his partner insisted on talking while they were dancing, Clingman told her, "Pray, withhold all remarks. It puts me out. I cannot do two things at once. If you will talk, I shall have to stop dancing." Reams could be written about the man from that statement alone. Civil War buffs and historians will find much to appreciate and debate in this excellent regimental history. Highly recommended.
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More little-known Post-WWII and Cold War History...Review Date: 1999-02-04
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The Jack TalesReview Date: 2007-08-07

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The right thing to bombReview Date: 1999-12-23
In 1942 and '43, the U.S. and Britain attacked arms factories and housing respectively. The Germans kept fighting and war production kept going up.
In 1944, the Allies increasingly turned to synthetic petroleum plants and the German transportation system. The result was a catastrophic breakdown in all areas of the German war economy.
We'll never know what would have happened if the railyards serving the Ruhr's coal fields had been hit starting in 1940, but Mierzejewski makes a good case that it would have seriously weakened Germany much sooner, and quite possibly ended the war in 1944.
This is a very good study, well worth reading and thinking about. I recommend it to all my fellow armchair strategists.
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A must-have tool for colonial Bertie family research!Review Date: 1999-06-23
This volume is a companion to the series of deed abstracts by Margaret H. Hoffman and can be used to compliment her various books.
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To the reader's delight, Baldwin resists the tendency to provide a straightforward "history" of African Americans in Chicago in the early twentieth century. While the text does follow the stories and innovations of such major players as Madame CJ Walker, Thomas A. Dorsey, Oscar Micheaux and baseball's Rube Foster, it also provides a much needed space in which we get to hear the thoughts and words of everyday people, those who sat in beauty parlors, enjoyed the early years of cinema, attended sporting events, and made a way despite the racial, social and economic limitations. We soon determine that southern migrants to Chicago brought with them not country ways, but entirely new, entirely modern, ways of thinking.
For authors, allowing everyday people to speak for themselves is sometimes difficult. Yet, Baldwin manages to make these voices heard and it is a credit to his writing style. His presentation is especially adept in the sports chapter. Here, Baldwin takes the reader on a tour of Black Chicago's various "playgrounds." We have no problem envisioning the juking, the fakes, the fast forwards, the trucking, the passing and dribbling and their possible meanings for building a better world.
Through chapters devoted to the "mapping" of the Black Metropolis, beauty culture, film exhibition and filmmaking, the rise of gospel music and the sporting life, Baldwin allows a glimpse into a world of possibility, a world where popular culture is just as, if not more, worthy of study as so-called arts and letters. He forces a new understanding of even the Harlem Renaissance, an ambitious project for sure. While the book is a scholarly monograph, Baldwin's forays into social and cultural theory are so nuanced as to make the book accessible to a wider audience. And for that we should be thankful. Even though the urgent and triumphant stories within Chicago's New Negroes take place seventy five or a hundred years ago, the lessons we learn from them and the hope we take with us when we close the book are timeless. And are even more so in an era when Black culture is appropriated, diffused, and often taken for granted.