Ireland Books
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Independence over the centuries?Review Date: 2008-04-20
An even-handed history that pays close attention to the many plural ethnic, cultural, and national influences upon the regionReview Date: 2008-03-03

Heartbreaking and BeautifulReview Date: 2008-02-04
REFLECTIONS FROM A WARReview Date: 2000-07-23
Harris doesn't spare us as he shows us the pictures of both human and physical destruction of a land of beauty. When we view those pictures we see faces of grief, despair and rage. At the same time we see hope, courage, laughter and the spirit of tenaciousness as a people attempt to rebuild their lives in the midst of a senseless war. When we see these pictures we see the ugliness of our humanity. Bosnia reflects the beast which is within us as the "world" allowed slaughter to go on as is asserted in the text. If anything Cry Bosnia can teach us to move beyond our negative spirits and recover the good from within us. Such a reflection from a war should move us to be more accountable to one another as our world gets smaller and smaller.

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Short, but very well madeReview Date: 2001-12-13
I enjoyed the layout of this book; it includes many black-and-white pictures, many interesting sidebars, and even a chronology at the back. If you are interested in the Czech Republic, and want a short, concise introduction to the country, then I recommend that you read this book.
A concise, pleasingly illustrated general intro to the CZRReview Date: 2001-05-10
But for our purposes, Mr. Otfinoski's book took the prize. Though intended for younger readers, it offers engaging reading for anyone. The subject matter seems well researched, the writing is lucid, and each chapter includes a selection of bibliographic references. There are plenty of illustrations, mainly black and white but well chosen and relevant to the text they support. Most of all, the book gives a clear outline of the CZR's recent history and paints a believable picture of its current politics, business, culture, and everyday life.
Since the publisher's description hasn't been included in the Amazon listing, here is the table of contents:
1. An Introduction to the Land and Its People
2. From a Medieval Kingdom to a Modern Nation
3. Czechoslovakia under Two Brutal Masters (1918-1985)
4. The Velvet Revolution and the Velvet Divorce (1989-present)
5. Government
6. Religion
7. The Economy
8. Culture
9. Daily life
10. The Cities and Towns
11. Present Problems and Future Solutions
Back Matter: Chronology, Further Reading, and Index


A good introductory yet definitive resource that is a pleasure to readReview Date: 2008-03-23
Edit: I would also add that writers of medieval historical fiction would do well to read this book if they want to get some of the nitty-gritty details right- it would seem a lot more convincing.
A FANTASTIC (if expensive) medievalist's must-haveReview Date: 2000-07-24
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Sojourn in SwedenReview Date: 2000-10-02
This is a great bookReview Date: 2000-01-23

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Nice End to a Great SeriesReview Date: 2007-05-09
Awesome and ProvocingReview Date: 1999-12-10

The Beginning of a Century of ChangeReview Date: 2002-03-10
In this book, Mattingly, unlike many others who have concentrated on the naval aspects of the episode, explores the motivations of the states and individuals involved. In brisk, experienced vignettes, he presents the dilemma facing the English government faced with the intractable problem of the putative heir to the throne, Mary, Quen of Scots, a Catholic, at a time when Elizabeth's throne had been explicity threatened by the Pope.
We see the weakness of France; the relentless attempts of the leading Catholic power, Habsburg Spain, to suppress the Protestant inspired revolt of Holland, which involved military action close to the Kent shore, and action in which England was already heavily involved and expensively subsidizing.
The cutting of the Gordian knot by the execution of Mary precipitated the Spanish attack. Philip II hoped to achieve several objectives at once: to remove Elizabethan Protestantism from Europe; to end English interference with his military action in Holland; finally to crush the Dutch Republic and re-establish the unity of Christendom.
The social and religious motivations of the actors are brilliantly portrayed by an expert in the diplomatic records of the period.
Perhaps the most telling thing you can say in favour of this book is that it is not written for the professional historian, but cannot be ignored by any of them.
A golden oldie - but still the greatestReview Date: 2002-03-25
The great strength of Mattingly's treatment is that he went far beyond the purely naval aspects of the campaign. He set it squarely in the context of the politico-religious struggle for domination in western Europe, with England and the Dutch Protestants on one side, Spain and all her allies and dependencies on the other, and France paralysed by a ferocious three-cornered internal struggle in which both sides intervened. He is particularly strong on the events before and after the battle of Coutras which prevented France from either pursuing the ultra-Catholic preferences of the house of Guise (of which Mary Queen of Scots' mother was a member), or the traditional French policy of opposition to the Hapsburg rulers of Spain, which the Catholic King Henri of Valois and his Protestant heir-apparent Henri of Navarre would both have preferred. Mattingly shows great insight in realising that it was the execution of Mary Queen of Scots (the event with which he opens his narrative) that freed Philip to launch the Armada; sending it while she was alive would have risked putting a pro-French queen on the English throne.
I do nevertheless find two serious gaps in Mattingly's handling of the geopolitical context. The first is the Dutch, who after all had been fighting the war, and suffering the casualties, longer than anyone else except Spain. Mattingly ignores their internal dynamics and skates over the detail of their relationships with England, in both areas doing far less than justice to a key element in the strategic equation. The second gap is the lack of treatment of the Scottish dimension. Scotland, ruled by Mary's son James VI, was the dog that did not bark in the night in 1587-88, and the reasons for that deserve analysis. Yes, after his mother's death James was nearest heir to the English throne, but just HOW did he dissuade the Scots - over whom his power was strictly limited - from using the excuse for their usual descent on England?
Mattingly's general strength on the geopolitical aspects does not mean he is weak or lacking in detail on the naval and military aspects: quite the contrary. Coverage of Drake's 1587 raid on Cadiz is pretty much obligatory in a history of the Armada, and Mattingly gives it blow by blow (incidentally revealing what a thoroughly impossible man Drake was to work with). But he is equally strong on Parma's capture of Sluys, which he hoped would be his troops' embarkation point, in the face of dour resistance by the Dutch-English garrison. When it comes to the Armada itself, his grasp of detail is supreme. Mattingly was probably the first of all the many hundreds of Armada historians to read a tide-table and work out that Drake really would have had time to finish his game of bowls - had he ever played it. My only quibble here is over the Dutch naval contribution: they were never in contact with the Armada itself, but their presence scotched any possibility of Parma's forces making a rendezvous. Mattingly acknowledges their importance, but I personally would have welcomed more detail.
Mattingly belonged to the bravura school of English-language historians (Gwyn "The Vikings" Jones is another great exponent), which is both a strength and a weakness. His magnificent prose and grand narrative sweep carry the reader along on a flood tide - sometimes to the extent of concealing omissions and even (for all I know, not being a professional historian) errors. A few of his stylistic mannerisms grate a little nowadays, notably his use of "men" (as in "men said that ...") when a modern viewpoint requires acknowledgement that half the population is female. But these are minor quibbles - buy it and read it!
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Le roi triste s'en moque des coeurs qu'il briseReview Date: 2004-01-15
A Sad King Doesn't Care Whose Heart He BreaksReview Date: 2001-07-07

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German-language reviewReview Date: 2006-12-28
Zwei wohldurchdachte Argumente stechen aus Fishs Begründung heraus. Erstens weist er darauf hin, daß die sogenannten "Neformaly" (wörtlich: Informellen) - also die eigentlich verbotenen, aber nichtsdestostrotz geduldeten neuen politisch und sozialen Gruppen - der zweiten Hälfte der 1980er und die neuen Parteien der frühen 1990er im Prozeß ihrer grundsätzlichen Identitätsfindung und politischen Selbstverortung nur beschränkt auf tradierte Handlungs- und Denkmuster, wie etwa auf den Hintergrund einer Dissidentenbewegung, zurückgreifen konnten. Anders als in den Ländern Ostmitteleuropas, spielten Dissidentennetzwerke und andere alternative nichtstaatliche Institutionen nur eine beschränkte Rolle im politischen Leben der UdSSR vor 1985. Die sich selbst oft explizit als "Parteien" bezeichnenden neuen Gruppierungen mußten somit bei der Formulierung ihrer politischen Ziele, Programmatik und Rolle im gesellschaftlichen Leben des Landes tatsächlich bei Null - "from scratch" - anfangen. Damit war ihr Reifungsprozeß in gewisser Hinsicht demjenigen der neuen, ebenfalls traditionslosen und lange organisatorisch ineffektiven Grünen Parteien Westeuropas der 1970er-1980er in mancher Hinsicht ähnlich. Die neuen russischen "Parteien" waren in ihrer Anfangsphase somit oft keine vollentwickelten Parteien im herkömmlichen Sinne, also pragmatische, um politische Macht ringende Organisationen. Sie sollten dies zunächst auch in erster Linie gar nicht sein. Vielmehr dienten die "Parteien" und ihre häufigen und langandauernden Kongresse und Konferenzen zunächst als Foren einer ideel-politischen Selbstvergewisserung der einzelnen Mitglieder, der kollektiven Identitätsbestimmung nach innen sowie der Abgrenzung gegenüber politischen Konkurrenten nach nach außen. Häufige Spaltungen und eine Aversion gegenüber Verschmelzung mit ideologisch nahestehenden anderen Gruppierungen waren die Folge. Prominentestes Beispiel war das vom Westen mit viel Bedauern beobachtete Scheitern der Vereinigung der Republikanischen und Sozial-Demokratischen Partei Rußlands. Obwohl beide Parteien ideologisch nahezu deckungsgleich waren und den offensichtlichen organisatorischen Nutzen des zunächst ernsthaft anvisierten Zusammengehens scheinbar verstanden, spielte die Wahrung der neugewonnenen Identität eine letztendlich größere Rolle als politische Pragmatik. Die aus der Demokratischen Plattform der KPdSU hervorgegangene Republikanische Partei wollte ihre neugewonnene Selbstidentifikation als progressive Avantegarde der intellektuellen Elite des Sowjetstaates nicht aufgeben. Die SDPR ihrerseits wollte ihren Status als alternative linke, explizit oppositionelle Partei ohne KPdSU-Vergangenheit nicht aufs Spiel setzen.
Die zweite Besonderheit der russischen Transformation war, daß eine breit angelegte Demokratisierung auf Landesebene noch vor dem Abschluß einer Reihe elementarer Liberalisierungsmaßnahmen einsetzte. Anders als in den Transitionen in Südeuropa, Lateinamerika oder Ostasien hatten politisch ambitionierte Persönlichkeiten in Rußland die Chance, sich insbesondere in Legislativorgane verschiedener Ebenen wählen zu lassen, noch bevor oder schon kurz nachdem sie die Möglichkeit erhalten hatten, sich politische zu organisieren. Nach der Wahl einiger der bekanntesten russischen Demokraten in die Volksdeputiertenkongresse sowie Regional- und Stadtsowjets beziehungsweise sogar in Exekutivorgane (Jelzin, Popow, Sobtschak) waren diese wichtigen Führer weitgehend für den Aufbau einer unabhängigen Zivilgesellschaft und Parteienlandschaft verloren. Und dies, obwohl die UdSSR und RSFSR Deputiertenkongresse und Sowjets zumindestest bis zum August 1991 in ihren Kompetenzen beschränkt waren und somit eher als Sprechtribüne für verschiedene politische Kräfte, denn als relevante Entscheidungsorgane fungierten.
Fishs fruchtbare Kombination einer Vielzahl von sowjetologischen und komparatistischen theoretischen Erkenntnissen mit gründlichen Vor-Ort-Recherchen und teilnehmenden Beobachtungen stellt zweifellos einen Meilenstein in der Aufarbeitung der neuen russischen Revolution am Ende dieses Jahrhunderts dar.
A perceptive book by my cool thesis advisor at Penn!Review Date: 1997-04-09

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If you want to know about war in Bosnia - read this bookReview Date: 2001-01-24
If you want to know about war in Bosnia - read this bookReview Date: 2001-01-24
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Ms Magas is a Croat and a left-wing thinker who could be expected to read history as a "class-firster"; she argued in The Destruction that in this region at least nation matters more than class. She makes the same point in Croatia, describing in great detail Croatia's history from the early Middle Ages to the present.
She describes the connections between Croatia and other states. For centuries Slav, Croat, Dalmatian, Slavonian, Serb, Jewish, Italian, Yugoslav, and other identities have participated in the creation of the Croatian state.
For this general reader the book appeared even handed and fair. She was particularly good, I thought, in describing the conflicts and debates between Croats who advocated an independent country and those that argued at various times for becoming a part of Austria, Yugoslavia or a larger European federation.
Robert C. Ross 2008