Military Law Books

I rated this book 5* because even though it spells out 10 steps to Defeat Global Terror,it does an excellent job of detailing the approach that has been going on ever since the end of WWII,in dealing with the enemies of the Western World.
The whole idea of blameing those who are being attacked rather than those who are doing the attacking ,taking the approach that the attacker needs to be understood rather than destroyed,only extends the time,and cost in lives and resources to eliminate it. We saw this clearly with the march of Nazism,Fascism,Japanese Imperialism and Marxism. No amount of money,understanding,appeasement,negotiating,agreements;would ever had any effect in changing the will or intent of these evil powers. It took too long for that to happen,and in the end it was nothing short of a total commitment to destroy them ,that resulted in victory.
The stated object, of total destruction of western civilization, by Islam,attacks throughout Europe,Southwest Asia and America,are nothing short of declarations of war,and no different than we saw during the 1920's and 1930's ;and until they are taken as such;the future will be no different than it was then.
All that is proposed in this book is more of the same thing that has encouraged the enemy to continue on its present path.
This book scapegoats Bush over and over again as if he is the problem. This war by Islam was well underway many years before Bush came to power and will continue long after his Presidency is up.Which,by the way,is less than a year away---then who to blame? How much has been spent to date by the US .Well over $400 Billion. What have most other countries done;other than to critcize America and Bush. The message is quite clear;they would be pleased if the US lost the fight,as would many on the Left and in the media. Their heads are in the sand,if they don't understand these forces are not only out to destroy Bush and America,but themselves as well.
This book proposes huge increases in Bureauracy,American Funds,restructuring of organizations similar to the adage of "Rearranging Deckchairs on the Titanic",huge increases in security,that can never be enough to guarantee total protection,proposing that the UN and NATO will solve the problem,and on and on .
This war that Islam has embarked on must be confronted head on with the destruction of the evils they are intent on subjecting on others,and not a condition that needs to be "understood".

This book follows the thinking of Neville Chamberlain who said;

"In war,whichever side may call itself the victor,there are no
winners but all are losers."

Just imagine if the Nazis,Fascists,Marxists or Imperial Japan had won--
-now imagine if Islam were to triumph.
Where are the leaders today who safeguarded the Liberties and Freedoms
we now enjoy.Here's what they had to say;

"In war there is no subsitute for victory" Dwight D. Eisenhower

"In war there is no second prize for runner-up."General Omar Bradley

"Wars are different from baseball games where,at the end of the
game,the teams get dressed and leave the park." Harry Trumam

"The will to conquer is the first condition of victory." Marshal
Ferdinand Foch

"I say we are going to have peace even if we have to fight for
it."Dwight D Eisenhower

"A prisoner of war is a man who tries to kill you and fails,and then
asks you not to kill him." Winston Churchill

"It is better to die on your feet than to live on your knees."
Emiliano Zapata

Or in the words of Will Rogers;

"The United States never lost a war or won a conference."

This book sure looks like the way to lose.

This is one of the dumbest books I have ever read though I suggest you read it; only to understand its arguments and the flaws inherent in them. The title of this book is promising: how to defeat global terror, and the book makes several very valid points that are not fully discussed in the popular media. These points include:
1. The real cost of building Iraq into a stable democracy is quite high, and has not been fully fathomed by the Bush Administration.
2. Pakistan is quite dangerous and potentially unstable, with its political scene a couple of assasinations away from chaos.
3. The most dangerous modern day terrorism to confront America are adherents to Islamic fundamentalism primarily from Middle East countries, and the primary target of this fundamentalism is Middle East governments.

That said, this book goes on to list several steps the US must take to defeat global (Islamic) terror. None of them will stop global (Islamic) terrorism, and their listing in this book reveals a biasness to throw more money at the problem. On the other hand, there are several things not listed in this book that do contribute to global terrorism, and should be stopped.

First, the US should stop selling weapons to other countries. What do people do with weapons? They kill each other! What happens when people grow up in an enviroment of killing? They become extremists and resort to killing as part of their daily lives! Look at the countries listed by this book as trouble spots; spots where Islamic fundamentalism is a growing threat; Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, Iraq, etc... Each and every single one of them was/is a major buyer of weapons from the US or other western countries such as the UK, France, Germany and Russia/USSR.

These weapons were often sold by Western countries to Muslim countries in exchange for oil. These sales still continue as Saudi Arabia is one of the largest purchasers of American weapons. What do the recipient countries do with their newfound weapons? Several things actually. First, they can point it at their neighbors and try to intimidate each other over issues like trade agreements, water access, border disputes, etc... This is why any diplomat from the Middle East will tell you this area is like a hornet's nest; you stick your hand in there and someone is bound to sting you. Second, they can point it at their own people. Specifically, nearly all of the major purchasers of US weapons are non-democratic.. i.e. the ruling clique in each country uses these weapons to keep their country's population at bay. Both effects; hostile neighbors and a dictatorial government, generate a civil society conducive to terrorism, religious fundamentalism, intolerance, and violence. To stop Islamic jihadism dead in its tracks, this culture needs to be changed, and one way the US can help is to stop selling weapons to these countries AND prevent US corporations from selling weapons to these countries through national legislation and effective regulation. The question then arises: what should the US give to Muslim (Arab) countries in exchange for their oil? Several things come to mind, primarily, the US could allow goods from Arab countries into the US duty-free and tariff-free. This will spur job and economic growth in the Arab countries, and people are generally less likely to go jihading when they are making money.

2. Change the people who represent America abroad in the embassies and various other government agencies. The current Bush administration highlights this problem. If you look at the various ambassadors and other officials G. W. Bush has appointed to these diplomatic offices, you quickly notice that they got these offices out of patronage and not because of their skills and knowledge of these areas. For example, many of our ambassadors to Arab countries are ex-employees of oil corporations whose former employers contributed to Bush's election campaign. I wonder how many of these ambassadors know Arabic, or studied Middle East history, or are familiar with the Israeli - Palestinian issue? None probably. What they do know and what they will do in their government posts is grease the bureacratic wheels for oil companies and their subsidaries doing business in the Middle East. If the USA is really serious about stopping Islamic fundamentalism, then it should appoint individuals to ambassadorships and other offices who won't concern themselves with oil reserves in the Middle East, but instead concern themselves with civil rights, freedom of speech, freedom of religion, secular education, ect, ect in the Arab countries.

3. Take Arab opinions every bit as seriously as Israel's opinions. Throughout the Cold War Israel expanded gradually by taking lands owned by Palestinians, and pushing the natives of them. Time and again, Arab countries and many other non-Arab and non-Muslim countries in the world put forth UN resolutions to condemn Israel. And time and again the US vetoed these resolutions. The message these vetoes sent to private citizens in Arab countries was that their governments are powerless against the US. The result of this is that some Arabs have gone outside their government to help the Palestinians; i.e. form terrorist groups to attack Israel and the US. If the US is to expect Arab governments to control their citizens and stop terrorist groups, the US can help by stop siding with Israel against world opinion in its conflict with Palestinians.

4. Hold up our end of international agreements on security, extradition, weapons inspections, and disarmament. Throughout the Cold War, the US built up a rich web of alliances and treaties with most of the countries of thw world. These treaties and alliances fostered cooperation in tracking and controlling the flow of money and individuals between countries, and limited the spread of many classes of weapons. Some of these treaties also placed US citizens or US businesses overseas under the jurisdiction of foreign laws. Under the current Bush administration, the US has exited many of these treaties, thinking they are too much of an impedance on US security and US business interests. The result is that after 9-11, when American officials wanted to question individuals in other countries; there was minimal legal groundwork through which this could be done, and many other countries were reluctant to help. To really defeat global terror, we need global help, and to get that, America needs to get of the top of the hill and learn to cooperate with other countries as equals.

5. Support birth control and other measures to slow population growth. Religious extremism of any kind is a byproduct of too many people with too few jobs to go around. One way to solve this problem is to support birth control and family planning in third world countries. The current Bush administration will not do this because of their Religious Right supporters, and the previous Clinton administration did not do this due to opposition from the Religious Right. Public citizens in the US starting with the President need to publicly drive home the point to the Religious Right that too many people in poor countries can only lead to trouble for America and Americans.

These five steps I listed above are five things that the US is not doing, and which this book does not include as steps to defeat global terror. But, I believe these steps will go further in defeating global terror than anything said in this book.

U.S. Army War College's Dale Eikmeier is right on the money as Ullman states in his introduction: "What can and must be done to defeat this grave and gathering danger [radical Islam] is the basis for this book." Sadly, he pulls a literary bait and switch. This work is not, as implied, a formula for defeating radical Islam. Those looking for a serious and scholarly work on combating what Ullman calls "jihadist extremism" will be disappointed by the lack of research and discussion on the ideological foundations and leaders of the movement.

However, political historians may find the first half interesting as it lays out the national security positions of the Democratic Party's 2004 presidential campaign. The chapter on Operation Iraqi Freedom even opens with the Bush-Kerry debate question: "Is America safer or securer as a result." The second half, where Ullman discusses transformation of the U.S. military, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), and the federal government, makes an original contribution. One of his more intriguing ideas is Sarbanes-Oxley-type reform legislation designed to improve congressional and executive branch accountability. Policymakers concerned with government and defense reform may find some gems here.

Poorly organized, Ullman built a mound of tangents (Gorbachev and perestroika), distortions (hoof and mouth disease and a strike in Britain set D-Day for Operation Iraqi Freedom), factual errors ("Pakistan is both Muslim and Arab"), and partisan political statements ("President Bush must subordinate his visceral dislike for Kim to the larger goal of denuclearizing the [Korean] peninsula permanently"). To find any buried gems, you must dig. In the end the effort isn't worth it. Once you have polished the obscuration away, you'll find that Ullman's formula to defeat radical Islam is the Cold War's containment strategy with "transformed" multinational security organizations, resolution of Kashmir and the Israeli-Palestinian disputes, and a series of what he admits are prohibitively expensive Marshall plans.

If you were thinking that the War on Terror is going to be over any time soon, Harlan Ullman will quickly disabuse you of that notion. He rightly points out this is actually a War on Jihadist Extremism. Winning that war will require remedying the discontents that feed the extremism, and repositioning the United States government to be better able to do so. Most of the book is a rather dismal catalog of all the reasons for our failures to date. The background is great for those unfamiliar with this area, but sometimes the prose makes the phone book look enticingly entertaining by comparison.

But what are the "10 Steps" promised in the subtitle? They are ambitious, indeed. The first is to stop thinking about a Global War on Terror (remember the wars on drugs and poverty?), and recognize that this is a war against Jihadist Extremism. That makes sense. Next, we must realize that the danger posed by the terrorists is not the buildings they might demolish, but the institutions they threaten to disrupt--like our economic system and our personal freedoms. That, also, is imminently logical. At this point, Dr. Ullman becomes more ambitious. We must also reorganize the White House, Congress, and Defense Department, commit billions and billions to bring the "Crescent of Crisis" into the 21st Century, and force government officials to sign pledges similar to those required by Sarbanes-Oxley so that they can be held responsible for their actions. If Dr. Ullman is correct in all of this, we are in for a truly long haul.

C-Span2 Book TV has an excellent author event available. The author is very articulate and the book is brilliant. Some of the main points of the book are listed below.

1. We do not understand the danger of terrorism. We are dealing with a political movement with political ambitions. The terrorists are using religion as a cover.

2. Our government needs major reforms. Discipline and accountability has to be a responsibility of government officials.

3. We need to change our focus from national defense to national security. We need to form a national security university.

4. We need better ways to respond globally to the terrorism threat. We need to rejuvenate NATO. NATO now has a global mission.

5. The danger is in the Middle East. The real terrorist threat is to the Middle East, not so much to the USA mainland.

Compact, highly readable, survey of neo-con strategy for a new American century. The booklet is simply too condensed to be either weighty or deep, nor do the respective sections on Terrorism and Iraq cohere well, (oddly, there is next to nothing on Afghanistan, a logical bridge between the two). That being said, Mahajan emerges as a consistently sharp-eyed critic of Washington's pretentions at doing something other than building a particularly ruthless and self-serving world empire. That is the book's core and its main virtue. The historical facts are presented cleanly and effectively, much like an extended op-ed piece with footnotes. I particularly like the way Mahajan refuses to pull punches in either this book or in his tv appearances. The section on the murderous UN sanctions regime is especially revealing for an inside look at how that body gets co-opted into the imperial project. Anyone looking to understand why an anti-war, anti-US movement, is growing world-wide, would do well to pick up this little book from one of its emergent voices.

The author is a young physics professor with absolutely no credentials in military affairs or international relations. He is an enthusiastic activist for leftist causes and this is an amusing polemnic from a non-expert. But why would you want to pay for that?

The high point of "Full Spectrum Dominance" is chapter 2, in which Rahul Mahajan examines the Bush administration's National Security Strategy. This public document outlines the basic contours of a new Cold War, a perpetual war fought against terrorists instead of communists. Mahajan reviews the important points of the NSS, then spends the rest of the book backing up his analysis with a brief history of US imperialism, attacks on Iraqi civilians during the 1990s, US disregard for international law, the drive to war in Iraq, and the oil cartels.

That's a lot of information for a 200-page, heavily-footnoted book. But Mahajan makes it work. This book packs a lot of important facts and insights into a small package. I recommend it to anyone who wants background on US foreign policy and the current war in Iraq, especially for those people who don't read a lot about politics and need a good place to start.

Why would I want to pay to read what a "non-expert" with absolutely no credentials in military affairs or international relations has to say about the U.S. in Iraq? Because I prefer the rational, empirical analysis built from the facts up rather than an analysis put forward by an "expert" indoctrinated by higher education (1) to accept simplistic and downright childish establishment principles (e.g., the U.S. government always acts with benevolent intentions) and (2) to explain facts only in terms of those naive principles (e.g., if the U.S. invades Iraq, it must be to liberate Iraqis and spread democracy because the U.S. government always acts with benevolent intentions). To say the very least, a Ph.D. in political science from a state university is not a requirement to understand the world.

Mahajan is an expert, in the proper use of the term. He has a command of the facts, both current and historical, and his explanation of the U.S. government's behavior is properly inferred from them (as opposed to explaining facts in terms of unwarranted and naive assumptions borne of indoctrination with no basis in observational fact, as self-described "experts" tend to do).

This book is not a book about strategy. Rather, it is an empirical and scientific work that collects facts (data), draws conclusions, and posits a theory based upon them, familiar ground for a physicist.

Mahajan notes that the U.S. from Bush Sr. through Clinton and George the dumber gave Saddam every reason not to fully comply with the disarmament provisions of UN resolution 687 by stating that contrary to that resolution, it would keep sanctions on Iraq and seek to overthrow Saddam even if Iraq was certified to be completely disarmed. The U.S. engaged in heavy spying of Iraqi government institutions about matters nothing to do with WMD, as noted by former Inspections head Rolf Eakus in his Financial Times interview. In Operation Desert Fox in December 1998, he notes, only 11 of 97 targets were WMD related. The rest were Republican guard and secret police facilities, command and control centers. He notes that the U.S. likely decided to invade Iraq in August 2002 when Rumsfeld started bombing command and control centers and non-active air defenses in the illegal "no-fly zones" whose bombings were causing hundreds of civilian casualties according to former UN humanitarian coordinator Hans Von Sponek.

The U.S. got the security council to pass UN resolution 706, in September 1991, the original "Oil for Food ," which after "reparations" to go in large part to oil companies harmed by Iraq's occupation of Kuwait, left Iraq a maximum of only 930,000 dollars of oil to sell over a trial period of several months. This was well below the proposal of UN undersecretary Aga Khan that called for Iraq to be able to sell enough oil to be able to partially repair its vital civilian infrastructure destroyed by the U.S. in 1991. When the program started about $15 per capita got in, only about 26 out of the 41 billion directed for Iraq, and the Iraqi economy remained collapsed, unable to generate income. He quotes UN under secretary general Martti Ahtissaari from 1991, left Iraq in a "near-apocalyptic state." Through 2002 the U.S. placed holds on billions of dollars worth of material needed to repair vitally needed civilian infrastructure as well as hospital equipment and vaccines, claiming absurdly that basic vaccines could be transmuted into biological weapons. He notes how the head of U.S. AID claimed in April 2003 that the vile Saddam had not repaired Basra's water/sanitation facilities. He said this after the British had gallantly knocked out Basra's electricity thus once again shutting down what remained of Basra's water treatment facilities. This of course is a vile lie, the U.S. had been blocking the importation of parts for their repair on the sanctions committee. Iraq's oil for food revenue was placed in a Bank in New York and directly dispersed to companies whose contracts with Iraq were approved. Saddam couldn't get at it so he could build palaces.

After the first Gulf war, the U.S. did all it could to impede the Iraqi rebellion. Brent Scowcroft who allowed that at that point he would have preferred the Iraqi military to retain in control rather than the rebels. The U.S. feared the rebels would not follow orders from the U.S. so they preferred to keep Saddam in power for the moment. Thomas Friedman, that shameless voice for the powerful on the New York Times explained that the U.S. hoped that eventually Saddam would be replaced by "an iron fisted junta" that would rule Iraq the same way Saddam did when the U.S. was giving him all he needed to "gas his own people," blocking condemnation of him in congress and blaming the Halabja massacre on Iran.

He notes that the U.S. will continue to support as much as possible the brutal dictatorships governing the region, who give oil companies huge profits in extracting their oil and then spend the massive revenues they get not for the most part on their own people but buying weapons in the West to repress those people, treasury bonds, etc. This capital flight is contrasted with the lack of spending by these oligarchs on increasing production capacity to meet the huge increase in demand for ME oil. Getting a client state with such awesome untapped reserves as Iraq that can support oil production policies the U.S. wants against OPEC is important. But getting rid of rivals for political domination of the region is what U.S. policy in the ME is first and foremost about.

He notes how the U.S. played something of a role in the coup against Hugo Chavez in April 2002 and how they refused the Taliban's offer to extradite Bin Laden to Pakistan. It has refused repeatedly since 1995 Sudan's offers of its files on Bin Laden and dismissed the Sudanese arrest of two people after the 1998 embassy bombings.The U.S. destroyed the factory producing the majority of Sudan's most needed medicines in August 1998, claiming falsely it was producing precursors to BCW. Who knows how many thousands have died as a result of that attack. The U.S. of course always supports violations of UN resolutions and does it a lot itself. For example it provided arms for Indonesia to slaughter East Timorese for twenty-four years. It has supports Morocco's looting of the Western Sahara. It supports Israel's severe violations of the fourth Geneva Convention. It has never paid the 17 billion dollars to Nicaragua ordered by the World Court in 1986, which told it to stop using the contras to terrorize that country. Shortly after it vetoed a UN resolution calling on all states to observe international law.

He starts off with some good stuff about the foreign policy of the neocons and how these maniacs argue that the U.S. should use mini-nukes against non-nuclear countries and that the affects of such mini-nukes can be contained. He points out the absurdity of even the "strongest evidence" advanced for the Bin Laden-Saddam intimate alliance. For example the supposed medical treatment received in Baghdad by the number two leader of the extremist Ansar Al Islam which operated in Kurdish-U.S. controlled Northern Iraq and whose leader was probably telling the truth when he denied any connection with Al Qaida. Then there was Colin Powell his slimy way at the UN claiming that a video, in which Bin Laden denounced Saddam as a socialist infidel but said he was in solidarity with the people of Iraq, was proof of an intimate Saddam-OBL connection.

A great book on the training and operations of an urban intelligence gathering organization (set int the context of Northern Ireland).

Recommend it highly.

A very accurate description of this most unusual group of Servicemen and women. As a former soldier having served in Northern Ireland, I can understand why it took special people to do this job. An excellent insight into one of Britains most secretive operational units

I've read several books on the subject of the British in N. Ireland. Most of them are written well and with the intent to maintain the reader's interest. This book was in no way able to keep me interested in its contents. Such a book should be relegated to the "text book boring" category compared to the others I have read. I read the first 140 pages and then skipped ahead and it just was not in any way interesting or written to entertain. Plenty of detail, but not written with the reader's interest or entertainment in mind. The font/size of print also made for difficult reading.

It is really hard to find the right words for this work that reads like it was written by an adolescent with a huge inferiority complex describing one of those violent video games. If you are one of those military blockheads you might find this book entertaining, but in all consequence it has no value when it comes to add to the aspects of the Irish War. The author's writing abilities are simply too limited. If this book is really a reflection on the workings of "Britain's Most Secret Service" then I have to worry about their abilities to handle such complex tasks as fighting terrorists.

What I like about this book is its apparent honesty. The author does not over inflate his achievements. If he were lying, the book would be more blood and guts and" I wuz there." He is careful to make clear that he was not personally involved in some of the incidents he relates. I found the details about the selection process and later operational skills to be fascinating.

What was also valuable is that you see that the selection process was not just a bunch of crap, but was actually required for the job to be done. His treatment of weapons and capabilities is straightforward and accurate.

The book also touches on the sometimes jealousy and cooperation between Company 14 and the SAS.

(There is the possibility that some facts were altered for security purposes. The book was vetted by the Ministry of Defense.)

Any young troop contemplating some type of special forces selection process would to well to read this book (there are others) to see what kind of head games you are in for.

This book is a real eye-opener to the world of the people whose job is to defuse bombs. It is not one for the faint of heart or impatient. You are given a brief description of some of the basic strategies and equipment members of the bomb squad use when confronted with a potentially explosive device. I found it fascinating to learn some of the techniques that they follow. Of course, no specific details regarding how to make bombs are revealed.
Nevertheless, this is one of those books that keep you fascinated as you also learn some details of the most celebrated bombing events in the United States. After 9/11 the focus is on international terrorists, but the reality is that bombs are being safely handled nearly every day in this country. And none of the bomb makers is a member of any international terrorist organization.

Book is very nice, but be prepared for a very small book for the price.
I have now bought three books from this author and all the books cost me a small fortune,but my husband is a Capt. on our city's fire dept and also on the bomb squad so he collects these things. There are very few pages in this book and they are more like the children's "Golden Books" thats how small the book is. When paying over 20.00 some dollars for the books I was expecting a much bigger book for my dollar. Just be aware of what your getting. If its worth it for you, then the money is not an issue.

Again for me my husband collects them, but I thing if he knew how much I paid for them he would even be disappointed.

Added note: I would say the ages for this book would be eight years on up????

If you want to enter the the world of bomb disposal from the technician's point of view, then this book is for you. Although due to security matters, most things have been ommitted, it's still a very good read, into the tallents of the guys who help save people's lives when bombs are involved. Get it now, or miss out.

This book is a wonderful initial look into Explosive Ordnance Disposal or Public Safety Bomb Technician work. I would highly recommend this book for a younger reader, or a person who could appreciate the photography, some of which aren't found anywhere else.
This book would also be good for media or executive - types who need a basic working knowledge of what goes on, but not at a technical operations level. This book is basically a VIP tour of a typical Hazardous Devices Unit. Mr. Tomajczyk REALLY did his homework.

Considering the fact that the world's busiest and best bomb squads were never even mentioned or covered in this book (New York, Israel Police, British Army Northern Ireland, Spanish EOD squads, French Police demolitions units, and German bomb techs), this coverage is missing the "big bang!"

Author Craig S. Meissner draws upon his many years as a New York City police officer in "Disguised Weapons: The Law Enforcement Guide To Covert Guns, Knives, And Other Weapons", a profusely illustrated compendium on the diverse kinds of covert weaponry found on people in the street, prisoners in custody, and favored by those with nefarious intent. There are guns disguised as beepers and cell phones, plastic knives shaped like credit cards, stun guns in the form of pens and flashlights, even blowgun flutes and condom garrotes. Informed and informative, "Disguised Weapons" is a unique compendium of lethal covert weaponry that should be considered a 'must read' for everyone in law enforcement from the cop on the beat, to the private security guard, to the border patrol agent, to airport security personnel, to members of the armed forces in hostile territories, to defense-minded civilians.

In my study, and instruction in Self-Defense, I have found the training I received in Combat Hapkido to be exemplary. But, like any body of knowledge there is a degree of change or an evolution. Towards this end, I have wanted to help in this evolution. This was my motivation for buying "Disguised Weapons...".

The title of this book should really be the "Encyclopedia of Disguised Weapons" as the author has taken a painstaking approach to be both interesting, and as well thorough. I feel that I am somewhat expert on the topic now, having read through material and studied the photographs. The information contained has been an exceptionally good when the black belt instructors come together for further training.

If you are in the field of professional protection or professional security, you will likely find the material in this book a wealth of information. As one military friend put it, at least all of the material is on book - the organization of which is very important as well.

I heartily recommend this book for anyone who is serious in the business. Sadly, and I pray that this is not the case, in the wrong hands this book could be dangerous.

I bought this book to get some idea how to disguise my weapons better and how others might be disguising theirs. This book did not help me at all. It is a good book, but it is targeted at US America. There are a lot of weapons covered that are only thinkable under the liberal laws of the USA.
If you are a non US citizen you will find a lot of facts where you will think 'What a crazy country that this stuff can be legally purchased'. But it will not help you with questions like: What kind of my self-defense weapon can I hide how ?
It was interesting to read, but I felt, I should have spend my money on another book, because I am not living in the US.

Officer Meissner has obviously spent much time & effort on this work. For novices or budding crime writers it should prove an eye-opener yet for the audience for which it is apparently intended he is preaching to the choir. Law enforcement PROFESSIONALS (those who take their craft & their safety seriously) who haven't slept through their Academy classes may find it useful as a reference work to remind them to remain vigilant. For those who show little regard for themselves or their fellow officers - nothing will make them observant or thorough.
Officer Meissner's choice of some "weapons" (ex. "Swiss-tech" which is a lightweight though well-made mini multitool) seem geared more for holding cell or escort officers. Many of the objects he cautions about may be more useful as assassination tools than outright weapons. I grew up in the South Bronx & worked there for years as a junior high teacher & later as a community psychologist. Most of the mayhem I saw was committed with knives and later - with the advent of metal detectors - shards of plastic or titanium.
Having worked in several of New York's most volatile maximum security prisons for nearly 2 decades (as well as being a thriller writer & martial artist of 40 years experience)I can attest to the value of checking for weapons. I have, 'tho, seen more damage inflicted with sharpened toothbrushes, old ballpoint pens or pieces of bed springs than some types of objects he presents.
This should not, however, diminish the value of this book; only to caution prospective buyers that some of what he mentions is most useful in the hands of those who know how to use them quickly & cleverly. I just wish he had trimmed his cautions and had a few more photos (or failing that - some drawings) so one could better recognize the weapons or those similar to them. I hope Officer Meissner continues to share his expertise & experiences with us.

...the quality of the writing is very poor. As an example, on opening the book to a random page (153), I find the following, in the description of a keychain car alarm remote that conceals a small blade:

"Such convenience items have become so popular and common that they usually escape close inspection, making the weapons they disguise more difficult to detect. If used properly, of course, such items could prove fatal."

Now, in the first place, the ubiquity of keychain car remotes does not make it more difficult to detect a weapon concealed within one; it only makes it less likely that an officer might try to do so. In the second, it is at best sloppy and at worst downright wrong to characterize the use of a disguised weapon to cause fatal injury as "proper." What the author really means, of course is, "if used expertly" or "if used effectively," but that's not what he says. Such carelessness is typical. The sentiment that an officer would do well to look twice at every item in a suspect's possession is repeated, literally, on every other page, and one very quickly gets the sense that the words are just there to pad the pages. It would have been a better book if it were shorter, with less finger-wagging, more pictures, fewer pages, and a lower price.

Then again, it's possible that Mr. Meissner has included so much brotherly from-one-officer-to-another advice as a salve for his conscience, or at the very least to ward off critics (like me) who would point out that his book is a resource for those who would conceal and carry disguised weapons as much as for those who would discover and confiscate them. Published and marketed by Paladin Press (of "Hitman" fame), the book is just as likely, or even more likely, to end up in the hands of terrorists and criminals as in those of police and security personnel. I have nothing against Paladin--indeed, I'd even go so far as to call them a national treasure--but the hypocrisy of Meissner's words weighed against the subject and substance of the book almost completely undermines his credibility as a writer, even in those rare instances when he has something meaningful to say.

This book has much solid advice from what appears to be
an experienced private detective. The writing is clear and
there are helpful lists of addresses and other information.

In fact, I was successful in a search where I'd failed before.

Some of the info was outdated or not true (for example, Texas
universities will not confirm enrollment via a phone call), but this is nitpicking.

There are MANY books out there on finding people and/or getting information on them. "Find anyone fast" is by far one of the most superior books out there. As an experienced investigator it still provides me with invaluable leads and resources!

The first chapter gives you 'case studies'. Invaluable to anyone just starting out in this field or looking for someone. Understanding how people are found is easy when you see the different twists and turns it takes. This is no movie where finding people is easy and glamorous.

Johnson and Knox also provide information on using the internet to find people (of course one of the easiest and free ways to do it), performing adoption related searches with ease (they provide the necessary places to check and how to do it) , military searches (I also recommend getting the book "How to locate anyone who is or has been in the military" also available on Amazon.com), and they also provide a very valuable section: Solving difficult cases...something I haven't seen in very many books on this subject!

You also get a great resource: every state address and phone number for all sorts of informaiton...you need this information! And they provide it in a very easy and comprehensive manner. There is also federal resources and civillian resources in this appendix as well.

You are also taught how to do a FOIA or Freedom of information act request letter, get a data sheet so you can organize your investigation and more!

Get the book, you will not regret the small investment you'll make in it!

This book was o.k., but it is basically for someone who doesn't know anything. The word "Fast" in the title was also misleading. That's really the only reason I bought it, because I thought it would give some other facts and instructions other than the old-fashioned "go to the court house", "haggle with the clerk", "write to some records office somewhere using snail mail" stuff. It's just a little outdated, though that is not unusual for todays fast-moving technological pace. There were a few informative points and references, but generally I'd say it is very basic. For those who are just now needing to learn the basics, it's a good place to start. For those who already know a thing or two, I doubt it would help all that much.

A well presented collection of some of the best sources of public information available both off-line and online.

"Find anyone fast" is a well thought out and great resource for anyone who is new to conducting an investigation or who is unsure of how to proceed with one. There is a good mix of actual case histories as well as how it is done and how it can be applied in 'your' case.

And the best part is a well laid out appendix of every state with names, addresses and phone numbers of virtually anyone you might need to contact for records or assistance.

All in all, it's a definite 'must have' for both the amateur and intermediate layman conducting their own investigation to find anyone.

As a student of World War II history, and the European theater in particular, I hadn't read much about the importance of Eisenhower's leadership during the war. This book is an eye-opening look at his key role as Supreme Commander. Eisenhower's relationship with the British hero Montgomery is also explored in depth and provided great insight into the contentious nature of their relationship. For those not familiar with General Montgomery, this book provides a unique perspective of his strategic brilliance along with his tremendous hubris. After reading this book I was amazed by the effective coalition of American and British forces, including the Normandy invasion, that involved the brilliant administrator Eisenhower and the strategic mastermind Montgomery. A very enjoyable read!

This book not only portrays the relationship between Eisenhower and Montgomery but gives a vivid and complete description of the important events that transpired in Europe and Africa during World War II. Best of all, it is done in a very professional , easy to read style.

This was a very readable book that presents the backgrounds and careers of Eisenhower and Montgomery. While the book does come up short in fully analyzing the clashes between the two men, he does give a good account of the pressures Eisenhower was under and how maddening it must have been for anyone to deal with "Monty" for any length of time. The ending seemed abruptly cut off, but I would recommend this book for those wanting a brief overview of these two generals.

As a historian, I've read several types of books for several reasons. Not being an expert on the Second World War, I read much of this book discovering just what happened during this century's biggest struggle. Knowing something of Ike and very little of Montgomery, I was able to fill in some of the blanks. If you are looking for a military history, a John Keegan work this is not. If you are looking for some real insight into the personal, professional, and commander/lieutenant relationship, you will be left wanting. If you are looking for a brief overview of the history of Ike's and Monty's relationship, you will enjoy this read.

Norman Gelb's "Ike and Monty: Generals At War" is a solid historical look at the two most influential Allied commanders of the Second World War: Gen. Dwight D. Eisenhower and Field Marshal Bernard L. Montgomery. While "Ike" gained his fame from leading the great coalition forces to victory in Europe, without ever having commanded front line troops - save his dual role of Supreme Allied Commander and Land Forces Commander after 1 Sept 1944. Ike was a career staff officer with no direct combat experience. In contrast, "Monty" was a soldiers' commander, having served as a junior officer in the lines during the Great War, and then commanding troops from regimental to Army Group in the Second World War. The contrast in combat experience of these two great figures could hardly be greater. In fact, these divergent backgrounds form much of the basis of controversies associated with these two men, both during and after the war.

Readers should be aware that the controversies surrounding Ike and Monty were/are not based on trivialities of differing personalities and/or military experiences per se, rather that the experiences of these two individuals shaped how each approached leadership, both tactically and strategically, and that these differences lead to stress and controversy. For example, it cannot be doubted that Monty possessed one of the keenest tactical minds of the war - Eisenhower by virtue of his position was rarely if ever in a position to drive tactical decisions. On the other side of the equation Ike clearly had the upper hand with respect to leadership of coalition forces where concern about inter-national friction and politically necessities were key - Monty's handling of the press during the Battle of the Bulge serves as one poignant example of his inability to handle "sticky" political situations. Commanders on both sides of the Atlantic recognized the strengths of these leaders: Joe "Lightning" Collins had great admiration of Monty's tactical leadership and ability to maintain a high degree of morale in troops he led, while a personality no less than the CIGS of the British Army, Alanbrooke, felt that Eisenhower was likely the only Allied leader during the war that could have held together the coalition as he did.

Gelb deals unbiasedly with these issues and many others as he presents a compelling story of these two men and their roles within the larger Allied victory over Hilter's legions in North Africa and NW Europe in 1943-45. As if to stress the point made above about the inter-Allied controversies being beyond the scope of petty personality differences Gelb writes on p. 415 "The quarrel that persisted [here Gelb is referring to inter-Allied controversy over strategy] - and still does among historians - was not so much about which country or service won the war, but how it could have been won more efficiently, more quickly, with fewer casualties, and less grief." This is at the heart of Gelb's analysis of Ike and Monty, that their differences in training and experiences lead them to make fundamentally conclusions about how the war should be prosecuted. Monty believed in minimizing horrid losses of human life like that occurring in the Great War by maximizing troop morale through employment of overwhelming "metal over man" (or Colossal Cracks as Monty termed it). On the other hand Ike was struggling to maintain a fragile Alliance where national interests and political influences needed to be considered in development of military strategy, points on which Monty rarely reflected. Thus in the end neither Monty nor Ike truly represented the fullness of what was needed to prosecute the war fully and quickest with the least loss of life. Gelb deals with these issues constructively and fairly, leaving the reader with a greater appreciation for the complexities of command decisions leading to victory in Europe. Overall, this is a 4.5 star book worthy of a read by serious students of the Second World War, as well as those broadly interested/intrigued by the functioning of coalition forces in war.

The background to MacKenzie's book is Harold Koh's "The National Security Constitution: Sharing Power after the Iran-Contra Affair". The National Security Constitution: Sharing Power after the Iran-Contra Affair (Yale Fastback Series) Koh identifies the tremendous swing of power to the Executive office that took place after a new power center was set up in the 1947 law authorizing a select body to coordinate military planning with foreign policy.
From the State Department's web site:
[...]
The Council itself included the President, Vice President, Secretary of State, Secretary of Defense, and other members (such as the Director of the Central Intelligence Agency), who met at the White House to discuss both long-term problems and more immediate national security crises. A small NSC staff was hired to coordinate foreign policy materials from other agencies for the President. Beginning in 1953 the President's Assistant for National Security Affairs directed this staff. Each President has accorded the NSC with different degrees of importance and has given the NSC staff varying levels of autonomy and influence over other agencies such as the Departments of State and Defense.
MacKenzie outlines how the language of the National Security act was used by powerful people in the CIA during the Vietnam war protest to censor, harass, imprison, and illegally gather intimate information on many American citizens. An excerpt from the Code itself:
SEC. 103. (50 U.S.C. 403-3]
"The Director shall prescribe appropriate security requirements for personnel appointed from the private sector as a condition of service on the Council, or as contractors of the Council or employees of such contractors, to ensure the protection of intelligence sources and methods while avoiding, wherever possible, unduly intrusive requirements which the Director considers to be unnecessary for this purpose. . .
(c) HEAD OF THE INTELLIGENCE COMMUNITY. - In the Director's capacity as head of the intelligence community, the Director shall -
protect intelligence sources and methods from unauthorized disclosure;
In another related book describing the CIA's control of the U. S. media The Assassinations: Probe Magazine on JFK, MLK, RFK, and Malcolm X the reader can learn how the CIA cultivates steady relations with major figures in the written and video media to ensure that the American body politic remains comatose about the burning issues of the day. The facts in this book again show how media figures, are controlled, influenced and otherwise directed by CIA sources that often wine and dine the reporters they want to sway into their camp.

The last thing I want to do is read some dissident's views. Activists generally don't like America and / or find fault with it. The author clearly falls into this camp. He speaks about a CIA that used-to-be for the protection of our liberty. The fact that this book got published is evidence of a new leftist-leaning agency. Sure, harassment exists today, but it is directed at patriots who couldn't get their real life stories of harassment published. I know because I am a target of it.

Anyone who is willing to give some of the Bill of Rights to gain percieved security needs to read this book. It will help you to understand that the KGB wasn't the only organization to spy on and intimidate (or worse) it's own citizens. Not a quick read as Mr. Mackenzie wasn't a polished author. It does drag a little in some spots.

Well the CIA does spy on USA citizens but the book failed to mention that a lot of the spying goes on in the Federal Prisons. One such important Federal Prisons is Butner FCI, Butner, NC. Its Prison, "which I read about" is the greatest in surveillence and misinformation and disinformation in the Prison-with false identification with individuals who reside there-claiming they did some "violation of the Federal law"-but in actuality it is nothing but a "front story for the agent" to figure out your case.If you were a inmate. Your surrounded by prisoners, who "claim they are", but really are working for the US Government to figure out your case.

"Secrets: The CIA's War at Home" might strike a lot of people as whacked out conspiracy theory or anti-government propaganda but it is neither of those things. Using his own well-documented historical and journalistic research, Angus McKenzie demonstrates that for decades the CIA, FBI, DOD (Department of Defense) and other American intelligence organizations targeted American citizens for espionage, harassment, and slander in a manner that eroded their First Amendment rights but had practically nothing to do with national security.

American intelligence organizations frequently spied on and subverted their own people to prevent political opposition to the Vietnam War, to conceal illegal activities such as the Iran/Contra scandal, or simply to hide corruption and bureaucratic waste from the legislative branch of government and the American people. In one appalling example, a government appointed efficiency expert was not allowed to report wasteful Pentagon expenditures to his supervisors in congress because this information was considered classified. American intelligence agencies in fact retain the power to determine that any information is classified and they can use this mandate to fire or prosecute employees even for reporting trivial facts to the public such as the contents of a White House menu. Sadly enough America's intelligence agencies could not have made such a drastic legal and illegal assault on the First Amendment without the cooperation of the ACLU (American Civil Liberties Union), the media, and the legislative branch of government, all of whom were either duped or cowed into acquiescence.

The most frightening part of this book is its revelation that when American intelligence agencies ran out of excuses to justify their anti-First Amendment activities they raised the specter of terrorism. One can only imagine the further corruption, illegal activity, and constitutional abuses that American intelligence agencies will perpetuation against their own people now that terrorism is a legitimate threat. If history repeats it self, then these abuses will stem from the need to conceal corruption and criminal activity but will have little to do with combating terrorism.

Having had Mr. Schafer as an instructor and reading the book has helped me in my day-to-day work. These are good building blocks/tools to add to your tool box that are usable with your personality skills. I highly recommend this book to new employees to use as a framework and for the experienced employees to add to their tool box.

Even though I am not in the field of law enforcement, this book provided me with information that will help me out in everday life such as telling me how to determine when someone is not being truthful. Thanks!

As a graduate of the basic and advanced Reid interrogation seminars, and having conducted a few interrogations of my own, I picked this book up with the expectation of "advanced" techniques. Especially since the guy who wrote it was with the bureau. But instead the book has the standard techniques. Thier is absolutely NOTHING new or advanced about this book. This book provides training about as good as the basic patrolman gets at the academy. However, this is just my opinion, pick up the book and see what you think, but as for me I wish I had saved my money. Thanks for your time.

I was only able to obtain the book directly through the pulisher www.ccthomas.com, but its terrific. In two hours I learned more than in 27 years of military intelligence training. This book is terrific with no nonsense, it addresses issues clearly and succinctly. These guys know what they are talking about. JD

This is one outstanding book filled with new ideas for any interviewer in any number of professions.
The contents cover every possible need.
After beginning in law enforcement 22 years ago, I can say I wish I would have had the book from day one.

COMMANDER IN CHIEF: HOW TRUMAN, JOHNSON, AND BUSH TURNED A PRESIDENTIAL POWER INTO A THREAT TO AMERICA'S FUTURE is a powerful history linking expanding presidential powers to unwinnable wars. The three selected presidents profiled here each share the attribute of confronting wars that no American force could win. How they reacted would change the shape of politics, executive powers and freedoms in America, making COMMANDER IN CHIEF a top recommendation above the usual military library. Public libraries also will find the blend of military history and biography, with its focus on civil liberties, to be essential reading.

This book is about presidential power and the presidents who have abused it. Yes it is judgmental, but its judgments are fair and well documented. The basic idea is that these presidents were not only wrong in fighting their wars, but that they exceeded the bounds of the Constitution on doing so.

It is odd how Publisher's Weekly seems to have missed the point. They say: "Inexplicably, Franklin Delano Roosevelt, who created Japanese internment camps during WWII and attempted a coup against the Supreme Court, gets a pass." Yes, the internment camps were awful and FDR was terrible for doing it. But the policy was approved by the Supreme Court and implemented by state governments including California's Attorney General Earl Warren. The Internment policy was horrible for a number of reasons, but permanent expansion of presidential power wasn't one of them. His "coup" against the Court, stupid though it may have been, consisted of legislation that didn't pass.

It is undoubtedly true that the New Deal and WWII did have the effect of expanding government in general and the executive in particular, but that again isn't what this book is about. The Cold War and the War on Terror seem to have been created explicitly to expand illegal presidential power. And that is what is documented in this fine history.

If you believe that the result of the Korean,Vietnam and current war in Iraq have permanetly harmed this nation and benfitted China then this book is for you. Perret trace the origins of the cold war and although condems Stalin's brutalty chareterizes the reponse of the Soviet Union and Mao as reasonable.

Perret traces the cold war to Gerald Ford and manages to only praise Kennedy's handing. He calls Nixon a mad man but the sub title doesn't mention him. He barely mentions Carter or Reagen which is suprising considering how even liberal historians give Reagen some credit for ending the cold war.

The last one third of the book descends into an anti Bush diatribe. Any pretension about being an even handed historian from a liberal bent are disgarded and every emotional /charge is made agaisnt GW Bush from calling him an action figure to a draft dodger drug user.He details Bush's alleged evil deeds such as signing statemnts. There appears to be factual errors in this part of the book but to detail them is beyond my responsibilty (much like the writer's I suppose). Perret inadvertedly makes Bush's arguments that the jihadists will follow us back to the US. Isn't it the Republican argument that it is better to fight them in Bagdad than in the streets of New York ?

It is said that those who do not learn the mistakes of the past are doomed to relieve them. However Perret stands this on its end by weaving history to fit his conclusions about the present.

I gave this three stars for the insignt one gets from the first half of the book but the second part should have been written twenty years form now when emotions cool .

I've just about finished a very uneven diatribe against American presidential power called "Commander-in-Chief," by Geoffrey Perret, an historian who wrote a good bio of U. S. Grant about 10 years ago. The basic premise of the new book is that Truman, Johnson, and Bush Two extended presidential power in unconstitutional ways to pursue wrongheaded wars, and they had help from Nixon, Reagan, Clinton and Bush One. JFK, Ford, and Carter get somewhat of a pass, but not JFK's advisors, and certainly not his generals.
Much of Perret's prose is so vitrolic and sarcastic that it takes away from the strength of the arguments he's trying to put forward. His footnoting of his research is also uneven; a claim that a Kuwaiti diplomat's daughter gave perjured testimony to the U.S. Congress about butchered babies in the Iraqi attack on Kuwait, and that this testimony helped persuade Congress to vote for war powers to attack Iraq in Gulf One, is unsupported by any footnotes. The hell of it is that he's basically on the money in his assessments.
I'm too old and fixed in habit to stop reading and listening to historical and political pundits, but I would solemnly advise you not to bother to do so, and just simply vote against any politician (such as Rudi Giuliani) who suggests that going to war is going to solve our problems. As Perret points out, the U.S. must reassess the limits of its power, find alernative energy sources other than in the Mideast, and stop parading around as the toughest guy on the block. Otherwise, the chaos and anarchy created by our unwise actions will ultimately combine to make us defeat ourselves.

Perret does a fine job of showing how the war powers of congress have been gradually eroded to the point where the president may take the country to war at whim and not be held accountable. He shows how the trend actually began with Truman and continued with a the series of our "smaller" wars. Overall, a very good analysis. No one else has summed up this material quite as well.