Military Law Books

This is a great book for kids if they're interested in Alcatraz. It has everything from when it was discovered till now. Its only weak spot is details about escape(wich I'm really interested in). Otherwise, it has great details, and a very descriptive book for children!!

This book gives many details! It is excellent! If you like history this is a wonderful book!

This book by Marilyn Oliver was really great to research with on my class project! It had all the info I need in one great book! I am even thinking of buying it instead of checking it out of our library! Thanks Mrs. Olive!

Von Steuben's drill manual is of extrordinary importance for several reasons.

At the shallowest level, it is a primary source for Revolutionary War and War of 1812 reenactors. For 34 years, (1778-1812) this was THE book for the U.S. Army, so any reenactor interested in this period should start here.

Pertaining to the history of the U.S. Army, this was the first manual, the first set of standards in place in the army. The first of anything sets the tone for later developments, and any serious research about the U.S. Army or Army doctrine should start here.

As an enduring framework, the "Instructions" section is still echoed in U.S. Army leadership doctrine. The roles, responsibilities, and relationships of officers and non-commissioned officers haven't changed that much, especially when compared to the changes in tactics and technology in the intervening centuries. A regimental commander's "first and greatest care" should be "the preservation of the soldiers health", "A captain cannot be too careful of the company the state has committed to his charge", "the discipline and order of a company" depend upon the non-commissioned officers. All these ideas ring true whether the army was outfited with flintlocks or thermal-sighted gas-operated selective fire rifles. This continuity is of tremendous value to the spirit of a successful army.

This manual was also the instrument of a military transformation for the U.S. Army. Von Steuben arrived at the Continental Army's encampment, and popular legend in the U.S. Army is that he was so shocked by the lack of discipline and disorder that he sat down and wrote the first copy of this manual that very night. This is not true, as mentioned in the publisher's note, but by bringing military discipline to the Continental Army, a bunch of farmers and store clerks were able to turn the tides and defeat the premier ground forces of the era. Again, a significant event in the history of military science as well as American history.

As a fencer, I was a little disappointed. Although in the first chapter it mentions that officers and NCOs are to be armed with swords, there is no further mention of the use of swords. Other than this one shortcoming, this was a very enlightening book about the period, and is an influential manual with continuing significance to military science and U.S. Army history.

I bought this book for the sole purpose of reviewing discipline in military organizations. Being an AF First Sergeant, it re-focused and validated many of the methods still used today. An excellent way to see how history can be a valuable tool in teaching and leading.
The only down side is the dry reading. The english language has progressed leaps and bounds since the Revolutionary War.

This copy is a must have reference for any Revolutionary War reenactor or Eighteenth Century history enthusiast. It is an actual copy of the original printing. von Steuben is often called the Father of the modern Army, due to his contributions to our training readiness at Valley Forge encampment 1777-1778.(http://www.nps.gov/vafo/) Required reading for new recruits in the Continental Army of his excellency General George Washington!

(Full disclosure: I currently work for one of the editors of this volume, John P. Sullivan)

"Countering Terrorism and WMD" is not a typical book on terrorism. It does not dwell exclusively on Al Qaeda and its affiliates--it examine the whole spectrum of violent non-state actors. The theories within are founded on new ideas about warfare and the modern-nation state such as network theory, Fourth Generation Warfare, and the decline of the traditional state system leading to the rise of the "Market State."

As you might guess, this is heady stuff. Some passing familiarity with the writings of theorists like John Arquilla, David Ronfeldt, and William S. Lind is assumed by the authors. Many of the authors have also published in volumes edited by Dr. Robert Bunker ("Non-State Threats and Future Wars," "Networks, Terrorism, and Global Insurgency"), which outline these theories in greater detail. While knowledge of this alternative strategic canon isn't essential to understanding the essays in "Countering Terrorism and WMD," those whose only exposure to counter-terrorism is the television show "24" may have difficulty.

While the aforementioned Bunker volumes focus on describing the threat, "Countering Terrorism and WMD" focuses on providing operational solutions for countering terrorist threats. There is little, if any, writing about military solutions--the book's authors rightly focus on law enforcement and intelligence as the most desirable tools for the policymaker to combat terrorism. Those interested in adapting the traditional intelligence system to dealing with terrorist and WMD threats will find a wealth of information. Law enforcement counter-terrorism networks are also discussed extensively, beginning with Lindsay Clutterbuck's insightful review of Anglo-American Victorian-era police counter-terrorism efforts.

The authors range from RAND scholars to practitioners working in counter-terrorism and intelligence roles in military and police agencies. The balance between thinkers and practitioners serves the book well, as both scholarly rigor and ground-level experience informs the essays. Although it is primarily US-centric, "Countering Terrorism and WMD" heavily examines foreign experiences in counter-terrorism, and has a smattering of authors from foreign research institutes and security services.

The book, however, is not without flaws. Because many of the articles are reprinted journal pieces, there is sometimes substantial conceptual overlap. The book's overall operational focus makes it a poor read for those looking for grand strategies (i.e foreign policy, development, and the "war of ideas"), though Philip Bobbitt, Brian Jenkins, and Barry Desker and Arabinda Acharya do contribute insightful pieces dealing with foreign policy and grand strategy. The dense theory and terminology can also be intimidating to casual readers. While it does present foreign perspectives, the US-centric nature of the volume does inform the methods and means involving creating the "Global Counter-Terrorism Network."

Lastly, while it would be inaccurate to state that the book is a product of a particular school of thought, there nonetheless common shared assumptions about future warfare and the role of the state present throughout the compilation. These assumptions diverge substantially from the common discourse, both popular and scholarly, on counter-terrorism and the state system. If you aren't prepared to engage with those assumptions, this book isn't for you.

Overall, I recommend this book without reservation. It is both a rare inside look into the operational side of counter-terrorism and an highly original set of solutions. We are currently in an era of epochal change, and our national security apparatus has not caught up to the nature of this change. "Countering Terrorism and WMD" contains insightful, common-sense ideas about how we can catch up and continue to protect our rapidly evolving societies from those who seek to destroy us.

Books dealing with confrontatoin in the world have not been in short supply. As such, I was excited to find a book that offers its reader equally a strong compilation of current events on a field of multiple layers of concerns: Theory, Case Studies, and strategies. I found the book critical for deep global analytical reserch to keep abreast with patterns of subtle movement, abroad and right here at home. If you don't believe that America's war on terrorism threatens your freedoms, delving into this book will change your mind as well as advise you of the rights and liberties unfolding daily; that are in true jeopardy. Here is a collection of world class defense and national security scholars, juxtaposed with real-world military and law enforcement operators all sharing insights for aiding the process of the amorphous genie as it unfolds from the bottle of terrorism. The Editors; Peter Katona, Michael Intriligator and John Sullivan have brought together those experiences of industry professionals who expand on materials drawing on multiple disciplines - law, political science, history, sociology, psychology, economics and philosophy - to invite those hazards of clarity in questioning and insight for mutual agency communications. Well functioning agencies can benefit from a wide range of views from this collection of works, and the winnowing of open information source net-working here is a great tool to move from the shadows, and into the global Netwar.

While books on terrorism and WMD have thrived in this millennium, this one offers a vital approach that does not get enough attention. The editors believe that an international network of law enforcement, intelligence, health, and other professionals representing the interdisciplinary nature of counter-terrorism is best suited the manage the threat. The rapid changes in technology and communications have provided terrorists with new tools. The degree to which we can adapt depends on our ability to create meaningful and productive relationships with counterpart agencies around the world. Terrorists have gone global; so should counter-terrorists.

Thoroughly researched and clearly presented, Law's Alabama Brigade is a valuable addition to the historical body of ACW unit histories. This is clearly a study that is first rate in its historical method. This work distinguishes itself with its attention to detail in describing the evolution of unit politics (which persisted throughout - and even after - the war) and the personal histories of men who served in this brigade. The descriptions of the battles engaged by these five regiments prior to their consolidation as an all-Alabama brigade under Evander Law is disappointing (especially Gaines Mill, Second Manassas and Antietam). However, the passage concerning the approach and assault on Devil's Den and Little Round Top on the second day at Gettysburg is superb. The treatment of the brigade's battles at Chickamauga and in the Wilderness is also excellent. Of great interest is the relation of events surrounding the political and personal feud between Evander Law and James Longstreet (both South Carolinians but evidently not compatriots) which was never resolved. Insight into Longstreet's political nature (foreshadowing his conduct after the war) and Lee's allegiance to Longstreet (despite his personal misgivings) is offered in convincing fashion. Penny and Laine do not possess the literary skills to make their work into a compelling story for the average reader, but for students of the ACW, this is a first rate work and a fascinating read.

This book is an excellent read for those interested in the brigades of Lee's army. If you get a copy it will be easy to see that Penny and Laine did an enormous amount of research to piece their narrative together. Infomation on Lee's brigades is hard to come by and it takes time to acquire all the sources necessary to write a book like this. These gentlemen did an excellent job researching, writing and editing their work.

The book provides the reader witha ll kinds if interesting stories from the common soldiers, to the leaders of the brigade and so on. It offers a great narrative on the issues that tore General James Longstreets Corps apart after Gettysburg. The other thing that makes this book so good is it uses as many primary sources as possible which is very important in publishing a good Civil War work. Too often, writers rely on secondary sources to prove points and construct a narrative. Penny and Laine pull from primary sources and you can really tell this as you read the text. They also don't get stuck in a rut by talking about battles but provide some of the human element that is needed. Its a great read and it is highly recommended.

Gary Laine and Morris Penny have written an outstanding book about Law's Alabama Brigade. This hard fought brigade fought in some very bloody battles from First Manassas (Bull Run), Sharpsburg (Antietam), Gettysburg, Chickamauga to General Robert E. Lee's surrender at Appomattox Courthouse. Organized in Alabama in 1861, this brigade made up of men from Montgomery to Mobile and every small town, farm, and corner of Alabama.

Led by the brilliant yet controversial leader Evander Law, this brigade endured disease, severe weather, struggles within the brigades leadership. Yet they always answered the call of their superiors in bravery and determination.

This brigade was always under the "baptism of fire" in violent and bloody battles. Every Civil War buff, historian, or enthusiast knows about Law's Brigade at Gettysburg. Especially the brave 15th Alabama Regiment (part of Law's Brigade" that fought valliently at Gettysburg on Little Round Top on July 2, 1863. This regiment fought hand to hand against General Joshua Lawrence Chamberlains 20th Maine and nearly turned the tide of the battle of Gettysburg. Controversy surrounds General Evander Law at Gettysburg and other battles due to accusations of not being at the right place at the right time, as well as his well known anomosity with General James Longstreet. It is ashame that these two excellent leaders had quarrels with each other at all since they were a vital part of the Army of Northern Virginia.

After Gettysburg, Law's Brigade was transferred to the Western Theatre of the Civil War. Again, Law's Brigade was involved in bloody and violent battles such as Chickamauga, The Wilderness, Spotsylvania, Cold Harbor, and the sieges of Richmond and Petersberg, which ultimately led the brigade back to Virginia and General Lee's surrender.

The author's not only tell about the battles that Law's Brigade played a role in, they describe the "ordinary" soldiers and officers that were in the brigade. Camp life, everyday duty, and friendships and leaderships struggles are also told in a clearly written manner that make this book an interesting and important read to anyone who is interested in learning more about a Confederate Brigade.

I highly recommend this book to any serious Civil War enthusiast who wants to know more about a valiant brigade who fought in many major battles of the Civil War. Even General Lee commented about the bravery of Law's Brigade, and that is high praise indeed.

Highly Recommended!

The most important on the My Lai massacre. Or perhap it's not even about that event. It's truly a most disturbing book. There have been numerous reviews that mentioned the disturbing and depressing nature of the book and yet gave it less than 5 stars. That's disingenuous. A book that disturbs and moves you is hard to find. This one will do just that. No, it won't make you sit up and cry "It's a wonderful life". The book drips with truth, truth from a disturbed young man, but at no time do you believe that you are getting anything less than that. If you skip this book, don't even both reading other Vietnam war books. You don't want to know the truth.

Quite possibly one of the most disturbing books I have ever read. Lt Calley rounded up, and then gunned down in cold blood women and children, that is a fact - he does not dispute that in this memior. His atempts to mitigate this behavior are incredible - the list of those to be held responsible begin with his subordinates and extend to "society". For junior Officers a case study in the need for moral courage and the horrific results of it's absence.

Very raw book. The reader gets to know leutenant Calley by reading his own words, while getting as well deepper in the bloody mess that was going on during the Vietnam war. It is also a good example of the problems veteran soldiers had to face after in the aftermath of the war. This is a good book to anyone interested in the Vietnam war. I can't believe I found it somewhere on a used book fair, and although it is a translation of the original english book, this is a report-style writen work is still one of my favorite war library books

I bought Filbert and Kaufman's book for my collection of military law books. One of my areas of practice is military law. Yes, like all volumes, the march of time means that you must update your information, but that is true of any area of law. Still, most of the book remains accurate and presents a coherent and readable summary of military law and U.S.Naval Justice law in particular. The international and law of war sections are excellent. I admit to stealing liberally from them for oral briefings with troops. Any commanding officer having this book on his or her shelf has access to an excellent summary. It is a springboard for additional learning. Recommended.

Naval Law is a thorough overview of the fascinating legal specialty known as military justice. As a law student interested in the JAG Corps, I have not found a more comprehensive description of the subject matter practiced by military lawyers. From courts-martial to non-judicial punishment, the reader will quickly recognize how justice and discipline compete in what the United States Supreme Court has called a specialized society, namely the United States military services. -- Jim Sanzi, Boston College Law Student

Until recently, this book was a staple of basic military justice at the U.S. Naval Academy. Unfortunately, in the years since it was written, several aspects of military justice have changed dramatically. New cases in search and seizure and self-incrimination; fascinating developments in the laws of armed conflict; and the natural procedural "creep" of jurisprudence have all conspired to limit the usefulness of this otherwise well-written text.

Despite the above criticism, Mr. Filbert's book is still heads and tails above the texts currently used at the other service academies. Likewise, its utility as a basic outline of military justice to the novice reader should not be over looked.

I have heard that a new edition is in the works. I am hopeful that it will correct the deficiencies of the third edition.

Although some background in constitutional law may be helpful, this book is very readable. Fisher is a thorough scholar, but he is also honest in giving vent to his frustration with Congress' cessation of war power in the modern evolution of Executive-Legislative relations.

This book is a great resource for historical and anecdotal information on the constitutional balance of power between the President and the Congress. Well-cited, and with a firm basis in constitutional logic and theory, Fisher develops a clear case that -although it does take on a diatribal flavor at times- does not require academic contortions to be demonstrated.

The criticism of the War Powers Act is very powerful, and needs to be understood more broadly in America. The unconstitutionality of the act is one reason it is never seriously invoked by the President or insisted upon by Congress, yet many people still refer to it as the crux for understanding the war powers balance between the Presidency and the Congress.

An excellent book for anyone interested in Constitutional allocation of power; useful for students, professors, and the concerned citizen.

Constitutional scholar Louis Fisher has done a magnificent job capturing the history of what he calls "presidential warmaking" -- that is, the tendency of presidents to usurp Congress's Constitutional war-making power. Fisher is not persuaded by claims advanced by modern presidents -- Democrats and Republicans alike -- that the Commander-in-Chief clause grants them broad discretionary war-making powers. His book is a long legal brief in favor of returning the war powers to the Congress.

At times, Fisher's belief in the rightness of his cause borders on the polemic. Though he recognizes that Congress has been complicit in presidential war-making, he reserves his harshest criticism for the presidents themselves. Arguably, however, it takes two to tango; if Congress actually *wanted* the war powers, it could take them "back." But as research shows, it is easier -- and therefore more palatable -- to sit on the sidelines, sniping at the president in case of failure or claiming a share of the credit after success.

No student of American politics or American foreign policy can plausibly claim to discuss the role of the executive branch in military/foreign policy without having digested Fisher's book.

Fisher's book is the strongest demonstration of how far we have allowed the original constitutional design of the war power to be destroyed that I've seen so far. Originally the war power was designed to avoid allowing a single person (i.e. the President) to decide whether we go to war; that was the duty of Congress. Fisher documents this fact and then examines two hundred years of American armed conflicts. Until the early 20th Century, with only minor deviations, it was understood that the President had to get authorization from Congress before entering armed conflicts. Only after WWII did the President claim the sole power to go to war, with Congress simply along for the ride. Fisher is nonpartisan in his criticism, attacking every President from Truman to Bush II, though he is supportive of Eisenhower's limited return to Congressional consultation. Fisher explains how practically every military action taking in this period was unconstitutional.

What I like most about this book is the fact that Fisher, unlike many other critics of this problem, does not seek to push the Supreme Court to intervene and restrain the President. Instead, he places the burden upon Congress. Fisher examines attempts to constrain presidential power, such as the War Powers Act, and illustrates that each has been insufficient and offers proposed changes to improve these checks. An interesting and informative read and we can only hope that someday Congress will again take up its responsibility rather than hide behind the President and then blame him if things go badly.

A neat little book on legal niceties of the sea anwering all your questions about Prize, that strange doctrine of international law dealing with the rewards for capturing enemy vessels at sea . Legal mysteries solved by this book include: whether an eighteenth-century admiralty court in Britain might treat an English-speaking privateer as a traitor, whether an American revolutionary might lawfully seize a British merchantman off the Norwegian coast, how many days' notice are required before a port's trade with neutral vessels can be blockaded; whether a seized Confederate vessel counts as prize in a Union court and whether modern sailors still have the right to share the spoils of an enemy vessel. Sterling stuff.

I found Donald A. Petrie's book to be very informative on how captured ships during the times of wooden ships and iron men era was dealt with. The time period in question lies between 1776 to 1815 although the book does covered some element of the American Civil War as well. The rules of taking ships during the time of war proves to be a highly complex affair as each nation seem to have their own rules andlaws. But on the whole, they generally followed the lead of the British navy since the British navy ruled the waves.

The book proves to be well written, well researched and the author takes pains to explained how it worked. He gaves example cases to reflect his points. He shows the difference between a legal privateer and an illegal pirate, how a ship can be "ransomed" on sea and how such claims can be held as legal debt even after the war. The author make pains to explained how a privateer have certain set of rules which govern his actions, rules that clearly separate him from a common pirate.

For any readers interested in naval history, this book should be a welcome source of knowledge. For anyone who's a fan of Hornblower, Aubrey, Bothilo and Rampage, this book will explained much.

This book is a good resource for history buffs or anyone who's been drawn into the world of historical nautical fiction created by the likes of Patrick O'Brian or C.S. Forester. 'Prizes' were vessels of a rival nation captured by naval warships and privateers (private vessels operating under letters of marque and reprisal from their government). The taking and disposition of prizes were strictly 'regulated' by international law. The author: seaman, soldier, lawyer, businessman, politician and publisher, gives a good overview of the intricacies of prizes during the age of sail. He uses several case studies to discuss the practice of ransoming vessels, sea cartels, the distinction between piracy and privateering, prize courts, blockades, and the rights and responsibilities of everybody involved in the taking of prizes at sea. He concludes with a chapter that summarizes the rules of the prize game. His discussion focuses mostly on American actions during the period from the Revolutionary to Civil War, but that discussion invariably involves U.S. relations and interactions with England, France, Denmark and Norway. While the narrative lacked the excitement of the chase and capture that I find so addictive in Horatio Hornblower, it provided a historical foundation to make Hornblower's exploits that much more enjoyable. The work is well annotated for those wanting to dig deeper into the history or law of the naval prize.

Union Col. Newton Lord, in demanding "A brandy for my horse", while in a saloon(and in the saddle as well)sets a high standard for shameful and hilarious buffoonery in uniform.
Once again, author Thomas Lowry takes readers on a dizzing ride of strange and amusing tales from civil war court records. The war between the states was a large conflict requiring the sevices of millions of troops and thousands of officers--and with only a handfull experienced soldiers availible at the beginning of the war, the opprotunity presented itself for any gentleman of means to start his own regiment.
I recommend this read most highly for anyone who has served under an eccentric leader, or laughed at Shakespeares' Falstaff,or George Frasers' Col. Flashman. Perhaps those fictional clowns were based on the sort of real-life poltroons that every army seems to have.
Lowry joins a great fraternity of those who show that history is funny as well true.

Far too many writers addressing the Civil War are guilty of childish romanticism. While that tremendous conflict certainly had its noble heroes and ample demonstrations of courage and self-sacrifice, any war--or human crisis of any sort--has its cowards and fools, its liars, thieves and rogues. This fine, factual book serves as a much-needed (and highly readable) balance to pulp fiction and pulp history heroics. It tells the stories of some of the officers who went wrong, either from deficiency of character or circumstance. In doing so, it enriches our understanding and visceral sense of the Civil War in ways that the next dozen adulatory biographies of mediocre generals will not. While I am a long-time fan of co-author William C. Davis, Dr. Lowry deserves special praise for his continuing literary efforts to describe the dramas and tragedies around, between and, sometimes, in the great battles. As a former soldier who served a full career, I can guarantee any reader that this book shows soldiers as more than a few of them really are--not gallantly charging the enemy, but energetically looking after themselves. While this book concentrates on some of the darker aspects of the war, those aspects are exactly the ones that are lacking in too much of what passes as history or historical literature. I would also recommend any of Lowry's or Davis's other superb Civil War books.

Dr. Lowry has added some color to the realm of Civil War History with his two books, Sex in the Civil War, and Tarnished Eagles. Lowry does a great job in picking out the interesting cases that also represent a good cross section of Civil War Justice. I heartily enjoyed this work. I'm not too sure of just how scholarly this is, but it certainly makes the soldiers appear much more human.

The book cover shows who is responsible for this war. Draped in Serb paraphenilia, thugs like those pictured here, destroyed Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, and now Kosovo and Vojvodina. What many refuse to acknowledge is the West's gross involvement in these wars and their overt and covert support for the thugs in the picture.

Once again Mestrovic brings together some of the best writers and historians to put the wars in Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina into context. Everyone should read this book!!!

Cushman and Mestrovic demonstrate without a doubt that the war in Bosnia was a genocide. They provide unequivocal proof and overwhelming evidence that the war in Bosnia was not a civil war but a clear case of a Serbian aggression. This book offers an exhaustive account of the most egregious crimes committed in Europe since World War II. By arguing that the West not only failed to protect the Bosnian Muslims but also denied them the right to defend themselves by imposing the weapon embargo, Cushman and Mestrovic masterfully analyze the West's inability to put an end to the bloodshed. Thus, by imposing the weapon embargo, the West in effect denied the Bosnian Muslims the right to defend themselves. Facing an extremely powerful Serbian aggressor, the Bosnian Muslims were practically powerless and defenseless. Furthermore, this book shatters once and for all the myth of collective guilt, i.e. the equal guilt of all three sides in Bosnia. As Mestrovic and Cushman correctly point out, only the Serbs in Bosnia committed systematic war crimes including rapes and torture in an attempt to cleanse the area of all non-Serbs and create a "Greater Serbia". The evidence in support of these claims is abundant and has been extremely well documented by many fact-finding organizations including the Human Rights Watch, the Amnesty International, the War Tribunal in the Hague etc. One of the most gruesome massacres in Europe since World War II took place in Srebrenica. Led by the notorious war criminal Ratko Mladic, the Serb forces killed approximately 10,000 Muslims, one of which was my grandfather. My grandmother survived the massacre and was able to give a detailed account of the true scenes from hell. Following their own official investigation into the events in Srebrenica, Bosnian Serb officials just recently acknowledged that they were responsible for the massacre. It took them eight years to issue an official apology. As a result of the Serbian aggression, approximately 250,000 people were killed and many expelled from their homes.
In conclusion, this book provides a meticulously researched account of the most abhorrent crimes in Europe since World War II. It offers compelling evidence and countless examples that the war in Bosnia was a genocide. It completely destroys the myth that the war in Bosnia was a civil war. Strongly recommended!