Government Books

Candace Robb has read and researched medieval history for many years, having studied for a Ph.D. in Medieval and Anglo-Saxon Literature. She divides her time between Seattle and the UK, frequently spending time in Scotland and York to research her books.

York is very close to my own home and many of the places mentioned in the Owen Archer books are still there to be seen and of course Archbishop John Thorseby is mentioned in the records of York Minster. All this adds spice for me and helps me to picture the time and events that took place. This is the fifth novel in what is proving to be a captivating series.

The year is 1369. Edward is King of England and the much loved Queen Phillippa lies dying at Windsor. Night on 200 miles north in the city of York the harvest has failed and the plague has returned. In the heavy atmosphere and the fear from the plague superstition grips the citizen of York. Rumours are spreading that the spate of deaths at St. Leonard's hospital are no accident.

Several of the "corrodians," elderly people who have paid a sum of money to the hospital to care for them until their death have died in suspicious circumstances.. There has also been a number of thefts from the hospital. Sir Richard de Ravenser, master of the Hospital is well aware than a scandal could ruin the hospital and his own reputation also.

Anxious to get to the bottom of the matter he calls on the services of Owen Archer, a man who is gaining a reputation as a solver of mysteries. Owen is unwilling to get involved as he has his hands full helping his wife in her apothecary shop, which is being besieged daily by the people of the city seeking cures and preventatives to keep them free of the plague.

Start with Apothecary Rose and read them all. Setting, characters and plot - all excellent.

It is often hard to find a book that has all essentials elements done well. This one has excellent plot and sub-plots, characters, setting and action. The story is engrossing, both as a mystery and from a historical point of view. The characters are so realistic one feels that they could be neighbors. Please treat yourself to this book and sit back and enjoy it.

Well written, engrossing plot in an historical setting I found fascinating. Really enjoyed this one, looking for more!

Wow, I've read this series of books hungrily.... in my car at lunch, while home sick in bed, during a snowstorm and power outage by flashlight, and now on a Saturday between chores.
No. 5, Riddle of St. Leonard's brings Bess Merchet back into the storyline as well as her uncle, Jasper & Brother Wulfstan. I was thrilled to see Jasper featured in the plot again, and found the mystery to be very compelling and a little bit dark with the history revealed behind Bess' uncle's life. An excellent book. Owen Archer is an interesting, well-written character. I was also happy to see Melisende featured, as well as Lucie's deceased husband and child mentioned again. Very good writing. Nice length, enough but not too much. Leaves the reader anxious to delve into the next book, no. 6 A Gift of Sanctuary!!

Sometimes the truth is scarier than fiction. It amazes me what people around the world try to get away with under the guise of a democracy. Freedom of speech is essential in all democracies, and without it, you end up with nightmares like that detailed in The Rock. It just shows why those to try to fight injustice are labeled as crazy. With all the publicly paid for ammunition that they can throw at you, you have to be nuts to take on the powers that be. Kiwis should all be glad there are nuts like Vince Siemer (and his family) to stand up to this. And the "lawmakers" and judiciary exposed in this book should be ashamed!

I highly recommend this book. The decriptive account of what happened to this individual at this notorious prison is remarkable.

WOW UNBELIEVABLE! But I had to believe it I didn't want to however because the truth is so appalling. I could not put it down, the story grabbed hold and I felt as if I were in prison along with Vince, cold, hungry and helpless. Vince tells of his experience in prison without leaving anything out! If you ever wanted to imagine what prison is like for someone who didn't belong you will not need to use your imagination any longer.
Not to leave out the facts that corruption can exist on such a large scale by people whom above all should be honorable! The incriminating comments that Vince lets loose of should open the eyes of everyone who reads his story. I'm personally hoping that there is an Honorable Judge or Brave Journalist in New Zealand that will break the silence and speak out on the injustice that has happened here. That the author could be sent to prison in New Zealand for breaking a gag order after he had proven to the Court what he published was true. If information is true the court should want to hear it, but in this story the truth is not what the courts in New Zealand wanted to hear. What is the level of corruption when a business man can get New Zealand's Justice System to ignore the law and have his nemesis sent to jail? Yes I Believe, and I imagine that this is not a rare scenario in New Zealand. Wake Up Kiwi's!

The Rock is a fascinating and alarming read. Mr. Seimer tells his story and backs up his claims with facts and court submittals to a degree that I cannot imagine why judicial heads are not rolling. Kiwi's should be outraged. The reporting news groups should be ashamed. I will continue to monitor the web for follow-up stories on the outcome of this published story and the ongoing court case. Judge Judy Potter should be disbarred and thrown off the court and made serve time at The Rock herself. The world (not just New Zealand) should hail the likes of Vince Siemer for relentlessly fighting the fight for free speech and fair and public justice.

I simply could not put it down. I was amazed by what it revealed, and that this could be true!This non-fiction book reads like a fiction novel, it is so easy to read.
I found the very revealing inside story of the judges that we revere and expect to uphold the most important Pillar of our existance, Justice and to the lengths that they will go to cover up for their fellow judges. Interesting to see how the law is ignored by the very judges that we expect to uphold that law.
The story covers Vince Siemer's day to day encounters in Mt Eden prison and Vince reflects back on the various court cases, lawyers and judges while in the prison.
This is an absolute eye opener, and very damming. I expect that the judges will try to ban the book, as it is very damning to them. As Vince has asked them in his application to proceed against the crown "If it is found that anything I have claimed is not true, then I expect to be prosecuted to the full extent of the law", or words to that effect. If they have nothing to hide, and Vince is lying, then they will get that court case up and running without any delay. My guess is that they will try to shut Vince down yet again.
So....read the book before it gets banned!!! You'll be flabbergasted and you'll be frightened for what has happened to this beautiful land....Enjoy.

This first of a two volume biography of FDR gives the reader an excellent introduction to the life of this most significant icon of the Twentieth Century. Although primarily a political biography, Author James MacGregor Burns gives the reader an introduction into the ancestry and early life of FDR.

FDR's education was received in the rarified air of Groton, where he under the tutelage of Rector Endicott Peabody, and Harvard, where he was a "C" student. His mother, Sara, moved to Boston to be near him during his time at Harvard, much like Douglas MacArthur's mother during his time at West Point. Formal education was completed at Columbia Law School, preparatory to his brief legal practice.

Roosevelt's life in the Democratic Party began with a call to run for the state senate in 1910. His position as a reformer made him an opponent of Tammany Hall. Over time he learned to retain his reform image while learning to work with the machine. His rise was not uninterrupted, as his 1914 attempts to run first for governor and then the US Senate were unsuccessful. His service as Undersecretary of the Navy in the Wilson Administration advanced his renown so that he was nominated for vice-president in 1920.

FDR's promising career was nearly brought to an end in 1921 by polio during a visit to the family cottage on Campobello Island. Burns tells the story of his convalescence and rehabilitation, culminating in his appearance at the 1924 National Convention to nominate Al Smith "The Happy Warrior".

Although 1924 brought crushing defeat to the Democrats, it was the start back for Roosevelt. Smith's presidential nomination in 1928 opened the governor's office for FDR who, in another Republican year, won a narrow victory, followed by a landslide in 1930. As governor he initially had to deal with a Republican legislature over issues involving the budget, electrical power and the balance between reform and Tammany. The advent of the depression brought with it new challenges of state solvency amidst rising needs.

1932 found Roosevelt as the leading Democrat in the nation, although his road to the nomination was rocky and by no means certain, with challenges from John Nance Garner, who would be placated with the vice-presidential nomination, and William McAdoo.

With election election, Roosevelt started to assume responsibility for the affairs of the nation. One of his most questionable periods was during the pre-inauguration time. As Hoover attempted to respond to the worsening economic crisis, his calls for joint action were rebuffed by the president-elect. Burns skillfully addresses the issue both from the perspectives of Roosevelt's willingness to let conditions worsen and the need to retain his own ability to act.

The main part of the story begins with FDR's first presidential inauguration in 1933 which started the fabled "First 100 Days", during which the Roosevelt magic was unchallenged. His proposals were passed with little or no opposition. With blurring speed, Congress passed the CCC, agricultural aid, states grants for unemployment relief, federal supervision of securities and railroads, the TVA, relief of mortgage debts and the start of the National Industrial Recovery Act.

Later in the year some opposition arose. One defeated measure was the St. Lawrence Seaway, which had to await the Eisenhower administration. The diplomatic recognition of the USSR and the economic downturn weakened FDR's position. Through 1934 conservative opposition held back administration measures, which led FDR to interfere in the congressional elections, not always in support of Democrats. 1935 saw a series of Supreme Court rulings which struck down New Deal measures, setting up the 1936 elections as a referendum on the New Deal. As hard as it is to believe now, the race against Gov. Alf Landon was expected to be very close. Although not officially campaigning, Roosevelt made the most of inspection tours.

The landside win in 1936 emboldened FDR to undertake his boldest initiative, the packing of the Supreme Court in order to obtain a majority which would let New Deal measures stand. Roosevelt approached the issue in total secrecy. The unveiling of his plan set off a firestorm of opposition, including much from traditional administration allies. In this he suffered his greatest defeat, mitigated only by a change which made packing unnecessary.

After the defeat of the Court packing bill, the second term was a period of mixed successes and failures, which did little to change the overall trend of events. In 1938 Roosevelt attempted, with little success, a purge of Congressional opponents. Through this term, he was hampered by the active opposition of his vice-president, John Nance Garner, a situation unlikely to exist today.

As the second term progressed, the focus shifted from domestic depression to the worsening foreign situation. This book does a good job in showing the reader how Roosevelt gradually turned the ship of state into the rising foreign headwinds.

The final drama of the second term was Roosevelt as Sphinx, leaving everyone guessing whether he would run for a third term or not. Ultimately, conceding that he could not turn down the call of the people, his nomination was assured and his transition to a war time leader continued.

Focusing on the political career of FDR, little attention is directed to his personal life, so one must look elsewhere for his relationship with Eleanor and his family. Burns skillfully presents a balanced approach of Roosevelt's career, explaining both the successes and the failures. He helps the reader understand the distinction between FDR's personal successes and the success of the Democratic Party. Neither an uncritical paean nor a hatched job, the book provides the reader with the facts of FDR's actions from his time in the New York Senate through his first eight years in the White House, with an epilogue so as not to leave the reading hanging pending the reading of the second volume. The FDR saga justifies the book and the book justifies the reading.

Gives a fantastic account of FDR from his privileged childhood and days at Groton, to his harsh induction into the world of politics; the skill at which he maneuvered the political currents to the New York Capital in Albany, and ultimately the White House. Once there Burns gives an account of passionate dedication to the American people, both during the Depression and WWII, that most likely was not seen since Lincoln. A must for anyone's Presidential Biographical collection.

This is the best account of pre-WWII FDR that has been written. Burns combines established facts with a commentary that examines the 32nd President's possible psychological views on issues. From major decisions during the New Deal to relationships with Eleanor and staff members, Burns paints an objective picture of FDR. The picture is neither rosy nor clouded, but is an intimate portrait of the longest- serving President in American history.

FDR was perhaps the craftiest politician to occupy the White House since Lincoln. The Title, "...Lion and the Fox" is an allusion to Machiavelli's dictum that one must be stouthearted like a lion and crafty like a fox. FDR combined these qualities to achieve political mastery of his time.

This book focus on his life up to the start of WWII. It paints a thorough life portrait of the president and illustrates the events and experiences that shaped this master politician. Although enjoying congressional majorities like no other president (that certainly aided the implementation of his program), FDR had to over come the reluctance of both GOP and Democrat conservatives to rework the federal government into the active economic and social player it is today. McGreggor's book explains how FDR the man made the New Deal possible.

This is a well written book that gives evidence of being thoroughly researched. For anyone interested in presidential history, I'd recommend this book.

I recently had occasion to re-read James MacGregor Burns's marvelous Roosevelt: The Lion and the Fox and was deeply impressed by how well its has withstood the test of time. The early paperback edition of this book, which was originally published in 1956 and covers the period from 1882 until 1940, characterized it as the "first political biography of Franklin Delano Roosevelt," and it continues to be the authoritative study of Roosevelt's preparation for and then conduct of his first two terms as president, when domestic affairs demanded most of his attention. This remains a wonderful book about this country's greatest politician of the 20th century, and it also offers many penetrating insights into the American political system.

Burns's treatment of Roosevelt is comprehensive, "[treating] much of [Roosevelt's] personal as well as his public life, because a great politician's career remorselessly sucks everything into its vortex." Roosevelt was the only child of a member of the upstate New York landed gentry, and he could have led a life of leisure. Instead, he was sent to Groton School in Massachusetts, where the headmaster, according to Burns, "made much of his eagerness to educate his boys for political leadership." Roosevelt completed his formal education at Harvard College and Columbia University Law School. Burns writes that Roosevelt's first elective office, as a New York State Senator was a "political education," and he became a "Young Lion" in Albany. Roosevelt served as Assistant Secretary of the Navy in Washington, D.C., during World War I and was the candidate for Vice President on the Democrat Party's unsuccessful ticket in 1920. In 1921, Roosevelt was stricken with polio, and the crippling disease would have ended the public career of a less ambitious and determined man. Instead, he continued to work hard at politics, was elected Governor of New York in 1928 and then President in 1932. This was just the beginning of a remarkable career in high office.

Burns makes clear that Roosevelt was a progressive in the tradition of Woodrow Wilson but was without strong ideas or a specific agenda. According to Burns: "The presidency, Roosevelt said shortly after his election, `is preeminently a place of moral leadership.'" Retired Supreme Court Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes offered this cutting assessment: "A second -class intellect, but a first-class temperament." Action to combat the depression was necessary to restore public confidence in government, and the first Hundred Days of Roosevelt's first term was one of the great periods of legislative achievement in American history. Burns writes: "Roosevelt was following no master program." However, in Burns's view: "The classic test of greatness in the White House has been the chief executive's capacity to lead Congress." According to that test, Roosevelt was a great president. Burns writes that, "[i]n his first two years in office Roosevelt achieved to a remarkable degree the exalted position of being President of all the people." Burns explains: "A remarkable aspect of the New Deal was the sweep and variety of the groups it helped."

As early as 1934, however, organized conservative opposition to the New Deal was forming. (A newspaper cartoon reprinted here shows a figure identified as the Republican Party holding a sign stating: "Roosevelt is a Red!") Roosevelt was increasingly attacked as a traitor to his class, but a large measure of his genius was his ability to hold the more extreme elements of the New Deal in check. Roosevelt's political skills were tested in every way. For instance, Burns writes that Senator Robert Wagner's National Labor Relations Act, which proposed to"[vest] massive economic and political power in organized labor" "was the most radical legislation passed during the New Deal." According to Burns, Roosevelt's initial reaction to the bill was "invariably cool or evasive," and the president, with what Burns describes as "typical Rooseveltian agility," announced his support for the bill only after its passage was certain. Burns demonstrates that Roosevelt's support, both in Congress and among the public, gradually eroded in the late 1930s, but he was, of course, elected again in 1940 and 1944. Roosevelt's nomination in 1940 was especially skillful. Many in his own party favored maintaining the tradition of limiting presidents to two terms, and Democratic Party leaders lined up in the hope of succeeding Roosevelt. Roosevelt outfoxed all of them and was elected to his historic third term.

I believe it is fair to say that Burns admires Roosevelt, but this book is not a whitewash. Burns candidly writes about Roosevelt's "deviousness." And the author is appropriately critical of Roosevelt's attempt to "pack" the Supreme Court following his overwhelming re-election in 1936. However, in my opinion, these instances simply are proof of the truism that great men are not always good men. Burns took the subtitle of this book from the Italian Renaissance political philosopher Machiavelli's dictum that a political leader must be strong like a lion and shrewd like a fox. Franklin D. Roosevelt was both, and that made him a great president. This is a great political biography of that great president

This is an extremely insightful examination of the election that first put Grover Cleveland in the White House. The ways in which Summers analyzes the political process remind me of Holt's masterpiece, "The Rise and Fall of the American Whig Party". (That is a much more massive book, as it covers a broader topic over a longer period). The use of political cartoons of the period to support the narrative is probably the best I've seen. The style is engaging, although occasionally I think Summers gets slightly carried away. For example, at least one discussion of the standard myths about the period goes on long enough to be somewhat disruptive. Also, while I don't detect any factual bias, there is a tendency to look at things more a Republican perspective. That is, issues (e.g., the role of the minor parties) are more often discussed in terms of problems facing the GOP and how well they did or did not deal with them. The outcome of the election is reported in language that seems rather wistful that Blaine lost. Again, this is only a matter of relative emphasis - there is excellent material on the complex relations between the Democrats at the national and state levels and the rival Democratic machines in New York City. Despite my minor quibbles, I highly recommend this book to anyone with a general interest in American political history, and it certainly must be read by anyone with a particular interest in this period.

The last half of the 19th century is a period that the historians generally give short shrift to. They dutifully plow through it in the obligatory chapter in their rush to get from the Civil War to Teddy Roosevelt, Wilson, and the Progressive Era. The campaign of Grover Cleveland against James Blaine for the presidency in 1884 is just about forgotten. This is too bad because what with the emphasis on character and values (accompanied by some really gross mudslinging), the extensive changes in technology and business, the factionalism and divided government, it was a period much like ours. Summers does an excellent job of dispelling the prevailing view of this period as a doldrum bookended by Lincoln and TR. In a comprehensive yet not overly long book, he shows that substantive issues like the tariff, the relationship of the national government to the states, morality in politics, substance abuse (ie prohibition), and other pressing matters really were at stake, he explores those issues and the men and women who had to face them. This book is one of the best treatments of the 1884 presidential campaign (or any other campaign for that matter) out there. Find a copy of this book and read about a time that is so much like ours.

As an undergraduate at the University of Kentucky some years ago, Professor Mark Summers changed my life and I eventually devoted my life to the study of history. His lectures made the past come alive and seem so fresh and real and vital. Anyone who has read any of his books can relate to the sense of excitement that I am describing, and his latest book is no exception. In fact, it is perhaps his best book yet. Lively, fast-paced, yet scholarly and thought-provoking, Summers' book is everything that his readers have come to expect. I would highly recommend this book to anyone interested in nineteenth-century politics or U.S. history in general, or for those who consider history dry and boring and would like read a book where the past truly does come to life.

Anyone interested in politics or American history should love this book. The writing style is crisp and entertaining and the author strikes the right balance between explaining long ago and long forgotten events without drowning the reader in unnecesary details. The 1884 election itself was one of the most interesting of our history with sex scandals, charges of political corruption, party splits, and campaign blunders. The author brings the excitement to life and lets the reader understand not only what happened but why it occured and, even more interesting, what the participants had hoped to accomplish with their political strategies. The book succeeds in describing how late 19th century elections looked and felt to the participants. The human dynamic skillfully set out in this book (the cynical maneuverings, the overheated rhetoric, and the intense partisanship)are very familiar with what we experience in campaigns today-this very familiarity helps make Blaine and Cleveland seem real and not just sterile historical figures. Read this book!

Mark Summers is one of the great historians of mid-nineteenth century America. He is fully capable of taking subjects which have seemingly been worked to death and making them fresh with new material and original analysis. Rum Romanism and Rebellion does just that, making Blaine and Cleveland seem more vital and alive than the current occupants of the White House. The issues engage us, the political battle grips us. This is one of the author's best (to my mind, Mr. Summers best work is his two volume work on political corruption [neatly divided between ante-bellum crooks and post-war thieves]; let's hope that Mr. Summers has a trilogy in mind and next turns his attention to wartime corruption: from the transcontinental railroad to the supply of Union soldiers and the appointment of generals, that era was rife with corruption, yet very little has ever been written about it). Well done, Mr. Summers!

The so-called El Paso Salt War is one of those important events seemingly forgotten in the swirls of history. Yet it is a tale that ripples through Anglo and Mexican relations to this day.

Undoubtedly, one of the reasons this chapter has gone relatively lost is the complexity of the story. It involves hundreds of people, many with backstories vital to understanding what happened and why. There are numerous shades of grey and nuances that demand a subtlety beyond the scope of most researchers and writers.

But not Paul Cool.

Years of intense study and investigation provided him insights previously undiscovered. Moreover, Paul has been able to take this huge amount of information and present it in an easy to understand, intelligent yet compelling book. His talent is a gift to the reader.

And make no mistake--Salt Warriors is a grand tale of greed, ego, ethnic and cultural hatred, duplicitous behavior and violence that no novelist could have come up with. If this were fiction, readers would dismiss it as a flight of fancy. But it's dead-on history. It really happened. And it impacts current border relations.

Paul Cool has done an incredible job of revealing the people and events of the Salt War, and of bringing them to life for the modern audience. This is a must for the library of any Old West history fan.

Salt Warriors is both a work of scholarship and a terrific read, one of those rare history books that is willing to consider the past on its own terms while reevaluating it in the light of the present. The best book on Old West history published so far this year.

The Salt War is one of those subjects that we have often heard without understanding its significance. Cool gives us an opportunity to catch up in a hurry. This book should appeal not merely to lovers of Old West history but to those who want to understand how it connects to the politics of our own time.

Although not as resonant in American borderland history as the Alamo or San Jacinto, the El Paso Salt War left a lasting imprint in Anglo-Hispanic relations, especially in western Texas and New Mexico. With this first full-length study of the Paseño insurrection in El Paso and environs, borderlands historian Paul Cool has advanced both our knowledge of history and our understanding of the roots of present-day borderland issues. Cool, with prodigious research and use of a myriad of untapped primary source material, has shed new light on this 1877 insurgency that saw murderous clashes between Mexican-Americans, known as Paseños, and newly arrived Anglo-Americans.

Hispanic settlers had apparently been communally utilizing and selling nearby salt deposits as a cash crop for generations. With the coming of Anglos and a differing concept of resource ownership, a culture clash and an ensuing clash of arms was inevitable. Paseños thought the 1848 Treaty of Guadalupe-Hidalgo guaranteed their unfettered access to the salt even as the region was ceded by Mexico to the U.S., but the Anglo-dominated Texas legislature had other notions. Mix in the personal tragedy of putative manager of the salt lakes and provocateur of Paseños, Charles H. Howard, his angst explained by Cool's insightful analysis of his humiliation and his southern notions of honor and gratitude, and the triumph of violence over diplomacy was unavoidable. And triumph it did, for three deadly months.

Neither institutions nor individuals come off particularly well- the Texas Rangers, the U. S. Army, local law officers, the main protagonists or antagonists- although the author probes the motives and depths of each and makes it all compelling. Most on the Anglo side are incompetent or craven to one degree or another, several are plain cowardly. Others, notably a Silver City contingent of hardcases masquerading as a peace force, led by Dan Tucker and John Kinney and including killer Jim McDaniels, are worse, functioning as little more than a gang of robbers, rapists and murderers. An especially valuable section for the reader's closure is a follow-up on the key participants in the Salt War drama, tracing their later, post-insurrection, years, often with poignancy.

This overdue study is beautifully written, and is a significant achievement in the scholarship of southwestern history.

I have just finished reading Paul Cool's first book, Salt Warriors. The story of the Salt War in El Paso in 1877 is a complex saga of politics, greed and personal conflicts and Cool has done a wonderful job detailing the events and the combatants. He has exhausted every possible source in the search for new and expanded details on the conflict. In doing so, he has managed to deliver a very balanced account of the trouble. In particular, the author has used his outlaw/lawman research experience to help provide greater detail on all the participants. The result is a triumph of research and writing, that stands above previous works on the subject. Cool's ability to unlock background details of the key players allows for a greater appreciation of the motives of both sides and thereby engages the reader in the events. Salt Warriors is a great read and a truly important historical work, written by a gifted author and indefatigable researcher. Congratulations Paul Cool. The book was long overdue but worth the wait.

The best book about the war over the salt flats just west of the Guadalupe Mountains in West Texas.

Sam Houston is a figure who aroused great passions beginning in his own day and continuing to the present. Jim Haley's well written biography, supported by fifteen years of research in original archives not available (or used) by past researchers, joins the ranks of major works on this interesting figure. The book should join the library of anyone interested in the Texas Revolution and its heroes. With impressive scholarship, the book is well written and enjoyable to read. A major achievement, worth the wait.

The question begs asking -- "Who is James L. Haley?" -- because this author has come forward without a lofty academic post and shown the cheek to produce what is probably the finest modern biography of Houston yet written.

With several dozen good biographies of Houston already in print, James L. Haley went the extra mile and built a terrific book based mostly on primary sources, many if not most of them apparently first mined by him. He appears to do research the old-fashioned way -- in archives, accosting private collectors, and pursuing the odd distant family source as well. At a time when the lions of academia are being dragged through the mud of plagiarism and scandal, blithely recasting and repackaging the hard work of others, Haley's work-ethic -- which is purely Puritan -- is pure refreshment to find.

His book has more heart and soul than either Marshall De Bruhl's or J. H. Williams's works. And just as importantly, Haley -- lack of academic-world gravitas notwithstanding -- writes with the strongest sense of voice. He gets carried away a bit when he's feeling his oats, but the result on balance is sterling biography. As the eminent Texas historian Elliott West says on the back cover, all future scholarship on Houston and Texas will have to reckon with this striking, substantial book.

James Haley's "Sam Houston" is a study into a man's soul. Using new resources he has humanized the man and the legend. Mr. Haley has done the best possible job of getting into the head of Sam Houston and explaining his life long habits without falling into the easy trap of revisionism. As a matter of fact in my mind he is a champion of the facts, using common sense logic when faced with the incompleteness of facts that is often found in history. He often has to navigate through the propaganda of the day and connect the dots with the straight edge of reality. This is well demonstrated by the facts presented about the biggest Sam Houston mystery of all, why his marriage with Miss Eliza Allen failed. You will have to read the book to find the answers.
Easy to read for the casual reader, well noted for the serous researcher. James Haley's "Sam Houston" is a great read.

Sam Houston was larger than life! Prof. H.W. Brands has stated that you could never write a novel based on Sam Houston's life because nobody would believe it: He was right! What a great figure! Admirable with all his flaws, a true hero. Mr. Haley's book is written well, though not perfect, I recommend it to anyone looking for a great story and a great and well lived life.

This is one of the most awesome books I have ever read! I didn't want to put it down! This is a wonderful biography for a history buff or just a person curious in learning about the life of one of this nation's greatest leaders! Great buy!

Eric Voegelin was one of the most profound philosophers of history of the twentieth century. More than any other thinker I know, he was able to articulate a body of thought that recognizes the human need for a grounding in transcendent truth and analyses the vicissitudes of the inevitable search for meaning. His work deserves to be widely read, but perhaps because of its imposing bulk--his masterwork, "Order and History," weighs in at five fat volumes of complex reasoning, vivid exegeses of the symbolic forms of the past five thousand years, and indepth and illuminating readings of philosophers from Parmenides to Heidegger--it is not. "Science, Politics, and Gnosticism" is a perfect hors d'oeuvre of a book, and serves well not as a systematic introduction to the full scope of his vision but as a tasty morsel of his maturing thought at a crucial point in his oeuvre. Voegelin's incisive critique of ideological thinking in this book is lucid and mercifully accessible. I would hope that a reader comes away from this potent little classic inspired to dig deeper into the mine of wisdom that Voegelin's work offers.

Science, Politics & Gnosticism presents two essays, the title piece, "Science, Politics & Gnosticism", and "Ersatz Religion: The Gnostic Mass Movements of Our Time" by Eric Voegelin (1901-85), one of the most influential political philosophers of the twentieth century. Voegelin contends that certain modern movements, including positivism, Hegelianism, Marxism, and the "God is dead" school are variants of the gnostic tradition. Striving to settle the confusion that arises from the dominance of gnostic thought, Voegelin further strives to classify distinctions between political gnosticism and the philosophy of politics. A lucid yet in-depth scrutiny of the interplay of complex ideals and their reverbations upon mass political movements, Science, Politics & Gnosticism is especially recommended reading for advanced students of philosophy and political science.

Oh, the visionary has a new system to save the world? Put that in section II B, tray 5, right next to the same idea that sprouted 1000 years ago under a different name.
Voegelin has boiled down the rules for understanding all secular visions of salvation, which invariably play on some human dissatisfaction, the diagnosis of which always omits a key "given" of human nature, which is thus marketed as changeable, but isn't, leading to fanatical attempts to control people, devolving into scaring them into submission with the threat of death.
The opposite of the Christian love ethic which posits a brotherhood in relation to a heavenly Father, according to Voegelin.
Voegelin here achieves a scientific method of explaining how non-christian ideas relate to Christian ideas of social organization. He was very popular in Cold War times, but is also versatile enough here to help with the great conversation we are all having in relation to terrorism. This book is simple, direct and profound.

These two essays describe the inability of modern political thought to get a grip on the confusion and horror of the 20th century, mainly because that thought itself has not been immune from the very disorders it seeks to study. The roots of modern disorder are found in "Gnosticism," which is usually defined narrowly as a form of Christian heresy, but thought of by Voegelin as a typical response to the universal human problems of uncertainty, meaninglessness and alienation. Thus seemingly disparate movements like communism, fascism and positivism are placed within a Gnostic tradition stretching back to antiquity.

After describing the characteristics of ancient Gnosticism, Voegelin defines his own approach to the "science of politics," derived mainly from Plato and Aristotle. He then proceeds to analyze thinkers such as Hegel, Marx, Nietzsche and Heidegger and to isolate what he feels to be their dominant motives. The one great theme of all Gnosticisms, ancient or modern, is the desire to do away with the notion of a given, "objective" world. If the project of world-transformation is to be made plausible, then nothing can be seen to be outside of human power. Social reality is a constructed thing, not a thing given or found, thereby allowing it to be "deconstructed."

In the second, shorter essay, "Ersatz Religion," Voegelin describes the complex of ideas characteristic of modern Gnosticism such as millenialism, utopianism and positivism. As the title of the essay suggests, the religious impulse does not die after the murder of God; it gets redirected into "political religions." Politics then becomes a matter of belief and fanaticism, instead of rational discourse and debatable opinions. Despite the abstractness of some of its theoretical concerns, this book is very readable and jargon-free. Those with no prior reading in philosophy may need to look up a term now and again such as "ontology." I recommend it as a good, short introduction to the kind of sober and ordered thought that we so desperately need after the century of Hitler, Stalin, Mao, and Pol Pot.

Voegelin has done the public a great service by tracing a common thread of gnosticism amongst modern political philosophies. He goes to Marx's juwish roots in order to expose the theme of the golem that underlies Marxian thought as laid out in Marx's Political and Economic Manuscripts. The Kabbalistic underpinnings of socialistic philosophy forecasts these philosophies as gnostic philosophies.

Although Voegelin indulges in almost pure abstraction (characterisitic of his German education) it is quite accurate since it exposes the naked truth a la Jack Kerouac of these ideas.

The gnostic character of modern philosophies, such as Hegel, Comte, Marx, feminism and so on comes out in the theme of "alienation." Alienation from the rest of society is the result of some form of discord or disharmony. Recourse to a "secret knowledge" will reveal the solution to this problem of disharmony. Applying this secret knowledge will result in an "immanenitizing of the eschaton."

The last concept comes from Roman Catholic scholarship in defining the heresy of gnosticism. In article 676 of the Catholic catechism, it says that: "The AntiChrist's deception already begins to take shape in the world every time the claim is made to realize within history that messianic hope which can only be realized beyond history through the eschatological judgment. The Church has rejected even modified forms of this falsification of the kingdom to come under the name of millenarianism, especially the "intrinsically perverse" political form of a secular messianism." Voegelin says that gnosticism tries to bring about a heaven on earth or "immanentize the eschaton." When Kabbalists such as Marx go to the tree of life to get enlightenment to solve problems here and now, zen buddhist like, he tries to be the divine savior of himself.

Thus, Marxism is gnostic since it teaches of alienation of the proletariat whose special knowledge of communism, as embodied in the communist manifesto, assists him in remedying this defect in the socio-economic structure, this disharmony, and the very possibility of this ability to heal his own problem is an immanentizing of the eschaton, of creating heaven on earth without God's help.

The feminist argues that there is discord in the social structure due to patriarchy. The special knowledge of the superiority of matriarchy will remedy this and bring an end to wars, domination and so on. Thus, female chauvanism is to replace male chauvanism (clearly reaching a hypocritical end).

This is just the icing on the cake. Voegelin goes through many ideas, but the aforementioned summary constitutes a common theme uniting all of his discussion in this terse yet dense book.

........, drugs, rock n roll, violence, blood, guts, humor, philosophy, tactics, and any thin else you can think of.

I teach Criminal Justice at a local college, and after reading this work, I am going to make it required reading for my students and here is why: The author. Richard Nable, was able to capture prefectly, the essence of what is like to sit in a patrol car during a high speed chase, the sense of acomplishment of "capturing evil" as he puts it, and he then interjects humor throughout the whole book that makes you want to go to your local police station and grab an application. This is an excellent book, and I can not write enough stars nor tell you in words how good this book is. If you want to know about Police Officers, or just wonder what it would be like for one night in a patrol car, I highly recommend this book.

Incredible reading, captures you right from the beginning. Perfect for the "COPS" watchers or the cops themselves(and all their friends and family). This book definitely "GRABS" your attention...you will not be able to stop reading. Lots of humor and amazing stories, you'll want to read again and again!!!!

This book should be required reading for all new police officers. Every brand new cop could easily gain 2 years experience by the time they finish reading it. Anyone who has even a slight curiosity about the job would be able to learn what it "feels" like to do this kind of work. Richard has done a super job of putting the reader right next to him while he patrols the streets and lays the smackdown on Evil. A great book with great lessons!!!!

I didn't know what to expect. As it turns out this book caused me some trouble: I had several rough mornings at work from reading too long the night before and my wife got upset with me because I woke her up several times laughing uncontrollably at some of these stories. This is one of the most entertaining books I have read in many years and I had trouble putting it down. My only real complaint is that the show COPS, which I always loved, seems boring to me now. Rich Nable has impressive writing skills, an outstanding sense of humor, and will leave you wanting more.

My 18 year old suddenly became the philosopher and wanted to explore new thoughts. This is a good, thought provoking collection that he thoroughly enjoyed.

This comparatively short book consists of extremely well-selected essays by the great Scottish philosopher and historian, on everything from public credit to delicacy of taste. Also included are the different classes of philosphers, including the class Hume falls under, The Sceptic (Hume's sp.). There is also an exceedingly interesting essay on the populousness of the world in ancient times. Apparently, the accepted notion at Hume's time was that there were hordes of people in ancient times and that our race has been dwindling ever since. Hume, on the other hand, proposes the radical notion that just the opposite is the case, and sets out to prove it quite handily.-Overall, the best introduction to one of my favorite writers that I've yet to read.

First, I am assuming the essays in the Oxford edition are sufficiently similar to the LibertyClassics edition (the latter a far more elegant paperback and includes "Essays Written and Withdrawn"). Second, these essays (including one on how to write one in the L/C edition) are more in the tradition of Montaigne, Marcus Arelius, and Emerson, to cite some exemplars of the tradition, meaning that these essays are not as logically rigorous as his "Treatise on Human Nature," "Essays Concerning Human Understanding," "Principles of Morals," and "Natural Religion," but are more an astute and empirical observation of what causes pleasure and satisfaction versus what causes discomfort and uneasiness. This emprical motif permeates all the essays.

The "moral" essays are a continuation of Vol. III of his "Treatise on Human Nature," and "Principles of Morals," and contribute to how our "tastes" and "utility," rather than apriori logic, delimit and describe moral ideas and ideals. His "political" essays are the most prominent among the group and are often prescient of subsequent developments, clearly anticipating a more democratic society, but they often come across as antediluvian, despite Hume's analytical dexterity and his compassionate motivation. The "literary" essays are the least in number and the most impotent of his contributions. Not that they lack value or interest, they simply lack novelty or new understanding. All his essays have an empirical bent, which should not surprise anyone familiar with Hume's other works.

Many of these 48 essays have perennial value, while others are clearly cotemporaneous with his time and place (mid-18th century England). In either case, they contribute to our understanding of the period, while making perspicacious observations about subjects that are both endearing and enduring. The LibertyClassics' edition uses current locution and spellings in Caslon 540 typeface on durable, acid-free paper, making Hume's lucid and elegant prose an even more attractive presentation. Highly recommended.

Written in the highly polished Augustan prose style of the period, this is a fine selection of essays from the pen of the great Scottish philosopher, historian and economist, David Hume. The essays range from aesthetics, commerce, history and ethics, which include such pieces as "The Epicurean", "The Stoic" and "The Sceptic" (Hume's own credo) all which are rather curiously positioned and excellently written guides to living. "Of the Immortality of the Soul" and "Of Suicide", two of Hume's most controversial essays touching on theological topics, are also included in this volume. Both succeeded, with their bold, original arguments, in outraging the British clergy, which helps us to understand why Hume decided to have them published posthumously.

Hume is known today primarily for his seminal philosophical works. He regarded himself, however, as a man of letters who contributed to many areas and he was known best to his contemporaries as a historian. This nice collection of essays displays the breadth of Hume's interests and his well developed writing style. Hume was particularly interested in essays which would bring important topics before a broad public and wrote in an accessible and often entertaining style. Some of Hume's best known essays on philosophical and religous topics are included in this collection. What may be of greatest interest are some of the lesser known essays which display both the versatility and the power of Hume's intellect. Included are essays on economics and international trade, and also some political theory. Hume was an opponent of mercantilist ideas, supporting the largely correct notion that trade would enrich all parties. His political theory is particularly interesting. In contradistinction to the widely accepted ideas of the time, Hume suggested that republican governments could be stable if the size of the republic was large enough to encompass enough competing groups to prevent one from assuming complete control. It is known that James Madison read Hume in the period leading up to the Constitutional Convention and many scholars suspect that Hume's ideas were the germ of the defense of republicanism/federalism developed by Madison in the Federalist Papers. A momentous idea with momentous consequences.

I bought this book as a gift for my husband who has been interested in Linclon ever since reading "Lincoln: The Unknown" by Dale Carnegie. Since receiving the book he has become interested in studying Lincoln's prose to improve his own written communication skills. I've read parts and it is truly fascinating---there are letters to his wife Mary Todd Lincoln and to other notable historical persons (and various others) that help us to see Mr. Lincoln as he really was---kind, clever, quick-witted, and intelligent.

Of all the folks in the storied history of this world of ours, Mr. Lincoln is the one I'd most like to have had the opportunity to meet....this book takes one as close as he or she can get to that imaginary event.

This book chronicles not only texts of key speeches showing the evolution of Lincoln's view of slavery, but also insightful letters revealing some private thoughts of this shrewd railroad lawyer whose ambition propelled him to heights that made him the best President our Republic has ever seen. The 1838 Lyceum speech of Lincoln's youth gives stunning insight into that ambition. This book supports the notion that Lincoln was also the greatest writer to ever occupy the White House, revealing an impressive variety of literary styles, from meticulous legal argumentation to a dry, concise wit. In light of Lincoln's literary legacy, it is no wonder that each President since Woodrow Wilson has deemed the aid of professional speechwriters vital to their strategies. And even with the professional help the modern chief executives have gotten, Lincoln's rhetoric remains the most sublime of all our Presidents.

The musty, stoic Lincoln of folklore is brought to life in the pages of this book, and in the best way possible... through his own words. Abraham Lincoln, we discover through his letters and speeches, was first and foremost an intellectual: one can feel his pain as he writes poetry about homesickness and the loss of a close friend to mental illness; one can hear his enthusiasm as he discusses the history of communication and human progress, to such a degree that he goes off on fascinating tangents; one can detect barely-suppressed anger at pro-slavery activists who lynched an abolitionist in 1838, or at the hypocrisy of popular sovereignty when espoused by Stephen Douglas twenty years later. I refer to him here as an intellectual because the defining characteristic that underlies the majority of these letters is the way that Lincoln uses his mind to both understand and make his way through the world he occupied. One can see him exploring new ideas, contemplating contemporary events, attempting to formulate political strategies, and so on; his cerebral nature shines through every page. I can think of no better way to get to know one of our nation's three greatest presidents (along with George Washington and Franklin Roosevelt) than through the pages of this book.

Abraham Lincoln is a giant in American history, but it wasn't until I read his speeches and writings that his wisdom and wit became apparent. This is a man born in the depths of poverty, and who climbed to the very top. The Gettysburg Address, largely ignored when it was first given, has risen to become one of the most profound, definite, and understood explanations of the American dream..."we will witness a new birth of freedom...that government ofthe people, by the people, and for the people will not perish from the earth..." God Bless Lincoln, and God Bless America.