Government Books

I have just finished Whispering in the Giant's Ear and felt compelled to write a review. So much of what Powers has written about Bolivia has struck a chord with me, as I have just returned from Bolivia on assignment for a Canadian magazine. As I read this book, I found myself on the edge of my seat, anxious to see how Powers dealt with many of the same contradictions and frustrations I witnessed traveling through the Andes and into the low-lying areas in the east. This book's obsession with the fine line between romanticism and pragmatism, the spiritual difficulty in assigning "value" to a forest in order to ensure its protection, makes it an absolutely crucial (and very entertaining) read for anyone interesting in globalization, indigenous rights, environmentalism, global warming, Kyoto, NGOs... the list goes on. Pick up this book. Expose yourself to one of the most heart-wrenching (and under-reported) social dramas currently unfolding on our planet.

So much good writing is being done about the need to develop sustainable life styles that it's difficult to sort out the best. This is a very important and readable book in that context. William Powers was there in Bolivia struggling with the tension between an indigenous Amazon tribe and the attempt of apparently well-meaning nonprofits and industrialists to change the natives. For those who think we can go back to living in the pre-industrial world, and for those who are looking for a better answer, this is an engaging story of great importance.

I learned of the concept of carbon credits when I read Big Coal. It seemed like an interesting idea, but I was curious about investigating it from the perspective of those countries participating on the other side of things. Whispering in the Giant's Ear was an excellent choice to reveal the conseqenses of our exploitation of non-renewable resources on "less developed" nations. Powers does an outstanding job of providing an interesting narrative with which to educate the reader about the role carbon credits are playing in the struggle of indigenous people to gain political power in a nation that is caught up in the process of globalization. The number of characters is not so many as to cause confusion, but enough to provide insight into several segments of Bolivian society. A sympathetic portrait of the indigenous peoples of the poorest of South American nations.

I have to say, I'm envious of Bill Powers' writing abilities and his experience in Bolivia. Thanks to his detailed descriptions of character conversations, speeches, emotions, reactions, etc., I feel like I could easily recognize any of his Conservation International colleagues - Salvador, Smithers, Len - if I saw any one of them on the street...or deep in the Bolivian jungle. I did wonder whatever happened to the author's relationships with Daniel and Anaí - two of the author's close friends - but at the same time both side-stories were pleasantly left open to the possibilities. This book provides a highly readable, history of Bolivia and it's current political and environmental challenges. In addition, it provides a detailed look into the relationships between a "gringo" do-gooder and his Bolivian counterparts.

Now I have a better appreciation of Bolivia-its geography and culture. WHISPERING IN THE ELEPHANT'S EAR extends my understanding of globilization beyond our Western concerns of the East. It makes me equate the impact of globilization similar to that of the Industrial Revolution. In retrospect, the progress of that revolution ultimately involved all nations without particular attention to geography and culture. Now we hope to integrate the two without paying the price environmentally.

Powers' descriptive writing is powerful. I could have used a glossary of Spanish words. Although his personal anecdotes are entertaining they seem secondary in a book of such importance. Perhaps more anecdotes on indiginous people would have been more significant.

WHISPERING IN THE ELEPHANT'S EAR is a must read for those interested in our complex planet.

In this collection of essays and articles, John Shelton Reed tackles the zeitgeist of the South. He goes about it with an academician's skill that enables enlightened humor and sound argument while avoiding cheesy, low-grade cliche.

Reed emphasizes the importance of cultural/regional distinction. He acknowledges that the South, like any other region, has its problems; however, when it comes to culture, it rules the world. In a country becoming more and more like the James McMurtry song "I'm Not From Here, I Just Live Here," this distinctiveness is more important than most people think; therefore, Reed takes great pride in it.

If you live in the South, Reed will articulate things you've always felt and will give you an appreciation for what makes your homeland unique. If you're from somewhere else, perhaps you'll gain a new understanding of what makes Southerners tick. But whoever you are, I think you'll like this book and I highly recommend it.

This book cannot be recommended too highly to anyone with the slightest interest in the South. It is, in every sense, a delight to read and will easily withstand repeated readings.

This is the third of John Shelton Reed's books that I have read and its style sits somewhere between that of "1001 Things Everyone Should Know About the South" and "My Tears Spoiled My Aim". The book comprises a collection of dispatches culled from Reed's contributions to newspapers, journals and magazines between 1979-1990. Most of these are 1,000-1,500 words long. The book begins with observations on two of his favorite themes, Southern identity and the New South, before moving on to Southern culture, food, politics and religion. Reed is a favorably prejudiced but acute observer of Southern manners, quirks, oddities and behaviour.

The dispatches are written to entertain and don't disappoint. I found plenty at which to laugh out loud. However, this is not to say that Reed is not surreptitiously engaged in a secret mission to raise his readers' awareness of the character and virtues of things Southern. There's plenty enough here even to make a Yankee laugh - especially some of his more elliptical humor. I particularly liked his comment on Ted Kennedy: "For my part, I rather like the fellow. He's certainly the closest thing to a good old boy that Massachussetts will ever produce - which isn't to say that he ought to be president, merely that I think he'd make a pretty good drinking buddy as long as somebody else did the driving."

Reed is exceptionally good at capturing the spirit or the essence of something and making it seem familiar to you. I have never visited Bob Jones University but, in just over three pages, Reed made me feel I knew what kind of place it was. He does the same for a number of Southern characters and institutions.

Reed is a gifted cultural interpreter who appraches his topics with respect, affection and good humor. It's tempting to say that Reed is a popularizer but that belies his considerable writing talents. Whilst everything is written in an engaging style, Reed makes few concessions to his readership - he delights in his use of language and deploys an extensive vocabularly that would make some of my students reach for their dictionaries.

All in all this book is an unqualified delight. Go buy it now - you won't be disappointed.

Mr. Reed sure can write. I don't always agree with him; to turn around what he says about Steve Earle, Reed's politics are suspect. And more importantly how can he believe that Randy Travis is better than Earle and Dwight Yoakam? Still even when I didn't agree with the book I enjoyed reading it. The essays on country music and Ted Kennedy are worth the price of the book by themselves. Best of all it's wonderful to see someone defending my home region who isn't a confederate flag waving idiot.

I've long been a fan of John Shelton Reed's "Letter from the Lower Right" in Chronicles magazine, and gave very high marks to "1,001 Things Everyone Should Know About the South," which he wrote with his wife. But for some reason, I had never made an effort to track down and read any of the collections of his essays. I see now what a mistake that was. I wish I'd read this back when it was new.

It was some consolation to find that the articles and essays here assembled were definitely worth the wait. Reed is a very funny writer, but he's not a "humorist" or humor writer in the sense of, say, Dave Barry or even (to move outside the region) P.J. O'Rourke. You'll definitely get a laugh out of many of these pieces, but you'll also find them deeply informative. Reed is, after all, a serious researcher and thinker, and the two indisputable facts that define his writing -- that he loves the South, and he *knows* the South -- feed off one another.

Granted, many of the essays here are more than a little dated (some date back to the Carter Administration), and I'd love to know how things have changed in the thirteen, fifteen, or almost twenty-five years since some of them were written. But that's no doubt just one more reason to track down Reed's more recent collections.

Southerners, including expatriates, will nod knowingly at much of what Reed says, and will get a kick out of seeing themselves depicted so accurately in print. I hope they'll also take to heart his commitment to preserving many of the things -- from culture to accent -- that make the South truly distinctive. Folks from other parts of the country will find that Reed has not only made that sometimes-puzzling region a little easier to understand, but has made the trip a remarkably pleasant one.

When I took Sociology of the South under Dr. Reed at the University of North Carolina, he immediately won the respect of everyone who heard him speak, by virtue of the mix of humor and humble generosity with which he offered up quite a prodigious wealth of knowledge, and because of his graceful personal style. These qualities are evident in his writing.

Now that I live in gritty Gotham, and am faced daily with a culture amazingly alien to the one in which I was raised below the Mason-Dixon, I think every day of the issues he explored in his class (and in his books). He has done depthy and earnest sociological study of issues which plague the minds of Southerners and people who know them: Why Are Country Lyrics So Sad? Why Are Cheating Husbands More Likely To Get Shot Down South? What Exactly Is A 'Southerner,' and Why Won't They Shut Up About That Old War? (and) What, Exactly, Is The Big Deal With Kudzu? I highly recommend this book, as well as My Tears Spoiled My Aim.

Reading 'Winning the Influence Game' was an eye opening experience on how important it is understand how government can influence business. The authors have provided a blueprint for creating a strategy which can change government from an adversary to an ally. More importantly, a well thought out strategy can become your most valuable competitive weapon. If I had viewed government as a partner 10 years ago, there is no doubt in my mind that my venture capital business would be much larger and far more profitable today.

This book is essential reading for anyone needing to implement and manage corporate strategy in a rapidly changing economy. The authors provide a well-informed and interesting perspective on how to navigate government relations while maintaining a competitive advantage. This is an important contribution to current management theory that provides ample food for thought, as well as solid recommendations for practical application. Interesting, focused, well written and useful!

If you've ever wanted to be part of a special interest group or a corporate lobbying machine, but didn't know where to start, experts Michael Watkins, Mickey Edwards and Usha Thakrar have written a handbook for you. The authors write intelligently and provide information in great detail with no fluff. We [...] recommend this book to those in business and organizations of all sizes who are - or should be - playing the influence game.

Too many leaders, focused on starting or expanding businesses, think that markets and competition exist in a vacuum. This very insightful book reminds us that the background of government regulation is also make-or-break. The authors' insights and strategies are intellectually well-grounded, yet oriented to someone who has to apply them in the real world. A must have.

This book is absolutely essential reading for anyone working to develop and sustain business success in a global marketplace that is increasingly subject to governmental regulations. An excellent balance of sound theory and practical application that make this well-written and interesting book a worthwhile investment.

I have to say this is the best book written in a while. I admire Jerry Speziale. The author in this book details the sacrifice officers make when going undercover. People seem to forget what the officers give up to make a difference and the risks they take. The sacrifice the families go through when there loved ones are taking a risk with their lives. I admire Jerry and the officers who took the time to make a difference. I definitely recommend this book. It is realistic and it isn't exaggerated.

This is a very compelling book. It is the true story of NYPD undercover officer on "loan" to the DEA. This cop turned author, literally wrote the book on wiretaps. He risked his life to make major drug busts. However, by pursuing the Columbia drug cartels so aggressively, he also risked the lives of many innocent (and some not so innocent)others. He does not hide this fact in his book and he should be applauded for his honesty.

If you, read a "true crime" book only now and again -- buy this book. If you read "true crime" regularly this will be one of your all-time favorites.

Watching THE WIRE changed me and made me more sympathetic in general. I read this book as a result of THE WIRE even though I am not that interested in true crime or drugs. I am still not that interested but I feel that I should know. It's very straightforward and nondepressing despite the overwhelming odds. It's one man's story simply told although the details are sensational. Sheriff Speziale of Passaic, New Jersey was groomed by a real drug dealer from Brazil who also groomed a Brazilian entertainer known as Xuxa - this detail is not mentioned in Without a Badge but this book is written in a very pedestrian manner despite the extraordinary events and people involved. He spent many hours, days, months away from his family life. He was at the forefront of modern surveillance tactics. He is a friend to Bernard Kerik. And he is still making a contribution to fighting crime. Sometimes the antidote to the hopelessness of the fight is as simple as doing your own part and cleaning up your work environment and infecting others with a work ethic.

i dont like reading that much and it usually takes me a couple weeks to read this size book but i read it 3 days because once i started reading it i couldnt put it down. It is simply the best book ever written. You constantly wish you could read faster so you could see what the next page held. It describes in depth the cali drug organization and how they brought it down. I recommend this book to anyone, i guarantee you will absolutely love it.

This by far is one of the best books I have read in a while. I read it cover to cover in one day and I am a fairly slow and detailed reader. I could not put it down. Without A Badge takes you deep into the life of a narcotics investigator with such a zeal for cleaning up the streets that it is personally motivating. I am now reading for the second time. I can't wait until I see this one in the movie theater.

One of the best political satires ever written. This is Book Two regarding the political career of Jim Hacker. Have you every wondered why political schemes never seem to have any practical value? You simply must read this book and find out why that is. Some of the outstanding short stories have been mentioned by other reviewers here, but the Athiest Bishop simply cannot be recommended enough. However, the diplomatic incident over the puppy is probably my favorite. I also loved how a chain smoker becomes Minister of Health. Also, pay attention to Bernard's character thoughout the stories, as one can never be sure what side he'll be on from beginning to end. Cheers to the authors! It doesn't get any better than this!

If you enjoyed the "Yes Minister" and "Yes Prime Minister" books, be sure to read John Mortimer's "Rumpole of the Bailey" series.

It is suitable for both popular and fine taste. I'm sure you'll have a more-than-pleasant reading experience and a more-than-enough understanding of the hypotetical political leader's hypotetical idiotic behavior in a hypothetical political system of a real English-speaking country. Although it is seemingly a novelized British drama, the printed version of "Yes Prime Minister" makes excellent use of the edge of novel to tell the story. The expression of individual's opinion of a event surely presents how single-minded or even absent-minded the characters are. Even more interesting, there are handwritten notes of the subjects, newspaper cutting of their events, and script of media interview which fully demonstrates the moronic ideas and performances of James Hacker as well as the tactical handling of his boss by Sir Humphrey Appleby. And the intervention, most of the time in a literary perspective and untimely, by Benard Wooley further makes the team more a laughing stock.

If you ask my opinion, in the fullest of time, by means of thorough investigation of both the pros and cons, and not to put too fine a point, it is justifiable to a certain extent to consume a certain amount of time to literally, if not semanticaly to digest the information and mark the word by a person who is in this review using the perpendicular pronoun, I.

Were the "Yes Minister" and "Yes Prime Minister" series NOT part of television immortality, this book would STILL succeed, stand out in its own right as one of the classic political satires.

The authors' conceit is that we are in the year 2050 (or so), and Sir Humphrey's dithering protege, the ineffectual Bernard, is now an eminence grise who has taken it upon himself to compile the diaries of the legendary PM Jim Hacker. Hacker, whose populist, extreme-middle-of-the-road politics make him more a John McCain figure than a Tony Blair, does score the odd coup, as when he foils a nasty invasion of a former British colony. But by and large he is at the mercy of Humphrey Appleby and his bureacratic machine. As he tells he diary, Government has the engine of a Volkswagen and the brakes of a Rolls-Royce. This and other universal truths ensure "Yes Prime Minister" will endure for the ages, and it is a pity this work is out of print. My favorite moment is where Hacker, on the verge of ascending the "greasy pole" of parliamentary politics to become PM, campaigns against a European directive seeking to standardize the recipe for sausages. "I am up to my neck in this Euro-sausage business," he remarks. "Not literally, we hope - Ed" is the parenthetical aside.

Just when I had given up on finding anything to equal YM in style, humour and class, Messrs Lynn and Jay have outdone themselves. They know all the traps - millions have watched the shows, the characters are familiar and the plots well-known. But these writers, once again, have managed to outdo their creations, using humour like rarely done before (or, I suspect, since). Buy it, read it, and reread it.

And then read it again. It is the book that keeps on giving.

Like many tie-ins with British television shows,_YPM Diaries_ is a print version of the show, written in the voice of the characters. And , as is also the apparent British custom, it includes material previously aired. In fact, its chapters are the televised episodes themselves.

But this book goes well beyond the scripts of the shows. It definitely recognizes the difference in the two media and comes up with a lot of new material unique to the book itself. One of the cleverest inclusions is that of handwritten notes between principle characters. For instance, there are whole dialogues in this correspondence format between Humphrey and the Prime Minister which haven't appeared in any other media. Also, the diaries themselves include a lot of original material which amplify points made in the televised versions.

Aside from being an absolutely smashing read, this is an excellent resource for the student of British politics. From this book I got a lot of ideas for term papers which impressed my British politics professor.

I think, though, that the most valuable thing this book will impart is a kind of lens through which to view British politics. I don't mean to oversell the utility of the work, but especially for the American viewer uninitiated in the ways of the parliamentary form of government, YM/YPM truly helps one see how things get done--or undone--in Her Majesty's Government.

Bice is masterful. In my career as a lawyer and writer, I have come to loath many written works in this arena because they are simply to convoluted to endure. Bice's writing style is clean, witty, incisive and to the point. He also makes so much sense I found it hard to drop his book, even at 2am!

Michigan State University's John Bice provides one of the most compelling voices in the "new atheist" movement in America. His columns, collected here along with additional edits, are thought-provoking, well-researched, and meticulously annotated. And did I mention that his columns are frequently full of black humor in the style of Mark Twain and George Orwell? As James Randi says on the back cover, "This will provide you with many arguing points..." While atheism isn't likely to win many converts in "Medieval America" (as Bice puts it), this is a book that will help many atheists articulate their positions and find their voices.

Brilliant. John Bice is able to succinctly state things in a way that makes total sense. Essential reading for anyone concerned with the illogic and moral wrongness of church involvement in politics.

Good writing needs clarity and passion. These essays by John Bice have both in abundance. Whether he is discussing religions in general---"In reality, mainstream unsupported beliefs (such as Christianity) are in no way objectively superior to the equally unsupported beliefs of fringe groups."---or the role of religious ideology in American government--- "Imagine how disturbing it would be if our own government habitually pushed dogmatic ideology over scientific facts. Well, prepare to be disturbed."---he brings a voice to our national conversation about religions and their role in public life that is authentic and refreshing.

A 21st Century Rationalist in Medieval America is a collection of opinion pieces written by Bice for The State News, which serves Michigan State University and the community of East Lansing, Michigan, along with a few guest columns he contributed to the Lansing State Journal. The columns were written between 2002 and 2006 and cover a variety of subjects including religion, science, morality and politics, approaching them all from a perspective that is rational and liberal.

An unapologetic atheist, Bice writes that he had been convinced of the waning influence of religions. However, the terrorist attacks of Sept. 11, 2001, and a presentation on the impact of fundamentalist religion on science education at around the same time, galvanized him to an awareness of the dangers posed by fundamentalist religions. That awareness, in turn, prompted him to begin writing the opinion columns that make up the body of this work.

Following a preface in which he lays out the circumstances that led to the creation of the book and an introduction in which he sets the stage for what follows, Bice has organized the material thematically into sections containing from three to ten essays. He begins with a chapter on "Weird Beliefs" and concludes with one titled "Iraq War, Media & Patriotism." Each chapter begins with a selection of related quotations from a variety of sources and an illustration by Mike Ramsey, who also created a very attractive cover for the book.

Here, readers will find a front row seat from which to view the culture wars and an arsenal of arguments for those who want to be more actively engaged in the fray. Bice documents his opinions with fact and cites his sources. He writes with energy and candor, pulling no punches and sparing no sacred cows. While endorsing the "rights of conscience" of all, he does not hesitate to identify nonsense as nonsense and treat it accordingly.

One of the charms of a collection like this is that the reader gets to witness the by-play between columnist and audience. Bice frequently cites letters to the editor or emails that are reactions to previous columns and uses them as springboards for a further exploration. This gives the pieces a conversational quality that is most welcome in an age of jargon and hype. Since each essay is relatively short, it's easy to stop and think about what you've read or pause before going on to the next. This is a book that can be read in one sitting or a little bit at a time, depending upon the reader's schedule and inclination.

In the interest of full disclosure, I should note that, although I haven't met the author, I was given the opportunity to read an electronic version of this book and to write a blurb, which you'll find on the inside, before it went to press. I was enthusiastic about the book then. Now that I've bought a copy and read it again, I recommend it without reservation. A 21st Century Rationalist in Medieval America is a good read and a worthwhile addition to any library.

On John Bice's A 21st Century Rationalist in Medieval American: Essays on Religion, Science, Morality and the Bush Administration. Langsburg, Michigan: Chelydra Bay Press, 2007. 215 pp.



Bice's writing is clear and well reasoned and the general tone is engaging. Bice's takedown of religious fatuousness can be downright funny. Consider his description of a "faith-based anti-missile system" or "prayer-assisted air traffic control" not to mention "Prayer -Powered Sewage Treatment," all dependant for function solely on the supplications of the faithful.

In developing his thesis of a medieval mindset in contemporary society, Bice notes that we live in a time of when "faith-based" initiatives take a wrecking ball to Mr. Jefferson's constitutional wall of separation between church and state, when a born-again president terms his misbegotten war a "crusade" and in communities where half the citizens affirm that God created humans 10,000 years ago. Further examples include pharmacists refusing to dispense medicines that offend their religious scruples, e.g. the Wisconsin Christian pharmacist who refused to either fill a woman's birth control prescription or to transfer it to another pharmacy. Then there is the case of the "Several Imax theaters, including some in science museums, are refusing to show movies that mention evolution--or the Big Bang or the geology of the earth--fearing protests from people who object to films that contradict Biblical descriptions of the origin of the Earth and its creatures. This reader particularly appreciated the careful sourcing and footnoting which adds authority and substance to the author's perspective.

The series of essays that make up this work originally appeared as newspaper columns in The State News. In them he comments on topics to include Biblical inerrancy, Intelligent Design to Raelian beliefs and Scientology to Bush administration's "Faith-Based" policies and such religiopolitical wedge issues as gay marriage.

Mr. Bice's work, written primarily for "a mainstream, largely Christian readership" is a valuable work in both creating a sense of community among rationalists and in counterbalancing the irrational affirmations in which U.S. society is immersed. Bice self-describes his writing as confrontational, acerbic and blunt. It could just as well be termed refreshing, accessible, worthwhile, and achingly honest.

Free lance journalist John Bice is a graduate of Michigan State University.







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Giroux follows his typical train of thought in this criticism of the role of securitized discourse and fear in shaping American domestic and foreign policy. This time he focuses on how culture (the media, etc.) affects the educational spheres of America, most specifically its effects on children and those involved in higher education.

Best for those who are familiar with the basic tenets of critical pedagogy, the nuances of security literature, and who share a more liberal political ideology.

This was a decent Smart Rant. I agree with Giroux so it made it an (mostly) enjoyable read. I would not recomend this book for anyone who is not already on board with a far left agenda. It will just be frustrating. It would be like me reading a book by Rush Limbaugh. Giroux's rant is full of tricky rhetoric that sits well with his allies, for the most part, but would be unbearable for his enemies.

I would say that if you are interested in learning more about the Far Left, don't read this book unless you don't mind weeding through rhetoric. If you are in Giroux's camp and are looking for somthing to get you angry and fearful enough to participate in forms of activism, this will be a good book for you. If you are an enemy of the Far Left and want something to sink your teeth into so you can tear it apart, this will be like shooting ducks in a barrel. You'll love how easy it is to get annoyed with his rhetoric.

For those of you who don't find yourself as any of these people-types, well, your on your own. Maybe one of the other reviews will help you out.

Henry Giroux writes with a level of compassion, insight, and clarity that informs, astonishes and inspires. In these times of despair, deceit, cynicism, and war, Giroux provides probing and thoughtful analysis, sobering and searing revelations, and, perhaps most importantly, always a sense of hope in and for humanity. His latest work "Abandoned Generation" should be required reading for teachers at all levels, and educators in all domains, as well as every citizen who cares about the future of our youth, the future of education, and the possibilities for a more meaningful, engaged, caring and participatory democracy.

Once again, Henry Giroux stands up to be counted. In his insightful analysis of post 9/11 America, Giroux is unafraid to
challenge the anti-democratic policies of the Bush Administration. He does NOT buy into the belief of the Bushies
that if you repeat the lies often enough, people will begin to
believe them. He rightly suggests that the policies and priorities of the "War on Terror" have had both a chilling effect on the public discourse regarding what it means to live in a democratic society as well as dramatic real-world effects on the lives of many less-fortunate Americans.
Further, he uses popular culture to demonstrate the pernicious
effects the ideology of entertainment can have on the public imagination. Giroux's call for investment in the future security of America by building human capital (via education, health care, and other social services) is one that is not heard often enough. Perhaps if we have enough brave souls like Giroux willing to stand up and state the truth again and again, the public will be better able to distinguish between the truth and the oft-repeated pronouncements of the Bush Administration.

Michael J. Ludwig, Hofstra University

In The Abandoned Generation, Giroux goes beyond asking those who are already in the same political camp to agree with his study. Giroux asks everyone to reflect on what has been central to America's beliefs about democracy, question those features in our current society that undermine those beliefs, and envision how we can build on the democratic legacy that made our country great in the first place. Unfortunately, all three of these objectives often require time, deliberation, and explanation beyond the 10-second soundbytes that we get as pre-regurgitated pablum on the daily news and thus might require someone, such as Giroux, to devote his/her time to engaging citizens in thoughts and sentence structures more complex (and interesting) than those we would find in a Jane and Dick book. Time, deliberation, and explanation are, indeed, difficult in our age of quick fixes, and using them is often traded for the ease with which we would rather lay blankets of blame on the most vulnerable parts of the population, as opposed to lifting the reactionary quilts that try to cover the causes of our crisis.

With theoretical rigor, practical examples, such as in the use of Hollywood movies, and a desire for a better world that is steeped in the democratic tradition of thinkers like Jefferson and Dewey, Giroux takes on issues ranging from the continued assault on public schools that is partially backed by Bush's No Child Left Behind testing/choice schemes and the incredibly shrinking democratic functions of higher education to the utter disregard for children and youth, in particular, and public life in general. Further, Giroux uses front-line insights from various fields of study, not just like-minded left-wingers, who are either heavy-handed, academic, or dogmatic. In the least, Giroux offers hope and a map with which we can begin to work ourselves out of the current crisis in our country, and he also demonstrates that it is important that "academics" take on public issues, and that by doing so, "academic" issues can be seen rightfully as matters of public concern and the vitality of our democracy. The Abandoned Generation is a must read for citizens concerned about the safety and well-being of the U.S.-and its children-in this time of economic turmoil and global crisis.

Mr. Gibson and Mr. Donovan have written what is likely the clearest and most concise book there is on the successes and failures of our maritime policies. Unfortunately, the state of our maritime industry today reflects what looks like mostly failure. It is a sad story that the general public neither understands the realities of the state our transportation system is in, nor the impact we are yet to face as a result of the mis-guided and foolish policies of our government. The really dangerous part to this is that our government and politicians do not understand it, either.

This book should be required reading for all consumers, elected and appointed government officials, and all employees even remotely connected to the transportation industry. The lessons in this book can teach us a great deal about the dangers of runaway protectionist and entitlement policies.

Moreover, this book can be a road map to the elected people in offices around Washington, D.C., and our state capitols for what needs to be done to bring our maritime heritage back to the forefront of where it should be, and the impact of what is facing us if we don't get it there.

This book is written in such a spendid way as to not bore the reader. While this is obviously a text for students of Maritime industry concerns - seafarers, transportation officals and the like - the book is fascinating to all who have an interest in how the United States became the power that it is today. It becomes apparent as to why we are not a strong commercial sea power, but the insight to our strength at sea via our Navel forces is also clear.

Starting from our earliest days as a nation the authors trace the world shipping history and how America fit in to global sceene. The book makes connections as to our past and how it became our present.

The book reads very well, is concise and fills in gaps in the details of our history that many scholors (layman or profession) should read and evaluate. It just makes sense to see the total picture painted by Gibson and Donovan.

The Abandoned Ocean: A History of United States Maritime Policy Gibson, Andrew and Arthur Donovan

Published by EH.NET (September 2000)

Andrew Gibson and Arthur Donovan, The Abandoned Ocean: A History of United States Maritime Policy. Columbia, South Carolina: University of South Carolina Press, 2000. xiv + 362 pp. $39.95 (hardback), ISBN: 1-57003-319-6.

Reviewed for EH.NET by Gordon Boyce, School of Economics and Finance, Victoria University of Wellington, New Zealand.

In this well-written volume, Gibson and Donovan provide a concise analysis of American maritime policy from the early republic to the present. Their aim is to explain why since about 1860 the United States failed to achieve "its stated goal of promoting a commercially viable merchant marine engaged in foreign trade" even though a strong merchant navy was considered essential in times of national emergency. In so doing, Gibson and Donovan endeavour to furnish the historical background needed to guide future policy. Their advice is unequivocal: the government should eliminate restrictions and subsidies in order to let the industry operate freely on the same basis as its international rivals.

Yet, the argument does not come across as ideologically motivated or doctrinaire. Indeed, Gibson and Donovan carefully explain that America made a critical mistake by continuing to pursue protectionist practices. Specifically, the authorities required U.S. flagged vessels to be U.S.-owned and -built and reserved coastal trades for U.S. registered ships. Between 1830 and 1860, when America had an international comparative advantage in shipbuilding and formidable ship operating capabilities, these restrictions were unnecessary. After the Civil War, which caused the destruction of a large part of the national fleet, American shipbuilding lost its prowess as the shift from sail to steam and from wood to iron and later steel conferred advantages upon Britain's shipyards. Yet, U.S. flag restrictions compelled domestic operators to remain bound to an inefficient shipbuilding industry. The chosen solution was to provide subsidies, but these were inadequate to prevent a continued decline, especially as land ward opportunities offered greater returns. After 1880, the U.S. navy expanded as the country sought to enhance its international position, but the merchant marine withered to the extent that by 1900, American ships carried just eight percent of their country's foreign trade. During World War I, the consequences of this dangerous state of affairs finally revealed themselves, and the government responded by building and operating a huge fleet. It also passed the famous Shipping Act of 1916 which ignored international practices and compelled domestic and foreign ship owners servicing U.S. trades to operate within "open" conferences (rate-setting cartel-like organizations) that were subject to federal regulation.

America's policy settings were reinforced by subsequent legislation, which offered the industry more support in the form of postal, construction, and operating subsidies. The Shipping Act of 1920 committed the government to preserving a merchant marine capable of supporting the nation's trade and acting as a naval reserve and the Act of 1936 compelled ship operators to offer seafarers remuneration at levels above international standards. A divided union movement created chronically unstable labour relations to which ship owners responded by making generous concessions. Moreover, because the U.S. shipbuilding industry failed to exploit fully innovations (including modular construction) vessel costs were much higher than overseas. Subsidies, which were especially wasteful and corrupt in the 1930s, propped up the edifice. Political leaders were unwilling to make fundamental changes in the face of opposition from politically powerful interest groups. The fire sales of vessels that followed massive war-induced shipbuilding programmes gave the industry temporary fillips that could not compensate in the long-term for a lack of international comparative advantage.

By the 1980s, the link between commercial shipping and military support had been all but broken by changes in sealift requirements. (The army required Roll-on Roll-off vessels to carry heavy vehicles, but U.S. shipowners possessed few of these craft with the result that the world had a very close call when Saddam Hussein invaded Kuwait.) Moreover, subsidies were becoming increasingly politically unpalatable. Currently, U.S. policies are completely out of touch with international conventions that allow the use of flags of convenience and support open registers.

Gibson and Donovan argue that the solution is to leave shipping free to meet foreign competition. By eliminating onerous registry rules and allowing American ship owners to buy vessels from foreign yards, to employ lower cost labour, and permit the same type of tax advantages enjoyed by international competitors, the U.S. might prevent the complete disappearance of its merchant marine. In so doing, the nation could preserve the industry's formidable innovative capabilities, while securing commercial and perhaps strategic advantages.

The Abandoned Ocean is not a typical "policy" book; it is written in a lively and compelling style, provides a broad context, and presents a clear analysis. This splendid volume will attract government officials, business historians, maritime historians, and economists. By highlighting the difficulty of regulating an international industry this volume indirectly offers guidance to those who might consider imposing restrictions on businesses like those conducted over the internet. It also draws attention to the way in which political factors that shape regulatory traditions can create enduring path dependency. The chapters on recent developments are particularly valuable. The Abandoned Ocean should be included in the reading lists of a variety of courses, including the economics of regulation, policy formulation and execution, and business and maritime history, as well. Individual chapters can be used as required reading for historical survey courses to develop maritime/international themes. Maritime historians will be anxious to see Gibson and Donovan's next work which examines the history of the container revolution.

Gordon Boyce's publications include Information, Mediation and Institutional Development: The Rise of Large-scale Enterprise in British Shipping, 1879-1914, Manchester University Press, 1995.

Citation: Gordon Boyce, "Review of Andrew Gibson and Arthur Donovan The Abandoned Ocean: A History of United States Maritime Policy" Economic History Services, September 11, 2000

Andrew Gibson and Arthur Donovan. The Abandoned Ocean: A History of United States Maritime Policy. Studies in Maritime History Series. Columbia, South Carolina: University of South Carolina Press, 2000. xiv + 362 pp. Illustrations, references, and index..., ISBN 1-57003-319-6.

Reviewed by Gordon Boyce, School of Economics and Finance, Victoria University of Wellington, New Zealand . Published by EH.Net (September, 2000)

In this well-written volume, Gibson and Donovan provide a concise analysis of American maritime policy from the early republic to the present. Their aim is to explain why since about 1860 the United States failed to achieve "its stated goal of promoting a commercially viable merchant marine engaged in foreign trade" even though a strong merchant navy was considered essential in times of national emergency. In so doing, Gibson and Donovan endeavour to furnish the historical background needed to guide future policy. Their advice is unequivocal: the government should eliminate restrictions and subsidies in order to let the industry operate freely on the same basis as its international rivals.

Yet, the argument does not come across as ideologically motivated or doctrinaire. Indeed, Gibson and Donovan carefully explain that America made a critical mistake by continuing to pursue protectionist practices. Specifically, the authorities required U.S. flagged vessels to be U.S.-owned and -built and reserved coastal trades for U.S. registered ships. Between 1830 and 1860, when America had an international comparative advantage in shipbuilding and formidable ship operating capabilities, these restrictions were unnecessary. After the Civil War, which caused the destruction of a large part of the national fleet, American shipbuilding lost its prowess as the shift from sail to steam and from wood to iron and later steel conferred advantages upon Britain's shipyards. Yet, U.S. flag restrictions compelled domestic operators to remain bound to an inefficient shipbuilding industry. The chosen solution was to provide subsidies, but these were inadequate to prevent a continued decline, especially as land ward opportunities offered greater returns. After 1880, the U.S. navy expanded as the country sought to enhance its international position, but the merchant marine withered to the extent that by 1900, American ships carried just eight percent of their country's foreign trade. During World War I, the consequences of this dangerous state of affairs finally revealed themselves, and the government responded by building and operating a huge fleet. It also passed the famous Shipping Act of 1916 which ignored international practices and compelled domestic and foreign ship owners servicing U.S. trades to operate within "open" conferences (rate-setting cartel-like organizations) that were subject to federal regulation.

America's policy settings were reinforced by subsequent legislation, which offered the industry more support in the form of postal, construction, and operating subsidies. The Shipping Act of 1920 committed the government to preserving a merchant marine capable of supporting the nation's trade and acting as a naval reserve and the Act of 1936 compelled ship operators to offer seafarers remuneration at levels above international standards. A divided union movement created chronically unstable labour relations to which ship owners responded by making generous concessions. Moreover, because the U.S. shipbuilding industry failed to exploit fully innovations (including modular construction) vessel costs were much higher than overseas. Subsidies, which were especially wasteful and corrupt in the 1930s, propped up the edifice. Political leaders were unwilling to make fundamental changes in the face of opposition from politically powerful interest groups. The fire sales of vessels that followed massive war-induced shipbuilding programmes gave the industry temporary fillips that could not compensate in the long-term for a lack of international comparative advantage.

By the 1980s, the link between commercial shipping and military support had been all but broken by changes in sealift requirements. (The army required Roll-on Roll-off vessels to carry heavy vehicles, but U.S. shipowners possessed few of these craft with the result that the world had a very close call when Saddam Hussein invaded Kuwait.) Moreover, subsidies were becoming increasingly politically unpalatable. Currently, U.S. policies are completely out of touch with international conventions that allow the use of flags of convenience and support open registers.

Gibson and Donovan argue that the solution is to leave shipping free to meet foreign competition. By eliminating onerous registry rules and allowing American ship owners to buy vessels from foreign yards, to employ lower cost labour, and permit the same type of tax advantages enjoyed by international competitors, the U.S. might prevent the complete disappearance of its merchant marine. In so doing, the nation could preserve the industry's formidable innovative capabilities, while securing commercial and perhaps strategic advantages.

The Abandoned Ocean is not a typical "policy" book; it is written in a lively and compelling style, provides a broad context, and presents a clear analysis. This splendid volume will attract government officials, business historians, maritime historians, and economists. By highlighting the difficulty of regulating an international industry this volume indirectly offers guidance to those who might consider imposing restrictions on businesses like those conducted over the internet. It also draws attention to the way in which political factors that shape regulatory traditions can create enduring path dependency. The chapters on recent developments are particularly valuable. The Abandoned Ocean should be included in the reading lists of a variety of courses, including the economics of regulation, policy formulation and execution, and business and maritime history, as well. Individual chapters can be used as required reading for historical survey courses to develop maritime/international themes. Maritime historians will be anxious to see Gibson and Donovan's next work which examines the history of the container revolution.

Library of Congress call number: VK23 .G53 1999 Subjects: Merchant marine--United States--History Navigation--United States--History Citation: Gordon Boyce . "Review of Andrew Gibson and Arthur Donovan, The Abandoned Ocean: A History of United States Maritime Policy," EH.Net, H-Net Reviews, September, 2000. URL....

Messrs. Gibson and Donovan provide a complete history of America's maritime policy and explain in detail the unfortunate demise that the U.S. merchant marine faces today. The reader should find the book easy reading, almost like a novel. America has gone from having the world's largest commercial shipping fleet to now being unable to carry more than 3 percent of its cargo. The political and business reasons for this evolution are pointed out though the reader unless familiar with the commercial maritime world might have trouble grasping the downfall of the U.S. flag fleet. Today, the U.S. is still the world's largest importer/exporter in numbers of tons, but due to outdated maritime policy, has failed to maintain a modern commercial fleet to carry a "fair share" of these cargoes. Recommended for maritime students and commercial shipping persons as well as for politicians as a lesson on how outdated policy can ruin an industry.

Berkman, in a style reminiscent of Socrates in Plato's Dialogues, delivers an outstanding introduction to Anarchism. His work forms a succession of arguments against capitalism and for anarchism which build, one upon another, into devastating condemnation of the former and a convincing call for the latter. "The ABC of Anarchism" is written for the common man. It is a primer intended specifically for those for whom anarchism is a foreign concept. Nevertheless, old anarchists will enjoy this work as much as those new to anarchism. It is well written and, for the most part, logically solid. If I were to recommend one and only one introduction to anarchism, Berkman's present work would be my choice.

I found this book to be a clear exposition of the main tenets of libertarian socialism. The theory outlined is particularly strong in its critical elements, which comprise the first and second parts of the book. The firsts and second parts of the book deal with Berkman's critique of industrial capitalism, and provide a framework for understanding the motives behind political discourse in such a system. The framework is familiar, for those who have read Marx or Bakunin.

The book is somewhat weaker in its attempt at outlining a thorough-going positive theory of society organized under workers' councils, absent a legal framework for dispute resolution and protection of rights. Instead of a positive theory of law, Berkman interposes a, frankly, underdeveloped and, at times, naive theory that sees all disputes in a modern industrial society as the product of the distortions of human nature that naturally result in capitalist systems.

Berkman seems to believe that no similar disputes would exist in a society that is more humanely and rationally organized. However, he fails to outline what new problems might arise in an council-socialist system, and how those problems might be handled in this radically different type of society. Although such a theory may exist, Berkman fails to provide it. He also fails to provide convincing reasons why those rights we intuitively understand as "basic human rights," would be upheld in the face of, and in opposition to, the interest of the workers' councils. I was left with reservations, also, regarding the efficiency of the type of council socialism that Berkman supports.

This is, however, an excellent introduction to libertarian socialism. The questions it raises are ones that we would all do well to wrangle with, whether or not we subscribe to the underlying theory. What is more, any purely capitalist theory, it seems to me, must acknowledge, and ultimately answer, Berkman's timeles criticique.

anyone interested in social revolution should read this book. the wisdom presented here is beautiful and simple. it represents my deepest hope for humanity. let us realize that while we struggle for a free society, we begin to lose our chains as soon as we stand up. it is the act of defiance, of rebellion, which transforms us from victims into human beings. there is no meaningful struggle for social change which does not involve that exquisite moment of tense confrontation with authority. if you want to change society, you must stop obeying, and if you are only fighting for someone else's freedom, you are blind to the walls around you. peace.

One of my very favorite books. It is very easy to understand, and the described philosophie is great. No question is unanswered. READ THIS BOOK!!! *****

This is the book that transformed me into a communist anarchist. It led me to other, more complex readings, etc. Berkman is one of the most inspired men to ever live, he tried to kill Henry Clay Fricke (which broke the resistance to the workers' demands). He spent 14 years in prison for that. He was deported from many countries, sentenced to death in some. This book tears the curtain away from your face which covers your view of the authoritative nature of capitalism and state communism.

Communist Anarchism is freedom
Anything else is just slavery.

Author does a fantastic job of documenting cases where city council members and local governments propose a dime on the dollar to take private property in order to allow big business to add taxes to their pockets. No accountability! Small property owners do not generally have the money to hire the right lawyers to fight the system and are often overcome by eminent domain abuses of the local government. Without a lawyer, it is hard to know the law well enough to fight local government abuse of power. Books like this one can highlight what should be a great bipartisan case to protect average citizens like us.

Kelo, et al v New Haven, Conn. will be heard by the Supreme Court this session. New Haven is attempting to condemn a series of properties and LEASE the land to a developer for 99 years at a $1 a year. That is a unique twist. The city will own the land but the developer gets to build and sell the houses and commercial buildings. What makes this even more incredible is that the new owners of the the homes, never own the land. So 20 or 30 years from now the city can take their houses and build something else the "City" deems better use of the land.

A Must Read!!!

This book is powerful, succinct, and full of examples and recent cases. It will blow your mind and hopefully, if you have a soul, it will wrench it. First, you'll see clearly, with in the first chapter, how the government does it so readily and easily and they dupe us as a whole into thinking what they're up to is innocuous. Then you'll see how unjust and un-American it is. Then join me in a battle to preserve our fundamental freedoms.

Your home and business are not safe. Government can grab them at any time using anti-property redevelopment laws, paying you a pittance. Government then can give your property to a private company to develop as a mall or theme park.

That's the frightening story told in "Abuse of Power: How the Government Misuses Eminent Domain," Steven Greenhut's new book.

An editorial writer for six years with The Orange County Register, his articles have saved the property of thousands of homeowners and hundreds of businesses and churches. The total value of property protected must be more than $100 million.

Greenhut describes how, in Garden Grove, Calif., the city wanted to redevelop the land because a theme park would have paid them mountains of dollars in sales taxes, whereas people living happily in their homes pay much less in property tax. Citizens fought, and won. Citizens in other cities weren't so lucky.

More than just a description of assaults on private property, "Abuse of Power" is a guidebook on how to challenge powerful governments and big businesses.

Chapter 18 is "Fighting Back and Winning." It includes chapters describing: "Build Broad Coalitions," "Go On the Offensive," "Be Positive, Not Just Reactive," "Don't Lose Sight of Principles" and "Keep it Simple."

The book ends with lists of organizations and Web sites to help wage the fight and 417 footnotes.

"Abuse of Power" is a manifesto for taking back the right to property ownership. As Greenhut says, property rights are human rights.

As someone who has worked on the other side of the table in eminent domain for government agencies for over 20-years, allow me to unhesitatingly endorse Orange County Register columnist Steven Greenhut's book Abuse of Power: How the Government Misuses Eminent Domain. For this book to be authored by a journalist is unusual because, while it is an expose mainly of the abuses of condemnation, on many aspects it reflects an insider's knowledge of the eminent domain game. Any good journalist knows the formula for writing a popular book -- champion the little guy against big government or large corporations. But Greenhut's book is not just another tale of victimology meant only to make money selling books. There are entire shelves of popular books out there that make out some bug or plant as the victim of development as an excuse to steal someone's property. There are many guidebooks to help government agencies in taking property for redevelopment projects that short change the small property owner because there isn't enough money at stake to hire an attorney or appraiser. There are innumerable regulations that can invisibly transfer the bulk of the value of vacant land for the benefit of others without just compensation. Greenhut's book is an antidote to all the above. It is a highly readable 300 pages with 417 endnotes and a helpful list of resource organizations for property owners. Greenhut is on to something big - really big -- in his book. Government property acquisitions for redevelopment projects are predicated on the buy low - sell high principle to make the project pencil out. Greenhut points out the upsidedown definition of "blight" in redevelopment projects as the absence of something, namely tax-producing commercial development, not the presence of slums or hazardous conditions. Thus blight becomes the absence of what Peter can gain at Paul's expense, not the presence of something owned by Peter that hurts Paul. Conversely, there are abuses by hired gun lawyers and attorneys on behalf of property owners at the expense of the public. But the Constitution was meant to protect the small property owner from the abuses of government. The large property owners, developers, monopoly utility companies, and public agencies have their armies of lawyers and appraisers. The small business owner, vacant land owner, the small church or synagogue, or widow is often left defenseless against the predations of government. But now they have Greenhut and his book. It has taken someone with the coincidental name of Greenhut (green=money; hut=house) to expose the "milk-cow" system of eminent domain that feeds lawyers, appraisers, judges, developers, and monopoly utility companies and railroads at the expense of the property owner -- that is unless they have the wherewithal to fight. This book gives them that wherewithal. Property owners need to read it; government agencies should heed it; attorneys should feed it to their clients; academics need it for their classes; and the media should learn to lead with it.