Government Books

I am about through with the book and I normally don't make comment until I'm done with a book, but this man is truly remarkable. The author has lived a remarkable business life and the book is an inspirational biography full of relatable business lessons or nuggets. I have had a lot of fun laughing and learning from his life lessons.

On the other hand, I feel that the lesson I have learned most is that a balance of work and life is imperative to me. The author is twice divorced and I believe he dedicated more time to his work life than his family life. I think he is kinda reluctant to talk in more depth about it having only dedicated three pages to the topic. I think he would agree. Nonetheless, I have become a huge fan of John C. Whitehead.

A brief summary of John Whitehead's accomplishments thus far indicates the nature and extent of his "life in leadership": most recently, chairman of the Lower Manhattan Development Corporation (LMDC); previously, co-chairman of Goldman Sachs and then deputy secretary of state, second-in-command to Secretary George Shultz, in the Reagan administration; also tenures as chairman of the governing boards (at one point or another) of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York, the United Nations Association, the International Rescue Committee, the Harvard Board of Overseers, Haverford College from which he earned a B.A. degree, and the Asia Society. It should also be noted that, during World War Two, Ensign Whitehead commanded a Landing Craft, Vehicle, Personnel (LCVP) or "Higgins boat" that successfully delivered troops to Omaha beach on the first day of the Normandy Invasion.

With all due respect to Whitehead's numerous and considerable accomplishments, however, what most impressed throughout his memoirs is his passionate commitment to being an effective leader of others whose welfare has been entrusted to his care. He has always cared deeply, indeed passionately about sustaining that commitment, whatever the given circumstances may be.

As a case in point, after retiring from Goldman Sachs, Whitehead was determined to disengage himself from his various responsibilities and therefore "was dead set against" accepting New York Governor George Pataki's invitation to serve as chairman of the LMDC, following the attack on the World Trade Center. After completing a rigorous analysis of the "pros" and "cons" of acceptance, "it was clear to me that I had to say no." Then, after he looked around his office at all the photographs and memorabilia, "I took a deep breath, and I knew what I had to do. I picked up the phone again and dialed the governor, and when he came on the line I told him I'd accept." There are dozens of other, comparable situations in which White also had to make an especially difficult decision, none of which he later regretted. "I don't allow myself that luxury. What's done is done."

There are several important lessons that can be learned from Whitehead's personal as well as professional experiences that he so generously shares in this volume. Those of greatest interest and value to me include these three:

1. Effective leadership is first and foremost both a privilege and an obligation; those who would lead others must embrace the obligations of trust, compassion, and dedication as well as of rigorous preparation, precise and enlightened decision-making, and courage. It is worth recalling that Dante reserved the last and worst ring in hell for those who, in a moral crisis, preserved their neutrality.

2. Effective leadership also requires not only an understanding and appreciation of teamwork but also a determination to help develop effective leadership skills in one's associates. Hence the importance of recognizing and, yes, celebrating the achievements of others.

3. Finally, effective leadership functions simultaneously within three dimensions: the intellectual, the emotional, and the spiritual. Throughout history, the greatest leaders are those who possess (a) highly refined analytical skills and sufficient knowledge that enable them to make appropriate decisions, (b) a temperament that enables them to sustain a proper balance of what is most important, and also (c) what is often referred to as a "moral compass." As Bill George has so eloquently explained in his book True North, authentic leaders must be authentic people.

When concluding his memoirs, Whitehead observes that he can't help thinking how "lucky" he has been. "Mine has been a good life, filled with lots of fun, interesting experiences, drama, and an engagement with serious issues at the highest level...I have lived at a time when there has been a lot to be done, from fighting the Nazis to battling terrorists. I like to think I have risen to many of these challenges in my own quiet fashion, and I am confident that the next generation of leaders will meet them in their turn. I have been glad to do my part in all of these great endeavors. More than glad. From first to last, I have been thrilled to be in on the action."

John Whitehead is an exemplary leader but also, in my opinion, an exemplary human being. My hope now is that many others, especially those preparing for a career or who have only recently embarked on one, will read and then re-read this compelling personal account of a life well-lived, committing themselves to honorable and productive service when they are also "in on the action," whenever and wherever that may be.

A brief summary of John Whitehead accomplishments thus far indicates the nature and extent of his "life in leadership": most recently, chairman of the Lower Manhattan Development Corporation LMDC); previously, co-chairman of Goldman Sachs and then deputy secretary of state, second-in-command to Secretary George Shultz, in the Reagan administration; also tenures as chairman of the governing boards (at one point or another) of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York, the United Nations Association, the International Rescue Committee, the Harvard Board of Overseers, Haverford College from which he earned a B.A. degree, and the Asia Society. It should also be noted that, during World War Two, Ensign Whitehead commanded a The Landing Craft, Vehicle, Personnel (LCVP) or "Higgins boat" that successfully delivered troops to Omaha beach on the first day of the Normandy Invasion.

With all due respect to Whitehead's numerous and considerable accomplishments, however, what most impressed throughout his memoirs is his passionate commitment to being an effective leader of others whose welfare has been entrusted to his care. He has always cared deeply, indeed passionately about sustaining that commitment, whatever the given circumstances may be.

As a case in point, after retiring from Goldman Sachs, Whitehead was determined to disengage himself from his various responsibilities and therefore "was dead set against" accepting New York Governor George Pataki's invitation to serve as chairman of the LMDC, following the attack on the World Trade Center. After completing a rigorous analysis of the "pros" and "cons" of acceptance, "it was clear to me that I had to say no." Then, after he looked around his office at all the photographs and memorabilia, "I took a deep breath, and I knew what I had to do. I picked up the phone again and dialed the governor, and when he came on the line I told him I'd accept." There are dozens of other, comparable situations in which White also had to make an especially difficult decision, none of which he later regretted. "I don't allow myself that luxury. What's done is done."

There are several important lessons that can be learned from Whitehead's personal as well as professional experiences that he so generously shares in this volume. Those of greatest interest and value to me include these three:

1. Effective leadership is first and foremost both a privilege and an obligation; those who would lead others must embrace the obligations of trust, compassion, and dedication as well as of rigorous preparation, precise and enlightened decision-making, and courage. It is worth recalling that Dante reserved the last and worst ring in hell for those who, in a moral crisis, preserved their neutrality.

2. Effective leadership also requires not only an understanding and appreciation of teamwork but also a determination to help develop effective leadership skills in one's associates. Hence the importance of recognizing and, yes, celebrating the achievements of others.

3. Finally, effective leadership functions simultaneously within three dimensions: the intellectual, the emotional, and the spiritual. Throughout history, the greatest leaders are those who possess (a) highly refined analytical skills and sufficient knowledge that enable them to make appropriate decisions, (b) a temperament that enables them to sustain a proper balance of what is most important, and also (c) what is often referred to as a "moral compass." As Bill George has so eloquently explained in his book True North, authentic leaders must be authentic people.

When concluding his memoirs, Whitehead observes that he can't help thinking how "lucky" he has been. "Mine has been a good life, filled with lots of fun, interesting experiences, drama, and an engagement with serious issues at the highest level...I have lived at a time when there has been a lot to be done, from fighting the Nazis to battling terrorists. I like to think I have risen to many of these challenges in my own quiet fashion, and I am confident that the next generation of leaders will meet them in their turn. I have been glad to do my part in all of these great endeavors. More than glad. From first to last, I have been thrilled to be in on the action."

John Whitehead is an exemplary leader but also, in my opinion, an exemplary human being. My hope now is that many others, especially those preparing for a career or who have only recently embarked on one, will read and re-read this compelling personal account of a life well-lived, then commit themselves to honorable and productive service when they are also "in on the action," wherever that may be.

I had trouble finishing this book because I could barely get through a couple of pages without getting so inspired that I had to stop so I could take action on my own dreams. As a recent graduate of NYU, I was reminded that my career path will take many unexpected turns and of the possible impact I can have by following my vision and sticking to my values.

This autobiography is written with such authenticity that it is completely relatable. The author's struggle to pay his own way through college in 1939 reminded me of my own in 2000. I could relate to the feelings of triumph. And I could certainly relate to the mortifying mistakes (although perhaps I haven't yet experienced anything as bad as driving Henry Ford home in a Chevy!).

At the same time, the book is incredibly educational. History, business, political, and leadership lessons are encapsulated in every story. As Whitehead describes his experiences, certain themes begin to emerge, giving the reader tools they can apply to their own life. I found myself using lessons I derived from Whitehead's diplomacy missions in my work with others!

This fascinating book will be of interest to a wide array of readers. Previously, I knew a little about John Whitehead's illustrious career of leadership in three sectors: as an icon of Wall Street, Deputy Secretary of State, and a philanthropist. Whitehead describes how his professional and personal goals were achieved. With humor and low-key modesty, he shares his experiences throughout his life, and admits to the cases of serendipity that marked aspects of his career.

Readers interested in business and finance will enjoy reading how John Whitehead realized his vision of turning Goldman Sachs & Co. into a global investment banking powerhouse by the application of straight-forward methods. With determination, clear-thinking, good planning, and honesty, he rose at Goldman Sachs from a young Harvard MBA to co-chairman in the span of 29 years.

Whitehead promoted innovations at Goldman Sachs that were later adopted throughout the investment banking industry: the first initial public offering, preferred stocks and convertible bonds. His nine-point memo with advice to the New Business Department was revolutionary at the time. It included the famous aphorism, "You can never learn anything when you're talking." The co-chairmanship of Goldman Sachs that he established with John Weinberg was a novel leadership solution, as no Wall Street firm had ever had two chairmen before. John Whitehead displayed determination and thoroughness in his work. For example, no one outside of privately-held Ford Motor Company knew exactly how big the company was. In the mid-1950s, Whitehead took the train up to Boston and personally went through the public records in the Commonwealth of Massachusetts files, to find a copy of Ford's balance sheet. This information stimulated Goldman Sachs to initiate a relationship with Ford, which culminated in its managing the IPO of the largest family-owned company in the world.

For readers interested in foreign policy, the book illustrates how to achieve results inside the government. Even before his confirmation as Deputy Secretary of State under President Reagan, in the face of Senator Jesse Helms' obstructionism, he learned the value of speaking directly to an adversary in a successful effort to work things out. Whitehead wanted to make a difference in the world, which he accomplished "with just a little insight and persistence." One of his key successes was to begin the process of weaning Eastern Europe away from the Soviet Union through astute diplomacy, while US foreign policy was still focused on Moscow. He gives a riveting account of his meetings with Lech Walesa and Poland's president Jaruzelsky, Rumania's president Ceaucescu, and Bulgaria's dictator Zhivkov.

John Whitehead also made a strong imprint in the world of nonprofits. "They appealed to the idealistic side of my nature," he writes. Over the course of his life, he has given away more than $100 million. His involvement in nonprofits began with assistance to freedom fighters resisting the Soviet invasion of Hungary in 1956. He describes his exciting experiences with US-supported mujahedin fighting Russian invaders in Afghanistan, including witnessing an attack on a Soviet fort led by a Harvard Law School graduate from Pakistan! More recently, Whitehead's chairmanship of numerous nonprofits - notably the International Rescue Committee, United Nations Association, Youth for Understanding, International House, and The Asia Society - coincided with their spectacular growth.

What makes Whitehead's book especially appealing are the captivating details about his personal life. He relates how his dashing father would land his single-engine plane during World War I on an athletic field on the Bryn Mawr campus, to court his future wife. Upon graduating from high school, John Whitehead worked at the 1939 World's Fair running a concession guessing customers' weights. That summer, he earned enough to pay for his first year's tuition at Haverford College. When he joined the State Department, his daughter made up flash cards to help him memorize the capitals and the names of the political leaders of the 185 countries recognized by the United States.

The book enters the new millennium with John Whitehead's tenure as chairman of the Lower Manhattan Development Corporation, to which he was appointed by Governor Pataki. Its mission was to rebuild the World Trade Center following the tragedy of 9-11. Whitehead describes the vision and challenges of rebuilding Ground Zero. The book concludes with his ideas about leadership, and comments about foreign policy and the general state of the nation. In Whitehead's model of "quiet leadership," the most effective leaders are patient, thoughtful people who are guided by high ideals and do a lot of listening. The ethical dimension of John Whitehead's life and leadership style, and his credo of "doing well while doing good," are truly inspiring - as is this book.

I would highly recommend this book to anybody interested in leadership, but especially young business people at the beginning of their careers. This memoir gives an incredible inside and frank perspective on leadership of an individual who has had a more ecclectic and successful career than most people could ever hope for. Furthermore, this book is also fascinating because it provides a historical insight into the business world that a history textbook could never provide.

Lastly, I recommend this book because the leadership lessons it provides are universal. They aren't fly-by-night strategies, but basic and simple values that can be applied to almost any leadership position at any time.

Marvelous. Should be required reading for all college and university students.

Much of our common knowledge of U.S. civil rights movement's history comes from books and films portraying the nationally known struggles of the 1950s and 1960s. This book tells a different story - the struggles of the largely African American activists who, working without the benefit of the national spotlight, sought to open up the closed society of Mississippi to equal treatment for its African American citizens. It was a tremendous and extremely dangerous task. Mississippi was the toughest nut to crack among the Southern states. It was the most impoverished state in the union, where subjugation of African Americans was strictly enforced through intimidation, violence, disenfranchisement, job firings and economic ruin. Any sympathetic whites who dared to even question Mississippi justice were financially ruined and all but run out of the state. In this seemingly impossible to change social, political, and economic climate, a movement of local Mississippi African Americans emerged, with the help of activists from other states, who challenged the situation head-on by attempting to empower African Americans through voter registration drives, by attempting to set up cooperatives in order to gain economic power, and through education. The emphasis was not so much on organizing for desegregation of public facilities as it was on changing the power structure of Mississippi, to enfranchise its African American citizens and gain for them political and economic justice. Working from the bottom up, these activists had few allies, were largely ignored by the national media, and faced life threatening dangers on a daily and nightly basis. Many were savagely beaten, shot at, and repeatedly jailed. Several were murdered. They persisted, working diligently and out of the spotlight. Local People details the successes and failures of these every day struggles, and by doing so, lifts this aspect of the movement from obscurity to its rightful place in history. Prof. Dittmer is a first-rate writer - this book is very hard to put down once you start reading it. What emerges is a portrait of some of the most courageous people in our nation's history, such as Fannie Lou Hamer, Amzie Moore, and Bob Moses, and the local people who responded to the activists efforts. Local People is essential reading for any true understanding of the civil rights movement.

In my opinion this work looks at the civil rights movement in a way that all historians shoud take note of. Dittmer's in-depth bottom up look at the way movements happen allows a deeper understanding of the incredible struggles that local Mississippians went through for a few small steps toward racial equality. It also knocks the national leaders (JFK, LBJ, MLK) off the pedestals that mainstream history has placed under them and shows the truly peripheral role that they played in the struggle.

If you have any interest in the civil rights movement in Mississippi, this is the work you should turn to. It has great depth and is written with an enthusiastic flair that is not often found in similar works. I echo the comment....you won't be able to put it down until the last page is read.

This was required reading for a graduate course in American history.

John Dittmer's Local People: The Struggle for Civil Rights in Mississippi paints a portrait of one of the most horrendous acts committed in our nation's history. The torture and abuse the black population endured just to be able to vote was unimaginable. Black men from Mississippi fought for our country in World War II but they could not have a voice in who helped run our country. They remained disenfranchised in this state. White supremacy ran rampant in Mississippi for decades.

Trying to keep blacks from voting in the 1940's made headlines in the Jackson Daily News which read: "DON'T TRY IT!": "Don't attempt to participate in the Democratic primaries anywhere in Mississippi on July 2nd* Staying away from the polls on that date will be the best way to prevent unhealthy and unhappy results." (2) Senator Theodore "The Man" Bilbo played a major role in what became known as the "reign of terror" in trying to keep blacks from voting. Although a complaint was filed with the US Senate committee to Investigate Campaign Expenditures claiming Bilbo had something to do with ostracizing blacks he denied all charges of wrongdoing and was exonerated.

The state constitution had been set up in such a manner that made it almost impossible . for any black man or woman to be able to register to vote. The four main criteria were:

1. Prevent them from registering in the first place
2. Two year residency requirement
3. Two dollar poll tax
4. "Understanding clause" which stated that any prospective voter must be able to read any section of the constitution or as an alternative, be able to understand it when read to him, or to give" a reasonable interpretation of it". (6)

The vast majority of white Mississippians believed blacks should not vote. For four decades blacks struggled against forces of white supremacy with limited success. Most of the' power coming from the "Delta Aristocracy" dominated the state politically and economically for almost half the century (10).

Racial violence was a daily reality for blacks in Mississippi. The caste system that existed before World War II still lingered and remained well into the future, After the war black activism began. Efforts began to be made for voter registration. Organizations began to form in order to advance the black population into what should already be theirs, human rights. Many still held jobs associated with slavery. Jim Crow commanded the pace of life in Mississippi. "Keeping the Negro in his place" was the duty of every white citizen (20). The black vote was not progressing the way organizations like the NAACP (National Association for the Advancement of Colored People) wished it would. Three of the factors that accounted for the failure to register large numbers of black votes are as follows:

1. Tactics of intimidation
2. No on to vote for
3. Registration campaigns centered on the small black middle class

Organizations such as the NAACP and the RCNl (Regional Council of Negro leadership) were both working toward the same goal; however, their differences were more territorial than ideological. They had to remember that their common enemy was the same. Mississippi came to be in a class by itself. The philosophy of the white population came to be that it was "open season" on blacks. If any black man ever achieved anything or got
ahead in any way white supremacy out ranked him every time. Voting remained the main objective for blacks for many years. They continued to have many obstacles in which to overcome in order to just get registered. The state kept the difficult tests in place and violence was EVERYWHERE.

By the early 1960's outsiders began to infiltrate the state. Freedom rides began, college students began protesting in different ways, sit-ins and demonstrations started; and during this time President Kennedy's only goal was to avoid violence. Voter registration came to a standstill after the murder of Herbert Lee, a member of the Mississippi state legislature. His murder was sending a message to the black population which was standing up for your rights in southwest Mississippi could get you killed (109). Organizers came to the realization that no progress could be made unless someone was willing to die.

The activist decide to go to the Delta which was the most oppressed and poor area of Mississippi. There they find that the poorest people are the most willing to act because they have nothing to lose. Violence follows them everywhere but patience begins to subside with the black population and they start to fight back.

James Meredith applied to Ole Miss after serving in the military and enrolling in Jackson State in 1960. His main goal was to desegregate Ole Miss. After many appeals, Meredith was admitted and the governor, Ross Barnett, had been in secret negotiations with the Kennedy' son how to keep Ole Miss from becoming integrated. The Kennedy's had trusted Barnett to keep the peace with this matter; however, on September 30, 1962 the Ole Miss riot took place when Meredith entered Oxford with federal Marshalls. When it was over two men were dead and 160 marshals were injured (140).

Hunger, illiteracy and voting were concerns that needed to be addressed immediately. The SNCC(Student Non-violent Coordinating Committee) forced the Kennedys to do what they did not want to do, to "be on somebody's side" (153). The black community became excited. They got involved. The Greenwood movement, as it was known, survived the repression it experienced and the SNCC workers returned to their projects once again. However, the federal indifference and the white narrow-mindedness did not put an end to the fight for civil rights. At the same time in Jackson they were getting ready for a campaign against segregated facilities and discriminatory employment practices. They were insisting on the use of courtesy titles, equality in hiring and promotion, and an end to Jim Crow practices (157). After gaining some momentum in their quest the NAACP decided to reverse their direction which is still unclear. In Jackson, the Kennedys' primary objective was to bring an end to violence, which meant getting black people off the streets. They preferred order to justice (169).

Violence, hunger, and hatred continued to ensue throughout the state. Pastors of black churches finally opened their doors to organizations so they would have somewhere to meet. Voting rights were still a primary goal. With more organizations in the middle of things conflicting strategies became a problem. They all wanted the same end result but the ideologies were not the same. Therefore, they each had a different opinion on how things should be done.

Willie Dillon a COFO (Council of Federated Organizations) participant and parent of children, who went to Freedom Schools, had his house bombed in McComb. The police blamed him and arrested him for operating a garage without a license. He pleaded guilty after intimidation and without the guidance of an attorney and was fired from his job. McComb's blacks were consistently bombed by the KKK, if the blacks were active. McComb's white leadership was silent. Black principals and ministers who had not been active in the COFO movement were bombed. Black residents went to the justice department, but to no avail. Eventually the government heard rumors of marshal law and white bombers were eventually arrested and the KKK terror stopped. The bombers were let off with a stern warning. With nationwide media watching, McComb desegregated for the cameras; but returned to the old way of life once the media was gone. Black activists decimated the Klan's authority and won some small battles; and some white moderate voices were beginning to be heard.

In 1964 COFO emerged as a powerful force in the election by trying to get blacks registered and voting. COFO was expanding. Some people returned to school. CORE(Congress of Racial Equality) and SNCC had low morale and few activists signed up in 1964. Women were discriminated against in SNCC as secretaries when they were qualified for much more. The Freedom Democratic Party would be an independent force, the successor to both COFO and SNCC.

Freedom Democrats contested the Mississippi elections of five House representatives. More than a third of the House membership voted to bar the Mississippi members. National publicity and lawyers came to Mississippi because of the contention. COFO and the NAACP could not agree on anything and were increasingly hostile towards each other. COFO was abolished and SNCC went under the FOP. SNCC activists were alienated from mainstream politics. White terror made it so blacks did not want to vote. Natchez was a town of the "Old South". Charles Evers emerged as that section of Mississippi's main leader and played the organizations against each other. The Natchez blacks demanded equality in the police force, government and business or the blacks would boycott white stores. FOP did not agree with Evers, but Evers won with popularity. He was cautious and did not march when the other organizations thought they should. Evers went against FOP thought and ended the boycott to white stores that had compromised. FOP was on the major decline, defeated in Natchez. FOP
money was running tight. New strategies would have to be employed.

In early April 1965 the Mississippi Freedom Labor Union (MFLU) and the Child Development Group of Mississippi (CDGM) were created to organize black farm and domestic workers in the Delta region. The MFLU efforts failed not only because the traditional hostility of white Mississippians toward all labor unions, but also because farm workers had no leverage to use against the planters. Efforts to form farmers cooperatives in the region barely made a dent in the problems of black unemployment and poverty. CDGM was one of the nation's pioneer Head Start programs, providing poor children with preschool training, medical care, and two hot meals a day. It also provided employment at decent wages for hundreds of local teachers and paraprofessionals at Head Start centers.

On June 4, 1966, James Meredith began his 220 mile walk from Memphis to Mississippi's state capital of Jackson to challenge the fear that was still dominant among black Mississippians and to convince them it was now safe to register and vote in the Magnolia State. On the second day, Meredith was shot, but while he was recuperating leaders of the national civil rights organizations continued the march. During the first week of the Meredith march there were few white hecklers. Local officials were eager to avoid incidents of violence and the march itself had an informal and relaxed quality. That all changed during the final ten days with familiar tactics of repression and mob violence; but it also became more militant as the ideological and philosophical divisions among its leaders became more apparent (395 & 396). When the march ended anticlimactically on June 26th, and the national civil rights leadership left the state - fighting over who would pay the march's bills - Mississippi was still segregated, black poverty was still getting worse, and local black Mississippians were still left to pick up the pieces.

SNCC as an organization had little impact on the Mississippi movement after 1966; it had become preoccupied with internal problems centering on the definition and implications of black power and it had voted to expel all whites from the organization in December 1966. The local people, who had been the backbone of the old COFO coalition and the Freedom Democratic Party (FOP), faced challenges from black and white political moderates. FOP leaders agreed that the 1967 state and local elections would make or break their party (410). In the face of urban race riots in the North, and calls for revolution among black nationalists, FOP continued to work within the political system and welcomed support from all people who identified with its theme of black empowerment. State legislative strategies conspired to dilute black voting strength(gerrymandering congressional districts, creating multimember legislative districts requiring at-large voting, and increased filing requirements for independent candidates); this, combined with black political infighting and white intimidation limited FOP's achievements (411-415).

Recommended reading for anyone interested in American history, civil rights history.

Dr. Hafez focuses in the intifada campaign of suicide bombing for his research on motives for suicide bombers. He outlined the motives of the organization's that prepare, support and dispatch the bomber as well, as a different one that that of the bomber, which is analyzed. The community/ society motives for support the campaigns is also analyzed. Since I have read the majority of the reference use by the author, I need to say that his work is a valuable one for this issue, easily read, short and precise, and a likely and useful framework.

Knowledgeably written by Mohammed M. Hafez (Visiting Professor in the Department of Political Science at the University of Missouri, Kansas City) Manufacturing Human Bombs: The Making Of Palestinian Suicide Bombers is an insightful and chilling study of the Palestinian suicide bombers during the Al-Aqsa intifada that began in the year 2000 and continues to be a primary weapon among Islamic fundamentalists. Providing western readers with an in-depth understanding of the deaths, war, killings, and reasoning and rationale to these terrifying and seemingly indiscriminate attacks, Manufacturing Human Bombs creates an intricate detailing of Middle East mentality, lifestyle, honor, and progression of those who elect to become suicide bombers and those who elect to employ them. Manufacturing Human Bombs is very highly recommended reading to all students of the Middle Eastern culture, the suicidal extremes of the bombers themselves, the attitudes of the victimized society that breeds them, and the issues surrounding phenomena of suicide bombers in countries such as Iraq, Israel, Chechnya, and Afghanistan.

Knowledgeably written by Mohammed M. Hafez (Visiting Professor in the Department of Political Science at the University of Missouri, Kansas City) Manufacturing Human Bombs: The Making Of Palestinian Suicide Bombers is an insightful and chilling study of the Palestinian suicide bombers during the Al-Aqsa intifada that began in the year 2000 and continues to be a primary weapon among Islamic fundamentalists. Providing western readers with an in-depth understanding of the deaths, war, killings, and reasoning and rationale to these terrifying and seemingly indiscriminate attacks, Manufacturing Human Bombs creates an intricate detailing of Middle East mentality, lifestyle, honor, and progression of those who elect to become suicide bombers and those who elect to employ them. Manufacturing Human Bombs is very highly recommended reading to all students of the Middle Eastern culture, the suicidal extremes of the bombers themselves, the attitudes of the victimized society that breeds them, and the issues surrounding phenomena of suicide bombers in countries such as Iraq, Israel, Chechnya, and Afghanistan.

Knowledgeably written by Mohammed M. Hafez (Visiting Professor in the Department of Political Science at the University of Missouri, Kansas City) Manufacturing Human Bombs: The Making Of Palestinian Suicide Bombers is an insightful and chilling study of the Palestinian suicide bombers during the Al-Aqsa intifada that began in the year 2000 and continues to be a primary weapon among Islamic fundamentalists. Providing western readers with an in-depth understanding of the deaths, war, killings, and reasoning and rationale to these terrifying and seemingly indiscriminate attacks, Manufacturing Human Bombs creates an intricate detailing of Middle East mentality, lifestyle, honor, and progression of those who elect to become suicide bombers and those who elect to employ them. Manufacturing Human Bombs is very highly recommended reading to all students of the Middle Eastern culture, the suicidal extremes of the bombers themselves, the attitudes of the victimized society that breeds them, and the issues surrounding phenomena of suicide bombers in countries such as Iraq, Israel, Chechnya, and Afghanistan.

Knowledgeably written by Mohammed M. Hafez (Visiting Professor in the Department of Political Science at the University of Missouri, Kansas City) Manufacturing Human Bombs: The Making Of Palestinian Suicide Bombers is an insightful and chilling study of the Palestinian suicide bombers during the Al-Aqsa intifada that began in the year 2000 and continues to be a primary weapon among Islamic fundamentalists. Providing western readers with an in-depth understanding of the deaths, war, killings, and reasoning and rationale to these terrifying and seemingly indiscriminate attacks, Manufacturing Human Bombs creates an intricate detailing of Middle East mentality, lifestyle, honor, and progression of those who elect to become suicide bombers and those who elect to employ them. Manufacturing Human Bombs is very highly recommended reading to all students of the Middle Eastern culture, the suicidal extremes of the bombers themselves, the attitudes of the victimized society that breeds them, and the issues surrounding phenomena of suicide bombers in countries such as Iraq, Israel, Chechnya, and Afghanistan.

Wheelan has written an excellent book on the post-presidential career of John Quincy Adams. Some attention is given to Adams as our nation's sixth president, if merely to conform to other historians' assessments of the Adams presidency, who have mainly considered it a failure. The one problem with books like these is the obvious effort to throw the most favorable light on the author's subject. That being said, I found much to admire in John Quincy Adams and the author makes a good effort in bringing those qualities to light.

As would be shown later in this book, John Quincy Adams would come to represent one of the last vestiges of the founding generation. His father's career needs no mention from me. Any student of the American Revolutionary War period and the early republic will (hopefully) know about John Adams for his influential role. His son became a well-traveled and educated young man who would serve later administrations, perhaps most notably as James Monroe's Secretary of State.

I found it interesting how John Quincy Adams played with political parties; he didn't really follow any party line completely. He was a principled man who seemed to be moved more by his conscience than partisan politics. His ambivalence towards political parties, as the author mentioned, was one of the factors that inhibited his presidency. Adams, as the author mentioned, just could not adapt to the changing political realities. His ascendency to the presidency was certainly controversial enough, being he did not win a plurality of the popular vote and his electoral victory was decided by the Congress.

His post-presidential career was marked by 16 (roughly) years in the House of Representatives. In this capacity he fought for the right to petition, attacked slavery, gave vocal support to women and Native Americans, and opposed the annexation of Texas as a slave state and the resulting events leading to the Mexican-American War. Adams displayed a fearlessness in confronting his opponents in the House with often very little support. He fought a censure motion and won, and he eventually helped overturn the Gag rule, which had limited the right to bring petitions to the House. He became hated by many, seen as a champion by others, but usually won the respect of his colleagues through his forceful intellect and character.

It was during this period that Adams assisted the defense team for the black crewmen of the Amistad, who were trying to regain their freedom after being taken from their homeland illegally to be sold into slavery by Spanish authorities. Eventually, the U.S. courts decided for releasing these Africans and allowing them to return to their homeland.

It wasn't hard after reading this book to come to have a sympathetic view of this man. It is indeed a remarkable story of a remarkable life. Even if this book is overly praiseworthy of its subject, I think John Quincy Adams probably deserves some favorable press. A really good read.

This is avery enjoyable read. I took the challenge after seeing the mini-series John Adams. The son is as key to a great American as his father. This book should raise Mr. JQ Adams on the list of great Americans.

John Quincy Adams is traditionally remembered for two things, that he was the son of the 2nd President of the U.S. and that he was a failure as a President. However, this book takes that into account, the tremendous amount of pressure he felt living up to the "Adams" name, and that he found himself as a politician in the House of Representatives. This wonderful portrait of man who has lived in the long shadow of his famous father, never disappoints. His fight against slavery and his defense against censure are insightful, giving the reader a clearer picture of a man who was governed by the principles created by the Founding Fathers. I enjoyed it very much!

John Quincy Adams was the son of John Adams, the second President of the United States, and a critical Founding Father. The younger John went to Europe with his father as a youth, hobnobbing in the courts of King George III, Empress Catherine II (the Great), and King Louis XVI. As an adult, he served as American ambassador to the Netherlands, Prussia, Russia, and the United Kingdom, negotiating the end of the War of 1812, was sent to the US Senate from Massachusetts for one term, and spent eight years as Secretary of State to President James Monroe. Then, in the controversial election of 1824, he was elected the sixth President by the House of Representatives. His tenure was highly flawed, and, after one term, he lost reelection. Thereafter, he spent his remaining years in the House, never having lived up to his potential.

This is Adams' traditional biographical narrative, as Joseph Wheelan sees it, with the emphasis placed on his failed presidency, and his 17 years in the House of Representatives largely an afterthought (albeit one wherein he acquitted himself adequately). Wheelan devotes about sixty pages to his career up until his election to the House of Representatives in 1830, and then spends the remainder of the book on his 17 years ther, ending with his death in 1847 (in the Speaker's office, no less). Wheelan here proposes a different narrative: in Hollywood terms, the failed presidency is the big setback the catalyzes the hero's final triumph. And "hero" is the key word, because Wheelan explicitly states in the introduction that he believes we can take from Adams' example in the 21st century when looking for leaders. Herbert Butterfield would undoubtedly have clucked his tongue at this, but as I've always thought Butterfield was being far too severe in discouraging people from trying to find lessons and heroes in history. I find Wheelan's thesis very attractive. The result is a profile of Adams that focusses on his many positive qualities; it is not a hagiography, as it makes allowance for personality flaws, but these will not have much impact on how the reader sees Adams. Most relate to his presidency, and a lot of that, through this presentation at least, results from Andrew Jackson's bitterness and Adams' own overly-developed sense of fair play in the face of political reality (which most people would think as much a virtue as a flaw).

Wheelan's John Quincy Adams is a tremendously appealing figure: dedicated to being a man "of the whole country" (though he, by the point Wheelan focusses on, has really become a man of "the abolitionist North", because he revels in antagonizing the slaveholding Southern states, not that they didn't deserve it), with a very old-fashioned (in the early 19th century!) view of public service, and a strong devotion to the ideals of the Constitution's framers (he knew most of them, after all). Wheelan singles out his various causes championed during his time in Congress:

1) The First Amendment - through his nearly decade-long campaign to repeal the Southern-backed gag rule in the House that quashed the right to petition the House against slavery.
2) Womens' rights - through his defence of women involving themselves in politics (though he was not so far ahead of his time as to argue for giving them the vote).
3) Science - Adams was a lifelong proponent of the sciences, and of government sponsorship of them, and Wheelan spends some time detailing his role in the creation of the Smithsonian Institute, whcih I was not aware of.
4) The big one, his campaign against slavery. Indeed, he was perhaps the first great political opponent of the Slave Power, a friend and inspiration to future player William Seward (Lincoln's Secretary of State), and astonishingly foresighted in predicting the Civil War decades in advance (and, ultimately, welcoming it as a necessary bloodletting to purge ill from the land).

Adams is remembered today mainly as the son of another president who squeaked into office via a "corrupt bargain" (a fiction of his opponents that Wheelan spends some time arguing against) - Wheelan makes a very persuasive case for his worth as a principled politician. Certainly it makes one wish for eight years of John Quincy Adams over another son of a one-term president we are all too familiar with.

The product was sent in satisfactory time. It will be a gift and has not been read.

Amy is my cousin and I must say her book is great. She is very creative and humorous, and her writing proves this. Amy is very talented.

i am not yet finished w/ my american adventure but it is the most ^ lifting book my dream was to go on an "american adventure" and this summer my family is going to try to get on the road . and my goal is to record everyting and write a book about it. thats when i found my american adventure i was so excited that there was a book about somthing similar dream that i could read about!!! thanks amy,jon,emily,and kurt

This is a nice book for teens and adults about a year-long tour around the fifty states by a pre-teen in an RV with her folks and younger brother. Amy's tour teaches her about geography, the confort of home, the jealousy and withdrawal of friends, and the value of persistence when governors of the fifty states cannot meet with her. I will not tell how she finally gets the last five governors to sign her sweatshirt mementoes of the trip, but her determination and luck pays off. I am a church librarian and bought this book because it has many lessons and is just plain fun reading for our teens. I hope I can get them to read it--they need a lot of pushing to read any kind of material. The fact that Amy mentions her religion throughout the book helped make the sale for me. I am always lookiing for books that have a religious backfround without hitting you over the head with it. This book fits the bill. Thanks, Amy, for an outstanding book.

I got this book for Christmas last year, and I have to say that I enjoyed it immensely!! Amy tell story after [interresting, funny, heartwarming] story, and the spririt of adventure in this books inspires the readers to "reach really high" themselves!! After reading of Amy's accomplishment, I too wanted to get out and DO something!!

Our whole family thoroughly enjoyed this book. It was written by a 13-year-old, which gave it interesting insights, yet was extremely well written. We read it aloud during a recent 1,000 mile trip and were inspired by Amy's courage and dedication. The ending was truly inspirational. It's a great book to give to any teenager (my 13-year-old daughter did most of the reading) to inspire them to have goals and reach out to achieve them. Highly recommended!

I have read all the works of Harold Weisberg, included "Never Again" which is a summary of other books of Harold Weisberg. After studying his work for many years, is HW in my opinion the foremost researcher of this american tragedy. Read "Never Again" and be convinced.

As the leading civilian authority on the U.S. Secret Service (and President Kennedy's interaction with the agency), I was much interested in this book by the late, great Harold Weisberg. Despite a shrill writing style, the man was and is a legend; his work is rightfully seen as some of the very best ever produced on the case. I highly recommend this book, as well as Weisberg's "Post Mortem." vince palamara

I spent a lot of time with Harold before he passed away and he was without doubt, the very best researcher in the field. All of his books, including "Never Again" should be read by any person who is serious about the JFK Assassination. Weisberg was not part of the research group that tells readers that "every thing is false or faked" like many modern day researchers. Read all of his books first, even if you don't agree with him, you have to respect his work. One last thing; his books don't present theories, only answers and he proves what he writes unlike many authors on the subject.

This book appears to have been written by a man who was very mad at the JAMA article on the assassination. He wasted lots of space repeating and repeating that he had received info through the FOIA. I have not read the JAMA article, but it must have mentioned Weisberg by name to get him this cranked off. He also spent lots of time trying to tie down exactly what Dr. Hume had destroyed. Yet he has no proof that what was destroyed is any different from what Dr. Hume submitted. I found the book a "difficult read" and considered throwing to away as opposed to finishing it.

In yet another triumph of research, Harold Weisberg proves why the critics are slow to attack when they walk past "Old Yeller." The grandfather/watchdog of the JFK community, Weisberg puts time-tested wisdom to the post-Posner world of JFK, revealing new insights into the JAMA claim that supports the pro-Solution position, but in flagrant disregard of the physical evidence. Weisberg makes no qualms about his anger in this book, but the reader all the more appreciates the passion and animation that this brings to this factually solid, well-planned book. To the new and old alike, you WILL learn something here!!

As one involved in this struggle over the last 25 years I agree this book is mandatory reading for anyone who wants to learn about the struggles related to accessibility. Congressman Edward J. Markey, Ranking Democrat, House Subcommittee on Telecommunications and the Internet, stated, "Telecommunications technology can enable and ennoble the lives of millions, but only if our laws animate such technologies with human values to ensure universal access and inclusion. Karen Pelz Strauss, a tireless ally in expanding disability access to new technologies, presents a wonderful history about the inexorable march of innovation and the ongoing struggles to bring its wonders to all sectors of society." Former FCC Chairman William Kenard noted, "The lessons revealed in the pages of this book offer a compelling roadmap to those who are willing to take up this challenge in the decades to come." I am glad the author took the time to capture the struggle so others can learn.

This is a must read for anyone who is interested in access including regulators, advocates, educators, audiologists and parents. The book provides the fundamental underpinnings of a regulatory framework that drives regulation today. Ms. Peltz Strauss' insight into the battles and personalities that shaped FCC regulation make the book an incredible tool for those trying to adapt existing regulation to today's and future technological advances in access. These issues should not be forgotten or assumed to be resolved. This book provides a compelling picture of the challenges and the realization that FCC regulation is required for people with hearing loss to receive the functional equivalence of what everyone else takes for granted.

If you have ever considered the struggles of hearing-impaired people in securing access to basic telecommunications, you owe it to yourself to read this book. In fact, if you're just looking for a good story about the hard work of decent Americans who fought against all odds to improve the quality of life for millions of people, you will enjoy reading "A New Civil Right." Though it features a fast-paced narrative, it doubles as an instruction manual that begs to be studied by disability lawyers, activists and students alike. It contains principles for practical change and countless lessons in grassroots political activism that only a dynamic career in the field could confer.

As the hearing son of deaf parents, I am moved by the series of seemingly implausible victories that unfold in these pages on behalf of a population that was, for decades, shut out of American telecommunications. Were it not for the pioneering work of advocates --whose stories are capably told in this book-- my own parents would not be able to enjoy many of the benefits of modern technology that now enable them to communicate naturally with others from a distance. This is a work that every Deaf American, and every ally of Deaf America, should add to their bookshelf.

Not since Harry Lang wrote "A Phone of Our Own" has such a pioneering, authoratative account of telecommunications access for the deaf been presented to the public. With passion, humility, and an abiding respect for the Deaf community, this extraordinary work draws on the historical insight of Lang's story --without duplicating it-- to present one of the most compelling portraits of progress ever told in American history.

This book has a chapter titled, "David and Goliath." But, in fact on every page of this exciting book amazing successes and improbable achievements are detailed. Strauss shares the struggles of deaf and hard of hearing people to gain telecommunications access with such drama and clarity, making
"A New Civil Right" a fascinating book to read.

This book provides a comprehensive account of how laws were created to provide better telecommunications access for people with hearing loss. The author played an active role in the efforts to achieve this access, so the reporting is both authoritative and enjoyable--it is interspersed with personal and other stories that took place along the way. The many battles that the deaf and hard of hearing communities had to fight in order to win these rights are quite amazing, and the ultimate success is encouraging and very relevant to other efforts to gain civil rights. I would think anyone involved in communications, civil or disability rights, or grass roots advocacy would find this both enjoyable and valuable.

I definitely recommend this book to worship leaders and pastors. It's a smooth read, interesting, and very useful. It's not very expensive and the author himself is very qualified and has a great humble heart. I think this book could help a lot of churches with some problems they face weekly between worship leaders, pastors, and their congregations. Read it.

This book is a real treasure trove of information. Great insight on many different styles of worship without any favoritism towards any one style. I recommend this book to anyone whose plans, or assists in planning worship.

This is the author, Barry Liesch, writing. Just a note on the changes in the expanded edition. Chapters 1, 2, 6, 10, and 11 are new or virtually new. All the other chapters (16 in all) are enhanced too. This version is much stronger, both theologically and practically.

It has a greater appeal to college-age worship leaders. It's more incisive. It also links up with the web site I've partnered, offering many supplemental materials with ongoing updates--see worshipinfo.com. Baker Books has done an exemplary job with the layout--lots of diagrams, tables, illustrative drawings for the eye. In short, I'm pleased with the result and hope you will be too.

This book is timely. Carifying of my own opinions and experience while offering new insights and practical application. Obviously established on experience and observation as well as Biblical principles (I also read the author's other book, People in the Presence of God, for more theological background). An insightful resource, easy to read and understand.

Barry has now written 2 good books on worship. The heart he has for worship, and his attempt not to alienate anyone truly seeking God are outstanding. It is a shame he has to bend over backwards to keep some from getting upset, but he is willing to do it for God's sake and he is good at it.

There are many practical helps here as well as a good basis for trying new forms and methods. I find his style honest and inviting. I can also personally testify to many of the recommendations given on contemporary, flowing worship styles.

Get this book and have fun exploring God's greatness is worship!

This book, by far, hits the nail on the proverbial head. What Alan Greenspan wrote in 1966 (included in this book) is prophetic and sobering. What is unique is for someone to propose a logical, peaceful solution. Until now there have been theories and conjecture on what must occur or which tools are needed for the population to take back their economic freedom. This book shows you the tool and how to use it; a proven system, accepted by the majority of business owners, and fun to use. No academic hypothesis...this text contains the FACTS, the TOOLS and the IMPLEMENTATION. The rest is up to us!

To all my brothers and sisters on this earth as we know it. I truly feel that this book is a must read for everyone that has the ability to spend our so called money of today, that they may get a truly eye opening experience of what is real and not real in our monitary systems of today and protect their future from being stolen out from under them as their land is being stolen as we speak. Bernard is a Maverick and a great man among men.
Blessings Dr. Joseph

Bernard vonNothaus has produced one of the best educational compilations regarding money, and specifically, the use of silver and gold as money.
With essays from luminaries such as Alan Greenspan, and G. Edward Griffin, vonNothaus presents a compelling case that our current monetary system is destined to the predictable busts historically associated with fiat currencies which have been foisted upon societies long past.
As the title states, this book provides a solution.
And the solution simply stated is that our economy can only be salvaged with the re-introduction of a commodity based currency as called for in the U.S. Constitution.
I have read this book three times so far. I am reading it for the fourth time, and I learn something new every time.

Great book I can now see that we need to get back to having our money backed by gold and silver I have used Liberty Dollars in many states and find that many like what it stands for.
http://www.chooney.com/liberty/liberty1.html
Buy this book you wont go wrong one you read it you will want to
use Liberty Dollars also and we all will take back our money one Liberty Dollar at a time

About three years ago, while reading Otto Skinner's 'The Biggest "Tax Loophole" of All', I became aware of the phenomenon known as fractional reserve banking. Why is it a phenomenon? Essentially, fractional reserve banking is the ability to create money out of thin air. Or more accurately, the license to create money out of thin air. Black's Law Dictionary defines "license" as, "The permission by competent authority to do an act which without such permission, would be illegal." But it isn't the people doing this. It is the bankers courtesy of the Federal Reserve Act. People like the Rockefellers, Nelson W. Aldrich, J.P. Morgan and Paul Warburg. This books goes into the details. Fantastic information explaining the history of money, where the national debt comes from, why statists depise gold and silver and suggestions on what you can do about the problem of fiat currency. I, above all things, stopped using Federal Reserve Notes and credit cards and started using the Liberty Dollar. I signed up as an associate two years ago. It has been a fun and informative journey. I also have met Bernard von NotHaus on several occassions.

I read this book along with several others on Abe Lincoln and the Civil War. It provided additional facts from another view on secession and the Constitutional right to secession. I enjoyed it and would recommend a buy.

I was required to memorize the Constitution of the United States as well as that of the state of Illinois and the State of Arkansas before graduating eighth grade. This was a bit of a refresher course for me, though I keep a copy of the Constitution in my desk. I had always maintained that nothing in the Constitution forbade secession and when a student in Illinois, was called "secesh" for my simple and irrefutable argument. My family were Unionist Arkansans and Georgians but were, upon reflection mistaken. Lincoln trashed the Constitution as has every administration since that time. The South had the legal right to secede and exercised that right. The Confederacy offered to compensate the US government for improvements on their territory but were never heard by President Lincoln. It seems quite apparent that Lincoln was the direct cause of the worst war in US history and contrary to my earlier belief was more sinner than saint in the business. The first two thirds of the book makes a Constitutional case for secession as a right reserved to the states. I simply can't argue with that and can't find any provision in the Constitution declaring the Union eternal or secession illegal. It seems that the states formed the Union and had every right to depart from it.

The last part of the book deals with violations of the Constitution on the part of President Lincoln. There was not only inconsistency and violation of the Constitution which Lincoln had sworn to uphold but there was the logical inconsistency of saying that states never left the Union but in some sense must be readmitted to the Union. If they never left, how would they be required to be readmitted? It goes downhill from there to all sorts of violations of the civil rights of people both North and South.

Unfortunately, such has been the pattern of the federal government ever since. Perhaps it was right to free the slaves. I would ask was it right to violate the rights and therefore enslave all Americans as a result of the illegal suspension of habeas corpus or the other violence done to the rule of law by Lincoln? My perception of the man has changed from almost hero-worship to revulsion.

I have thoroughly checked references in this book before commenting. I even questioned the quality of the references and found all but one to be reliable. The one I could not verify was due to lack of time.

~One Nation, Indivisible? A Study of Secession and the Constitution~ is a fascinating overview of the constitutional issue of secession in the context of American constitutionalism. Hawes offers a sweeping point-by-point refutation of the unitary nationalist doctrines of Joseph Story and Daniel Webster. He also makes light of Webster's conflicting stance as he affirmed the right of state interposition at the Hartford Convention, and later reaffirmed the compact theory of the Union tacitly at his Capon Springs speech in the 1850s. Hawes offers an astute defense of the doctrine of secession, which was affirmed in express terms by three states in the state ratifying conventions of the late 1780s. In the most express terms, the founding fathers denied that the general government of the United States had any right whatsoever to coerce a sovereign state. Such naked coercion was diametrically opposed to the principle of rule by consent of the governed.

What this book does is manifest the illegality of the United States government under the Lincoln administration in the 1860s. Prior to Lincoln's election, the general government controlled by northern majority aggravated the continuance of the Union by pursuing a course of irrational tax policy which compelled southern secession. The Union was not founded on the principles of the inviolability of the national sovereignty, but on popular sovereignty and rule by the consent of the governed. Nearly two centuries after the adoption of the Constitution, the United States' fortieth President Ronald Reagan could proclaim, "[T]he Federal Government did not create the States; the States created the Federal Government." That probably explains why Reagan said he would belonged to the other party had he lived in the mid-nineteenth century too.

This book is a nice supplement to Thomas DiLorenzo's book, and much more meticulous in examining the constitutional issues behind the secession issue. It offers a two-pronged defense of the actions of the Confederate States of America and a defense of the constitutional doctrine of state secession in general. I highly recommend it.

This is a most intriguing book which debunks many of the myths surrounding Lincoln, an easy read, easy to follow and most thought provoking.

This book was the first I found in my look for books based on the politics of secession and while I haven't quite finished it, it is quite excellent and should be read by any serious student of politics.