Government Books

Why have you, Amazon.com, not printed an explanation as to the doubled pricing of this book? Your silence pertaining to this previously asked question, makes many, with good reason, wonder exactly what type of "business" you run. You owe us all, your paying customers, a response for this blatant price gauge!

Great book, unfortunately, Amazon for some bizarre reason has doubled the list price. You can order the book directly from the publisher for around $20. Who are you beholdened to Amazon?

Many times I listened and have many of
the taped conversations of the late, great
Sherman H. Skolnick, a dedicated toiler
for America's cause, on the Tom Valentine
Radio Free America show (not the show of the
same name now by Carto crony, Masonic nitwit
Rick Adams, a scam artist from Rhode Island!).

Anyone wanting to contact me at richsalzerat
yahooodotcom, I will provide my cassettes
tape list of all the Sherman Skolnick / Tom
Valentine tapes. Mr. Valentine met the para-
plegic Mr Skolnick in Chicago back in the '60's
when Tom was Sports Editor of the Chicago Sun
Times and later Tribune. The writings of Mr.
Skolnick belong in the library of all Ameri-
cans right next to those of the late Col. L.
Fletcher Prouty! And Tom's own great literary
writings!

Why is this book priced so above the cost? Amazon?

Unarguable facts. Amazon sell this at twice the price, and they sell Harry Potter at half the price. You see my friends, keeping people in ignorance is big business.

Airwaves is O'Shaughnessy at hist best! From Mario Cuomo to Nelson Rockefeller, Airwaves gives a unique insight into some of the most fascinating figures of the Empire State and beyond. The candid conversations shed new light on the personal aspects of these rich characters who have helped shaped the state. O'Shaughnessy puts his guests at ease with a flair born from years of interviews and radio editorials that made the legendary broadcaster who he is today.

return we us now to those days of yesteryear..

The book is implemental to the collections of book lovers everywhere. I'm the same age as the author and I have not even half the amount of stories he has to tell. And, I don't even have half the amount of hair. WOW! What a book!

Nobody captures the essence of society's colorful characters like O'Shaughnessy. His perspectives on freedom of speech and The First Amendment are inspirational.

William O'Shaughnessy is everything we love about the Irish. He's irreverent, colorful, warm, and kind. This collection of radio editorials would be worth far more than its price if you were to receive only pages 61-64 for your money. (Think of the other 387 excellent pages as coming "at no extra charge.")

I was conducting a seminar in Manhattan for the great Joe Riley when I was introduced to Bill. I gave him a copy of my latest book and he gave me a copy of his, this (just released) Airwaves. I wasn't expecting much... but then I'm an idiot.

William O'Shaughnessy beggared America by limiting his radio commentary to Westchester County, New York. He should have been a network anchor.

Even though the book has a somewhat regional "New York" flavor, (I'm from Texas,) I liked it.

Bill! Write us another one!

This book is the first account of US foreign policy in the 1990s that treats the decade as genuine history. I mean that it does not simply offer a chronicle of the period, or a set of newspaper clippings and individual events - it offers a guiding historical interpretation that sets those years in relation to the Cold War before and 9/11 and beyond. It is very convincing that there is far more continuity today with the foreign policies of those years than many people, left or right, give credit for. It is a highly persuasive interpretation of the period and I believe will remain the standard account of its foreign policy for a long time to come.

This is a tremendously important book that explains what happened when the Berlin wall fell and America's foreign policy establishment was forced to confront a world that was no longer organized by the US/Soviet rivalry. As it becomes increasingly clear that the "war on terrorism" is only a part of the broader foreign policy needed to protect our nation in a complex and multi-polar world, this is the book to read if you want to understand how the next generation of policymakers will draw on the lessons of the recent past to set a new course. Chollet and Goldgeier know what they are talking about. They have done exhaustive research, and each of them has hands on experience in the foreign policy business. It's a bonus that the writing is lively and engaging. Don't miss this book.

An excellent read for someone who wants a non-partisan approach to history's impact on international relations and foreign policy. Additionally, Chollet and Goldgeier postulate how our current state of affairs will shape tomorrow's. This is a perfect book for someone who wants to understand where we were and where we are going.

America Between the Wars tells the story of 11/9 to 9/11 through informative, behind-the-scenes stories that illustrate the dynamic and contentious foreign policy debates from the fall of the Berlin wall to the fall of the twin towers. If you like the stories behind the history, you'll love America Between the Wars. And if you usually prefer novels, you may find Chollet and Goldgeier's narrative voice appealing. Rather than writing a wonky, boring foreign policy book as so many unfortunately do, the authors present a relevant and relatable book. Especially for those who lived through this period, America Between the Wars reveals critical elements of our past and our future.

I was in Jr. High and High School during the 90s and so wasn't very familiar with this period before reading this, and while interested and somewhat familiar with policy, am certainly no expert. After years of thinking I knew who neoconservatives were and what both parties "stood for", this book really put things into perspective and contextualized things for me. And though it's a "history", it draws extensively on interviews with leading policymakers & insiders during the period, so the text ends up reading more like a narrative (great for a novel-reader like myself).

In sum, this was really informative, interesting, and a quick read - perfect for anyone looking for a genuinely nonpartisan, nuanced look at how we got to where we are - both domestically and abroad. Definitely a must for your summer reading list.

This is a nice read. The only minor downfall, Jim should have written more about the massive challenges surrounding health care and education. I also would have liked to see him talk more about the split between conservatives and liberals in the USA and how it is dividing the country.

I like Jim's straightforward and honest approach, in his first book and on his talk show "America in the Morning"

The book expressed some excellent ideas and other ideas that weren't so good. It was, however, straight to the point when dealing with the issues. Bohannon never stayed too long on any one topic, which is both good and bad. I hoped he would've written more on Poverty, Education, and Politics. Those chapters were good in and of themselves, but I was left wanting to read more on those topics. The book's bibliography in the back did provide more help. Its a superb book that deals with a variety of topics and goes into some detail. In the future, I hope Bohannon comes out another book containing more details about the issues.

I do not like convoluted political rhetoric or confusing sociological observations. Bohannon's writing is practical, knowledgeable, and simple. That's what made his book so enjoyable. You will not need a Phd. to read Bohannon's examinations of what America needs to do to improve. "Jimbo" is a great communicator. It is no wonder that he is the top radio talk show host for millions of Americans! If you like his program, you'll want to buy this book.

Jim's a friend and colleague, so I was prepared to be gracious. Instead, I'm REAL impressed. His plainspoken take on what-the-heck's-wrong-around-here-and-what-we-CAN-do-about-it is thoughtful and affirming. I'm recommending that all my client stations which carry his show buy a stack of copies of this book, and give them to clients and listeners.

Going to a seasoned expert in the media for perspectives and opinions can mean that the "media mouth" is a devout right or left winger. A good, hard driving, well-centered moderate man is hard to find! Take heart! Bohannon's book is the moderate voice who loves his country and wants it to achieve its promise and embrace the ideals that truly did and can once again revive our "moral center." Bohannon's breadth and depth of history is evident. If a reader is interested in a moderate's sensible perspectives, then Jim Bohannon's America in Crisis is worth the "dime" and time spent on this book. Jim has a large national following for his week night program. His callers appreciate his wit, incisive thinking, and his professional standards in taking the "spins" off of the current topics and really getting to the truth. Just as with his listening audience, Jim Bohannon's readers will be invigorated with his insight and solutions to America's problems in his "Twelve Step Program for America" chapter. Bohannon's book certainly has no "obfuscations." You will understand, know, and actually remember what you have read in his book when you finish this fast but very full "read." He communicates in a clean, no-nonsense style and with rich humor. I was impressed with his down-to-earth, conversational prose--available prose. There is so much right thinking in this book that I found my head moving in agreement and interspersing a few "amens" and "That's exactly how I think, too." I purchased four copies to give as gifts. That should be enough of a testimony as to my enthusiastic recommendation of America in Crisis--readable, enjoyable, believable.

America's Conscience
Bernadette T. Vadurro

Whether you support or oppose the so-called Neo-Conservatives in American government, this is a book well worth reading, guaranteed to be eye-opening, cage-rattling, and pointedly informative from page to page. This is not the angst-driven opinionated rant we see so often in books about the American scene. Moving coolly and rapidly through some very complex and turbulent subject matter, America's Conscience is a stimulating analysis of the rise of the political movement which has swept the halls of power in Washington DC, and has committed our future to extreme peril in pursuit of a world American hegemony.

Though this analysis is focused to reveal the movement clearly, and to show the author's viewpoint, it is not biased, or burdened with personal views. It is researched, documented, and footnoted like a Masters thesis (or so I would presume, as I don't hold the degree). As a literary work, it is trimmed and sleek, and with its many tight sidebars, it enables the reader to absorb a lot of information in a very fast read.

Those who agree with the fundamental axioms and objectives of the Neo-Conservative movement, in both domestic and foreign matters, will likely be pleased to see so well documented how deliberately, and for how long a relatively small association of colleagues have been working to bring about events which have forever changed our world. They will be pleased to know those patriots do not hesitate to use whatever means, methods, or misinformations are necessary to accomplish what they have begun.

Those who disagree will likely find reason in these pages to consider the Neo-Cons to be a gluttonous cabal of military-industrialists who have wrapped themselves in the Flag and seduced both Christians and Jews into getting into bed with them, who have lied to the Congress, the press, and the people to enable their agenda, and who have committed the lives and fortunes of all of us to that militant global marketing campaign. They will be astonished to see how openly this fraternity of political extremists and industrialists has been declaring its ideology and systematically acting to bring about a world objective, of which the war in Iraq is only one step, and control of the American mind by market manipulation through a symbiotic media monopoly is only one tool.

In America's Conscience, Bernadette Vadurro focuses the spotlight on the motivation and actions of this small but powerful group of leaders, like Toto drawing back the curtain to reveal who has been pulling the strings and giving the orders. Even so, it is neither an indictment nor a call for opposition. It is an invitation, an exhortation to examine certain things closely and realistically, and then to decide for yourself how to best respond to what they reveal, in the most positive and productive manner you can. As an exhortation to those who, like myself, I confess, have felt politically disenfranchised and socially disconnected, her message is refreshingly optimistic.

James Nathan Post
Postscript Publishing Company www.postpubco.com

Bernadette Vadurro's, "America's Conscience" is a remarkable book. Ms. Vadurro was brought up in a family where political discussion at the dinner table was the "blue plate special." Moreover, she was encouraged to question what she had seen, heard, and was being told by the media. This is how one becomes an informed citizen able to separate the truth from the spin and then make a cogent critique of the propaganda that is spoon fed by the media as "news."

"America's Conscience" is a remarkable book becasue predicated on this process that combines objectivity with critical analysis Ms. Vadurro, like Nietzsche and Kierkegaard found in their day, has discovered that when one strips the veneer of deceit and lies from social institutions, particularly political ones, all that is left is rot. It is not surprising that when Ms. Vadurro applies this process to neoconservativism and the Bush Administration the stench of rot is unbearable.

In a clear, concise, and cogent manner Ms. Vadurro creates a framework and then builds upon it an argument that exposes neoconservativism and the Bush Administration for what it is: a myopic, truncated, self-aggrandizing movement that has hijacked both America and what it means to be an American. She then clearly illustrates specifically how this happened and the disastrous result for not only America and Americans but for the entire world.

"America's Conscience" is the voice of Ms. Vadurro calling each of us back to the vision of the Founding Fathers as expressed in the Constitution of the United States of America. As such, she echoes the voice of Thomas Paine who understood that freedom, true freedom, requires more than "Summertime soldiers and Sometime patriots." True freedom exacts, in Pain's words, "a dear price."

In Chapter 20 of "American's Conscience" Ms. Vadurro challenges us to become full time soldiers and full time patriots. She challenges us to pay the "dear price" and return America to the vision of the Founding Fathers.

I most highly recommend "America's Conscience" as a book that in the words of Sir Frances Bacon everyone, "read, mark, learn, and inwardly digest."

Bernadette Vadurro has provided a wealth of detailed information and its my hope that this excellent book will be read all over America. America's Conscience, provides the information essential for an informed electorate. An informed electorate is critical, for without it democracy cannot possibly fulfill its potential.

As Lincoln said, "Democracy is government of the people by the people." That means citizens comprise the government and it is political leaders who are elected to be servants of the people.

There can be no excuse for ignorance. It is ignorance that has allowed power to defer to a sophisticated, arrogant, dishonest and exceptionally dangerous administration. It is time people woke up before its too late. American Conscience is the place to start.

The Bush administration, the entire neocon cabel, and sadly, the response of the American people themselves--has had a profoundly negative impact across the planet. The tired and hungry of the world have looked to America with its promise of justice and freedom for all, and found it wanting.

I'm deeply concerned for it seems, barring some drastic changes, the world is headed into a profoundly unsafe state, where extremism becomes the norm and violence a way of life.

Bernadette, provides an unflinching examination of what is transpiring in her country and calls upon her fellow citizens to reclaim the promise of their nation, to hold political leaders to account and thereby bring about the required course correction--not just for the United States, but for the impact it has on the rest of the world as well.

Colin D. Mallard.

Jam packed into this 20 chapter gem of a book are maps, charts, pie graphs and detailed source references to enable the average lay person to coherently challenge the faux news on Fox and the entertainment posing as "info"-tainment news on every other Main Stream Media television outlet.

This fact-filled first edition will forcefully arm your brain to Fight Against "Spin". Stash a copy into your daily backpack arsenal or heavy-hitting handbag, then go out to "Preach the Truth"! (Want PROOF: check out Chapter *9*, Spin, Baby, Spin.)

A MUST HAVE book ... purchase, read, share, keep in your library at home, and DEMAND a copy at the library in your hometown or your school.

I just sent "America's Conscience" to a young lady in California as a special occasion gift upon her "party promotion" in a State political organization!

As author Bernadette Vadurro writes in Chapter *20*, World Redemption: "Where do we begin to redeem the good name and honor of our nation?" I say let's start RIGHT HERE. Let us begin by reading and sharing both the knowledge and the ideas outlined in, "America's Conscience: Facing Threats to Democracy, the Middle Class and Our World."

Bernadette T. Vadurro's "America's Conscience" is a great place to start reading for anyone who is just becoming aware that the neoconservative power structure that has orchestrated George Bush's presidency serves neither Americans nor the rest of the world well. And it's a valuable resource for readers who, already aware, would benefit from having facts, figures, sources, and resources at their fingertips in a single volume.

The author has organized and assembled a dizzying volume of information, documented each of the twenty chapters with notes, and provided the reader with wide-angle views of everything from endless war to those elusive WMDs; from spinning stories to outright lies; from quieting dissent to an often lazy media; from who gives money to whom to the impact of the contributions. And more.

Transcending the extremists on the political left and right who don't let research or fact interfere with their respective agendas, Vadurro constructs her argument with reason, backs it with documentation, and, in my reading, essentially asks Americans, "Is this what you want?"

"America's Conscience" provides intelligent, concerned and open-minded American citizens, regardless of political affiliation or lack thereof, with verifiable evidence to back up the cliched, but nevertheless accurate slogan, "If you're not outraged, you're not paying attention."

The author has paid and is paying attention. Her book calls on the rest of us to do the same.

This is a collection of articles from Foreign Affairs, which is the journal of the internationalist (and since WWII the dominant) wing of the American foreign policy Establishment. The selection choice of articles was pretty good and interesting, though I am disappointed that they did not publish any articles from the Dulles brothers. Members of Yale secret societies, however, are well represented.

Some of the more revealing articles are:
Elihu Root's lead article in the first issue, a sort of mission statement for the purpose of the journal.
Hamilton Fish's reflection on fifty years of interventionist foreign policy.
Walter Lippmann's smear job on Senator Borah (he later suggested waging political warfare on isolationist congressment to the head of BSC during WWII, and they were quite successful).
The articles of members affiliated with the Royal Institute of International Affairs before WWII.
George Kennan's 'X' article suggesting containment among others.

For anyone interested in American political history and foreign policy in particular, this is an excellent book to possess. The pictures of some of the writers were also very interesting, I particularly enjoyed the picture of Bill Buckley striking a Jesus Christ pose with American flags draped in the background. This picture was placed above a picture of a nude woman covering her behind with a copy of Foreign Affairs. A very interesting choice, indeed! For the prices listed for the used copies, it is a bargain. Get the book!

This is a collection of articles from Foreign Affairs, which is the journal of the internationalist (and since WWII the dominant) wing of the American foreign policy Establishment. The selection choice of articles was pretty good and interesting, though I am disappointed that they did not publish any articles from the Dulles brothers. Members of Yale secret societies, however, are well represented.

Some of the more revealing articles are:
Elihu Root's lead article in the first issue, a sort of mission statement for the purpose of the journal.
Hamilton Fish's reflection on fifty years of interventionist foreign policy.
Walter Lippmann's smear job on Senator Borah (he later suggested waging political warfare on isolationist congressment to the head of BSC during WWII, and they were quite successful).
The articles of members affiliated with the Royal Institute of International Affairs before WWII.
George Kennan's 'X' article suggesting containment among others.

For anyone interested in American political history and foreign policy in particular, this is an excellent book to possess. The pictures of some of the writers were also very interesting, I particularly enjoyed the picture of Bill Buckley striking a Jesus Christ pose with American flags draped in the background. This picture was placed above a picture of a nude woman covering her behind with a copy of Foreign Affairs. A very interesting choice, indeed! For the prices listed for the used copies, it is a bargain. Get the book!

An amazing trip through the 20th century with the best minds of the age. Reading these classic essays you get new insights into the big trends, events, ideas that have brought us to where we are today. I was given this book as a gift and was genuinely surprised by how much I have enjoyed it. (The photographs are a nice bonus.) Anyone who likes history and politics will love this book.

The essays in this volume range from extremely good to outstanding to outright brilliant. Collectively, these forty-two essays chronicle the evolution of American foreign policy-its intellectual and political struggle to deal with the world since 1922. This compilation is divided into decades-1930s, 1940s, and so on, each dealing with the dominant themes of that decade, ranging from the founding of Foreign Affairs in 1922 to its 75th anniversary in 1997.

Broadly speaking, there are two kinds of essays: on one hand are those essays for which the reader will have a historical interest-as a snapshot of contemporary debates; on the other, there are essays which probe timeless themes and their ideas can be as applicable today as they were when they were first written. What is most exciting is when essays combine the two-capturing the essence of past debates while developing timeless themes and arguments for posterity to refer to. It is in these cases that "Foreign Affairs" is at its best.

It is impossible, for example, to read Fouad Ajami's "The end of Pan-Arabism" without feeling that you're getting a deeper understanding of the Middle East, one that is as necessary today as it was when it was written in 1978. Or, to read David Fromkin's "Strategies of Terrorism," without drawing parallels with Al-Qaeda and the United States and their own battle against each other. Or to read Richard Cooper propose a world currency without thinking how many of the problems we face today were anticipated back in the 1980s. Or Julien Brenda counter the case the pacifism and democracy go hand in hand, without thinking how the two ideas have been so connected in our minds today. Or, reading Hans Morgenthau discuss intervention and non-intervention in Viet Nam without drawing lessons about America's contemporary strategic debate which revolves around the same questions.

Inevitably, every reader's list of favorites will vary-the anthology, after all, is so diverse as to placate everyone's appetite. There are essays on war and peace, international economics, development, terrorism, nationalism, isolationism, containment, imperialism, human rights, and technology; and there are more specific ones that deal with the interwar period, the Cold War, the war in Viet Nam, decolonization in Africa, on the Middle East in the 1970s, on American foreign policy, on the Soviet Union in the 1980s, and on the war in the former Yugoslavia.

The authors too are drawn from all specters of political debates. They include such theoretical legends as Hans Morgenthau and Samuel Huntington; key political players as Henry Kissinger, George F. Kennan, Zbigniew Brzezinski and Nikolai Bukharin; economists as Paul Krugman and Richard Cooper; journalists as Walter Lippmann, Irving Kristol, and Hamilton Fish Armstrong; and others as Fouad Ajami, David Fromkin, Isaiah Berlin, W.E.B. Du Bois, Arthur Schlesinger Jr., Aleksandr Solzhenistym, and others.

As a primary source, but also a reference on what some of the brightest minds of the century had to say on the important issues of the day, "The American Encounter" cannot be absent from the library of anyone who is serious about understanding the international politics of the twentieth century.

This compilation of the "best of the best" articles from the journal Foreign Affairs is a real gem that is especially relevant today as America continues to neglect its international responsibilities and certain Senators and Congressman have the ignorant temerity to brag that they don't own nor need an American passport. The conclusion of the July 1932 article by Edwin F. Gay, "The Great Depression", is instructive: "The world war affirmed the international political responsibilities of the United States; the world depression demonstrates the economic interdependence of the United States with other states. It cannot be a hermit nation." With four seminal articles from each decade (1920's forward), including just about every great name in the international discussions of the century, this book is a fundamental reference point for those who would dare to craft a vibrant foreign policy for the United States in the 21st Century. The book ends with several thoughtful pieces including, most fittingly, an interview with Lee Kuan Yew of Singapore on culture as destiny, an article whose subtitle might have been "How extended families and the collective good still matter."

During the Vietnam war the United States used its enormous military power to try to install in South Vietnam a minority government of U.S. choice, with its military operations based on the knowledge that the people there were the enemy. This country killed millions and left Vietnam (and the rest of Indochina) devastated. A Wall Street Journal report in 1997 estimated that perhaps 500,000 children in Vietnam suffer from serious birth defects resulting from the U.S. use of chemical weapons there. Seems fairly reasonable to protest against this, surely?... This was and is a groundbreaking book, and ....

American Power and the New Mandarins, first published in 1967, is a collection of essays by Noam Chomsky about the Vietnam War and related subjects. Originally famous for his contributions to linguistics, Chomsky began writing extensively about U.S. foreign policy during the Vietnam War, and this collection is the first of his many political books. While the subject matter is a bit dated, those who are interested in either the intellectual climate during the Vietnam era or the origins of Chomsky's career as a critic of U.S. policy will find plenty to interest them in this book.

Chomsky's primary goal in American Power and the New Mandarins is not to convince the reader that the Vietnam War was wrong. On this issue, he says that "Anyone who puts a fraction of his mind to the task can construct a case [against the war] that is overwhelming" (9). Rather, his goal is to illustrate the degree to which American intellectuals supported the war, or at least the assumptions behind it. Many people remember the Vietnam War as a time of widespread protest against U.S. policy, with intellectuals and the youth leading the way. Chomsky argues that the war's "opponents" were often not concerned with the moral issues related to the war, but rather with the fact that the war seemed to be unwinnable and was costing too many American lives. The implication is that these intellectuals would not be protesting if the U.S. had crushed the Vietnamese resistance without significant loss of American life (Vietnamese life being irrelevant).

The book is made up of eight essays of varying length, and an introduction and an epilogue.

- In "Objectivity and Liberal Scholarship," Chomsky introduces the concept of the "new mandarins"--those who claim the authority to determine policy based on their allegedly "scientific" understanding of human nature and technology. These "new mandarins" believe that their knowledge gives them the right to restructure society in Vietnam and elsewhere, regardless of the wishes of the local population. In addition, Chomsky argues that many intellectuals tend to accept the status quo and support the basic assumptions of U.S. policy--that Western nations always know best, and force is justified to keep Third World countries from going down the "wrong" path. This essay is not very concise or organized; Chomsky has plenty of evidence to present but it flows out in no particular order. Chomsky devotes nearly 50 pages to criticizing a single historian's book about the Spanish Civil War--an excellent example, in Chomsky's opinion, of "the deep-seated bias of liberal historians," (93) but a cumbersome way to make his point. Still, whatever its organizational shortcomings, this essay presents plenty of evidence to illustrate the biases of liberal intellectuals in favor of American power.

- In "The Revolutionary Pacifism of A. J. Muste: On the Backgrounds of the Pacific War," Chomsky explains the parallels between the Vietnam War and Japanese expansion in China in the 1930's. In both cases, defenders of government policy appealed to "the high moral character of the intervention, the benefits it would bring to the suffering masses" (183). Both America and Japan tried to set up puppet governments to serve their interests, and responded to doubts about their actions by emphasizing the "Communist" threat (196).

- "The Logic of Withdrawal" discusses the political strength of the NLF (Vietcong) and the continuing resistance of the United States to any political settlement that might allow the Vietnamese a fair choice between the NLF and other alternatives. Chomsky ridicules the idea that an NLF political victory could pose any threat to America's survival, comparing this to the Nazis' claim that "a Jewish-Bolshevik conspiracy was threatening the survival of Germany" (249).

- "The Bitter Heritage" is Chomsky's review of Arthur Schlesinger's book of the same name. Schlesinger expresses the "liberal" view that the United States had made a tactical error by fighting a costly war, but that American motives were pure. Chomsky argues that this view represents the extreme limit of mainstream opposition to the war in the United States. The view that "the United States has no unilateral right to determine by force the course of development of the nations of the Third World" (297) is not considered to be "responsible criticism" (296).

- In "Some Thoughts on Intellectuals and the Schools" and "The Responsibility of Intellectuals," Chomsky continues his criticism of intellectuals who endorse the irresponsible use of American power.

- "On Resistance" and "Supplement to 'On Resistance'" are Chomsky's statements about how to protest the war. Chomsky argues that resistance should remain nonviolent, not only because of moral considerations, but also because violence "will surely fail, will simply frighten and alienate some who can be reached, and will further encourage the ideologists and administrators of repression" (374-5). Chomsky endorses the refusal to be drafted as an ideal means of resistance, since it directly impedes the government's ability to carry out its policies and can be used to make a visible statement as well.

If you are a Chomsky fan, you will probably enjoy this book; his writing style and basic outlook have remained consistent over the decades. He has written plenty of books and essays about more recent events, however, so if you are interested in American power in general rather than Vietnam in particular, you might want to check the newer ones out first.

Noam Chomsky's first political work is a first-rate collection of essays critiquing the U.S. war of aggression in Vietnam. Chomsky is more concerned here with the ideological defenses for the war than with the moral implications of the war itself, which are totally transparent at this late date. There are a wide variety of topics discussed in this broad volume, from the origins of the Pacific War to Arthur Schlesinger's liberal apologetics for U.S. imperialism. Chomsky's famous essay 'Objectivity and Liberal Scholarship' is a meandering account of the liberal intelligentsia's understanding of the Spanish Civil War. In it, Chomsky falls into the pitfalls of ultra-leftism, with low quality critiques of Bolshevism and Leninism. He relies on Rosa Luxemburg's fine criticisms of Lenin without examining Luxemburg's own political context in the German SDP, or her own explicit support for forming a revolutionary 'vanguard.' However, there are some fine passages in 'American Power and the New Mandarins,' such as 'The Logic of Withdrawal' or Chomsky's own personal reflections on the demonstrations at the Pentagon. This book will surely remain one of the better examinations of the criminal war in Vietnam for years to come.

Chomsky's first political book, _American Power_ is a devastating critique for the U.S. foray into Southeast Asia, which Chomsky considers to be little more than modified imperialism. The book starts somewhat slowly, first with an extended essay focusing largely on the Spanish Civil War, which though interesting, seems like a strange place to begin the discussion. The second essay focuses on the decision of drop nuclear weapons during World War II, and the absence of "war guilt" in the U.S. over that action. The second essay, like the first, is interesting, though not seemingly directly related to Chomsky's Vietnam critique. The remainder of work focuses quite squarely on Vietnam, and offers the sort of moral outrage that Chomsky contends was conspicuously lacking from the liberal academics of the time. The entire underpinning of Chomsky's premise has to do with the morality of U.S. action, rather than the pragmatism that he chides others for basing their positions on.

The book is quite powerful in many of its conclusions. A few criticisms: there is extensive use of irony throughout the work, occasionally to the point of excess; while Chomsky eviscerates a half dozen of the "liberal intelligensia", it's difficult for me, as someone who was not alive to witness the war, to know if these voices typify the liberal objections to the war, or if Chomsky has cherry-picked these individuals (obviously Schlesinger was a major voice, but I'm not familiar with the others); if you don't have some conception of the forces behind the Spanish Civil War, the first essay will be somewhat confusing. It was for me, anyway.

Altogether though, particularly in light the U.S. invasion of Iraq, many of Chomsky's ideas have taken on a new urgency. The comparision between Vietnam and Iraq will come very naturally as you read _American Power_. It is well worth our time to make this comparison. Chomsky's thesis is as valid now as it was in 1969.

I recently reread Chomsky's classic. It's very enlightening to see the parallels as well as the differences between the role America's "intelligencia" played during the Vietnam War and the role they are playing now with just another war "won".

i didn't take class, thought it would be a good idea to take another ap for the heck of it. pwned that noob. seriously. read it twice, get a 5. its that simple.

I don't know. I never had AP CompGov course, but I bought this book, read it all in two days before the actual exam and got 4. So, there must be smth in this book.

I purchased this review book with the intent of studying for the AP Comparative Government test without having taken a class on the subject. I found the book to both be easy to read and very enlightening. I found the questions presented in the review sections of this book to be a very good representation of the questions on the exam. I was very happy to see that I received a 5 on the AP exam after only reading this book. I recommend it to those of you who wish to well on the exam.

I am a high school senior who took AP Comparative Government last year. My course only lasted 3 months, so my teacher had a hard time cramming so much knowledge into our brains in such a short time span. Hence, I decided to do some outside reading (a first for me), so I bought this book. Ethel Wood's study guide is the most comprehensive book on comparative government. It is very easy to read and rather succint. The quizzes inbetween each chapter are fantastic, as are the two practice exams. I was able to skim the entire book in a couple of days (its not hard at all), and a few days before the exam I thoroughly read the entire book. Although some questions on the exam were not discussed in this study guide, I was able to pull off a 5.

For further proof that this book works miracles, my friend also purchased it, read it, and got a 5. We were the only two in our class to achieve this, and we both admit that we would have failed, had it not been for Ethel Wood's fantastic study guide.

I took the AP Comparative Government test, like most people, because it comes free with the US government test. About 2 weeks before the test, I broke down and realized that I needed to get a prep book from which to study, or I wasn't going to do well. This book arrived at my doorstep 9 days before the exam. With just a reasonable general knowledge of global affairs as my only prerequisite, I read this book cover to cover and got a 5 on the test without a hitch. The questions on the exam were so reminiscent of this book that it almost seemed as if they were written by the same author. After a thorough reading of this, I don't see how anyone could possibly score below a 4, and I find it highly unlikely that anyone would not get a 5.

The Arab Center: The Promise of Moderation
This is probably the most comprehensive and objective approach to the Middle-East situation.
The author - Dr. Marvan Muasher - has been in a unique position to study the peace process between Palestine and Israel: as Jordan Foreign Minister, a political position, but also as Jordan Ambassador to Israel, a diplomatic position, his experience is diverse and well informed, taking the Israeli views into consideration as well as his own Arab understanding of the many facets of this long-lasting crisis.
The language is clear and - as a former Jordan Ambassador to the US - Dr. Muasher's presentation is intended to be easily understood by American readers, scholars, students or even uninformed members of the civil society at large.
Highly recommended to anyone interested in the Middle-East Peace process.

A book that is very useful to all people that they have a particular interest for the Middle East and the Israeli-Palestinial conflict.

its a very good book, full of detailed information about a very sensitive period of the middle east.

Dr. Marwan Muasher's compelling message in The Arab Center: the Promise of Moderation is a must read-especially for American and Western policymakers and academics. The Arab Center injects a much needed dose of reality about the challenges and opportunities in the Middle East today and where it is heading in the future.

A rare account of Arab diplomacy and the intricacies of backstage developments and deliberations that have shaped Jordan's foreign and domestic policies as well as regional initiatives, Musher's book is what every student of Middle East politics should study thoroughly. As an Arab Political Science and international affairs student in Western academia, I can attest to the paucity of Arab history books for Western consumption and study. I can only hope to see more Arab leaders, thinkers, politicians and diplomats follow Muasher's path in rebuilding the Arab world's historical narrative and thereby globalizing the message of the Arab Center on the international arena. History cannot be recorded if its leaders do not assume ownership of passing on the torch of their knowledge, expertise and lessons learnt.

Mushaer's account also presents a guide on how you can seize the moment and walk against the tide to make a difference. The author unconsciously offers the reader a formula for leadership in diplomacy: daft psychological skills, creative thinking, the ability to contain and challenge hard-nose bargaining and the art of communications.

My favorite parts of the book were those laden with personal anecdotes and descriptions of backstage developments and the decision-making processes. My understanding of how things work behind the scenes and why certain policy positions are shaped have been truly illuminated by these descriptions and analysis. Also, The psychological dimension Muasher illustrates about his time in Israel as Jordan's first Ambassador resonates with every Arab upon his/her first visit to Israel and the Palestinian Territories. It is about breaking psychological and socio-cultural barriers and as Muasher eloquently says it is about takings leaps of faith in the pursuit of peace and prosperity for generations to come.

As he shares his professional and personal journey across twenty years of diplomacy and public service, Muasher weaves together a gripping paradigm that clearly defines and describes the political and socioeconomic dynamics in the Arab world today; The Arab Center. Muasher not only coins a novel formula, he identifies the criteria for membership- moderation for peace, prosperity and pluralism. He also identifies the Israeli, American and European counterparts with which the Arab centrists can work with as well as the rejectionists which Arab centrists will have to challenge. His argument about maintaining the Center and strengthening its cause for moderation is logical, pragmatic but also passionate: Arabs cannot cherry pick the pieces of moderation that best-suit them. Rather, he says emphatically, the Arab Center rests on two pillars of moderation: peace and reform. The Center cannot stand on one leg for too long.

Finally, Muasher's concluding chapter is most compelling. He connects the dots so clearly and builds his case so cogently about the past, present and future of the region. Failure to end the lingering Palestinian-Israeli conflict, establish a lasting peace AND failure to embrace cultural and political diversity and to reform is a recipe for disaster for the region and all the stake-holders involved:Arabs, Israelis, Americans and the West alike. I only hope his audience heeds his message.

A very detailed and easy to read chronicle of recent events in Jordan's history. Mr. Muasher has done a phenomenal job in providing a detailed account of these events. His sincerity, devotion and love for his country is very evident in every part of the book. I am proud to have a fellow Jordanian produce such a magnificent document. All of Jordan should be proud of Mr. Muasher's accomplishments and contributions to the peace process in the Middle East. God Bless!

My mother purchased this book for me back in 1993 when I was in the third grade. This has always been my FAVORITE book about the Presidents. I've spent so much time looking for an updated version of the one I have, but I haven't found anything that can match the FUN of "Ask Me Anything About the Presidents." I will ALWAYS treasure this book.

The Louis Phillips book "Ask Me Anyhthing about the Presidents"is a truckload of information about The Presidents. This book talks about Presidents George Washington through Bill Clinton.This book says where The Presidents were born,when they were born,their mother's name,their father's name,when they got married,who they married,when they died,and a sidelight-an interesting fact about each President.There are also pictures of all The Presidents.When You're not reading about one President,You're reading trivia questions about The Presidents&getting answers.Even though the best President book on the market is the Wyatt Blassinggame book "The-Look-It-Up-Book Of Presidents","Ask Me Anything about the Presidents"is the second best.Highly Recommended!

I thought that this book was cool. It combined the short biographies of each president with other fun and interesing facts. This was the first book I bought about the presidents, and now I buy any that I can get my hands on. My two best friends and I thoroughly enjoyed reading this book. Plus, I got to bug everyone by asking them questions about the presidents.

This is a fun and informative book. I bought it for a class on the American Presidency that I will be teaching next year, but my family has been enjoying it now. I put a trivia question up on the whiteboard in our kitchen each day, and we enjoy great discussion about possible answers.

Who knows, if any of us appear on a TV quiz show, it might save the day to know that Richard Nixon ate cottage cheese with catsup, or that Harry Truman considered himself a sissy when he was a child!

This book gives little stories and great knowledge about the presidents. It is really easy to read, but fun. I mean, who really knows that Andrew Jackson married his wife TWICE, and that Thomas Jefferson taught his birds to feed him!!! For anyone who wants to know the little things about who our Commanders in Chief really were, this is a must. Hope you enjoy it! Oh, and be sure to tell your friends just which president had his horses' teeth brushed daily!!