Events Books

This text in the French essay tradition is a reflection on the 20th century's twin totalitarian evils. Besancon muses on their nature, why the one is considered evil incarnate whilst the other gets off lightly, and why the Shoah/Holocaust is unique in last century's atrocity exhibition. Although Communism - including Maoism - caused far more deaths than Nazism it is not stigmatized equally. To better define this disparity, Besancon refers to a collective "amnesia" and "amnesty" where Communism is concerned versus "hypernesia" regarding Nazism.

This is due to our culture's dominant moral relativism, a PoMo morality that asserts universal relativism whilst clinging to temporary absolutes dictated by intellectual trends. The collapse of the Soviet Empire and the fall of the Berlin Wall have driven most of the Leftist Faithful into Marxism's latest mutations environmentalism, feminism and multiculturalism. Chantal Delsol unmasked a type of European piety prevalent in academic and media circles as an empty morality of despair and withdrawal. She calls it the clandestine or black market ideology of our time; sickly sentimental, arbitrary and intolerant despite claims to the contrary.

It inspires nausea to see a hip fashion brand like Soviet Jeans using Soviet imagery in their advertising. Trade in Nazi paraphernalia is restricted to the murkier media and overt Nazi styles are associated with violent skinheads, for now. The visual imagery, lyrics and manner of delivery of the most popular German rock group Rammstein reveal an aesthetic of blood- and power lust, death-worship, ferocity and sadism, concludes Claire Berlinski after thorough investigation including several interviews with band members. In a series of absorbing arguments in the entertaining Menace in Europe she shows how the black-market German nationalism of Rammstein resembles the Third Reich's dramaturgy, mythology, propaganda and vocabulary.

Like all sects of Sinisterism, Communism and Nazism were collectivist and justified mass murder but they surpassed all the others in scale of massacre. They caused similar physical, moral and psychological destruction and would have killed consciousness itself if it were possible. As competing strains of the power-worshiping sinisterist religion they regarded as rivals Christianity and Judaism. A perceptive thinker, perhaps William Nicholls or Robert Wistrich, referred to Western utopian movements as the "secular salvationist offspring of Christianity."

They fit neatly into Eric Hoffer's descriptions of the mass movement driven by disaffected true believers hell-bent on mutilating reality through sociopathic behavior in their search for "meaning." For Besancon, ideology offers a type of temporal salvation that claims to correspond to a cosmic pattern which must be enforced on earth in order to recreate paradise.

The total destruction of existing values is the immediate goal; a drastic departure from history in pursuit of the ideology which is believed will lead to utopia. The "salvationist" label is thus applicable and appropriate. Analyzing and comparing the structure of their thought-forms and taking into consideration their host cultures Germany and Russia (and less frequently China), he explores their promise/s in relation to the beliefs they attempted to eradicate.

This led Besancon to question whether there was something fundamentally unusual about the murder of the 6 million as compared to all the other victims of the Nazis and Communists. He does not seek the answer in the method of murder or in the depths of suffering that are after all impossible to measure, but in the impulse or intent. He also addresses differences in the perception of the horror as determined by religious beliefs. For Christians, the word "holocaust" with its sacrificial connotation made sense. Some Jews objected precisely because of the implication of human sacrifice which is abhorrent to Judaism, choosing the word "shoah" which means disaster or catastrophe.

Besancon's expression "twin evils" reminds me of today's prominent evil twins that predated, thrived in and survived Communism and Nazism: Anti-Americanism and Anti-Zionism. More than mere remnants of Besancon's twins they are mind parasites with remarkable powers of mutation and survival.

Anti-Zionism is one expression of the hydra-headed New Antisemitism which is a blend of several 20th century strains that evolved out of the post-Enlightenment variety which in turn emerged from Anti-Judaism that goes back all the way to the origins of Christianity. The roots of Anti-Americanism - which also sprouted several variants - are embedded in European elitism.

This New Anti-Semitism with its many faces provides clues to the Shoah's uniqueness when viewed as a toxic tree:

(a) With its roots in the New Testament, the Shoah was the culmination of 1900 years of deligitimization and dehumanization. Its trunk is composed of the writings of the "church fathers", discriminatory laws that became especially harsh after the victory of Constantine Christianity, psychological repression and projection amongst a religiously brutalized populace that reached fever pitch in the late Middle Ages and Augustine's replacement theology that migrated to Protestantism through Luther. The branches bearing poisoned fruit are the "salvationist" ideologies like Communism, Fascism, Nationalism and Nazism, the one in which the virus finally took genocidal form.

(b) A hatred honed for maximum contagious capacity was unleashed in the Nazi branch in an effort to annihilate a people and a religion. Consuming massive resources, the effort was fueled by such frenzied insanity that it became the Nazi priority even to the extent of hindering the war effort.

In other words, the factors that make the Shoah unique are (a) the long centuries of preparation (b) the contagious and epidemic hatred that inspired and guided it.

During the Anti-War demonstrations of 2003, Christopher Hitchens and Julie Burchill both commented on a peculiar behavioral pattern observed in some of the marchers: a type of frenzy with erotic undertones. It has since become more commonplace, particularly at anti-Israel and anti-American demonstrations on college campuses. The eroticism is often expressed by gestures that incorporate serpentine writhing. I now suspect that this erotic quality has always been present in outbreaks of Judeopathy.

Andre Glucksmann has warned that the concept of a contagion of hatred must be taken literally as a mental disorder that invades minds, bodies and society. Immune to reason, such an outbreak inoculates itself against opposing opinions and emotions. But at least we have identified a particular manner of its expression that may well point to Judeo-Christian myth. Now it is up to the irreverent, to South Park and stand-up comedians to ridicule, mimic and mock it. What is immune to reason is vulnerable to humor.

The 20th century was cursed with two murderous ideologies: communism and Nazism. Nazism slaughtered 6 million Jews, while communism killed at least 100 million people, and managed to enslave vast swaths of the globe. Besancon wonders why Nazism has become the prototype for evil while communism's evils are largely ignored.



In this important essay, Besancon points out the many similarities between communism and Nazism. "Ideological language is charged with the magical role of forcing reality to conform to a particular vision of the world" (p 14). Who can forget "scientific Marxism" or the false journalists of communism? Or replacing truth with invented histories of an Aryan civilization? And both persecuted religion while trying to substitute their ideologies for religion. "These two doctrines ...have in common the idea of a collective salvation coming in history" (p 60), a biblical idea wholly unknown in the eastern world.



Besancon actually dares to point out that "a Nazi or communist presents a clinical case for psychiatric examination" (p 16). Furthermore, "These artificial mental illnesses were...epidemic and contagious" (p 16). Germany and the USSR woke up years later like patients recovering from comas.



What is most striking is that the atrocious actions of both ideologies, the monstrous death camps, the gulag, the mass starvations, the horrors of Pol Pot and Mao, were all committed by people sure they were doing these things in the name of good.



Why did madness strike the 20th century? What does it say about human nature and what does it say about our future?

This book is amazing! It completely and descriptively compares the two most evil Ideologies of the 20th Century. It describes how the crimes associated with Nazism unfortunately overshadow the crimes associated with communism, which claimed the lives of over 12 times that of Nazism; because Nazism promoted the reign of one race and was dedicated to the complete obliteration of another. But people often forget that communism was as genocidal at times as Nazim, not to mention the murder and "reeducation" of anyone who did not conform to their ideas of equality. We condemn Nazism because of the over 6 million dead. But most people condemn communism because of its opposition to capitalism, not because of the hundred million or so murdered, plus all those who were tortured just for thinking a different way.
Alain Besancon opens our eyes to this and tells us not to forget the crimes of Nazism, but to remember the injustice and the still alive evil of the communist idea. An amazing read.

The work is profound, commensurate to the regimes of terror it seeks to understand. Working through the experiences of the most thoughtful who suffered these two regimes and those who led them, all militant atheists, Besancon reaches an astonishing theological conclusion. A mark of its profundity is that as you first read it, you soon know you will have to reread it soon.

Written in an accessible and vivacious style, this book brings hope. Scholar and activist (not an oxymoron), Judith Stiehm, shares her detailed research into the lives and work of the very few women (12) who have received the Nobel Peace Prize. As a scholar, she inquires about the influence of their social economic status (class, education, race, religion) on their ability to gain international recognition for peace. She finds what they share is not at all their social backgrounds, but rather their goal: recognition for justice and peace - not for their personal achievements.

The path they have chosen is hard; all were repeatedly ridiculed; several spent time in jail. In explaining why and how they suffered, Stiehm increases our understanding (p. 33) of William James who argued that working for peace required "the moral equivalent of war" (sacrifice, solidarity, loyalty). In analyzing their difficult journeys, Stiehm finds their voices agreeing that peace cannot come without justice. Several awards make this link quite explicit, for the women did not work directly for peace (Aung San Suu Kyi, 1991: Shirin Ebadi, 2003; Wangari Maathai, 2004). Yet the author teaches us that these winners of a peace prize, from Bertha von Suttner (1905) onward, always linked justice with peace.

Stiehm reveals portraits of the women's lives which show them all quite idealist, but very realist. She offers details about their work to show how they sustained this seeming contradiction. Most important is the analysis of how the women built networks and organizations to empower others, and then often, stepping aside as the work continued. They were not individual heroes; their goals depended on social organization. They would very much agree with a fellow laureate, who protested that too much attention was given to his person: Nelson Mandela had to repeatedly admonish the international press that he did not liberate himself from prison; the organized people did.

On the back cover of the book, Barbara Ehrenreich, asks that you give this book to your daughters. Yes, but for the above reasons, you need to give the book especially to your sons.

The book is highly appropriate for the classroom, from high school to graduate classes. How possible? For the younger students, it will inspire them while showing the sacrifices for peace. For the more analytical, this political theorist raises all the important questions that can be debated: Must a peace maker be a pacifist? What is conscientious non-violence vs. pragmatic nonviolence? How does peace relate to development? What is the interaction between leadership and organizational power? The book shows that each one of us can join the debates, from youth to elders, and begin to commit to peace (time, energy, taxes, honor) more than to war.

As Judith Hicks Stiehm beautifully depicts in this telling of the contributions of 12 women Nobel Peace Laureates, women are creative thinkers and leaders. And as she also points out, war is a phenomenon that is associated with men. As an evolutionary biologist I've written an exploration for why women, as a group, are biologically less inclined to use physical violence to resolve conflicts ("Women, Power, and the Biology of Peace." Judith L. Hand (not Latta)) and why women are better natural negotiators. I also argue in that book and another ("A Future Without War") why it is that the empowerment of women across the globe is the critical catalyst needed to actually put an end to wars. Women in New Zealand were the first given the vote--real political power--roughly 100 years ago. Women are becoming increasingly active in government and conflict negotiations. The women described by Stiehm are the vanguard of a flood of women who will be working to change history in a quiet revolution in exactly the way Nobel hoped would happen. Her book is an inspiration for us all, women and men of good will, because it shows us women from across the globe and all walks of life stepping up and taking their share of the responsibility for how we run our world.

Since the Nobel Peace Prize was first awarded in 1903, it has been given to only 12 women. Judith Hicks Stiehm presents the life story of each of these remarkable people, women from dramatically different backgrounds all around the globe. The stories, so cleary and compellingly told, are fascinating page-turners in themselves. And together they convey the essential point that anyone, anywhere, can work for peace, doing small things that may in fact add up to big changes to benefit the neighborhood, the locality, the region--even the world. For every reader (woman or man) who's felt disheartened and powerless in recent years, this book is both a roadmap and a real life inspiration--and the perfect gift for any young woman wondering what to do with her life.

In CHAMPIONS FOR PEACE Judith Hicks Stiehm has written in lively, highly readable prose the life stories of the twelve women who have won the Nobel Peace Prize. Beyond that, the book dramatizes the effect one person--you, perhaps?--can have. On the last page, she writes: "Each of us has different circumstances and different resources; nevertheless, each of us has the capacity to act." (p. 224)

What is most striking here is the variety in the women's origins and lives. A world map shows that three are from the United States--Jane Addams, Emily Greene Balch, and Jody Williams. From Guatemala, Rigoberta Menchu Tum. Ireland, Betty Williams and Mairead Corrigan. Sweden, Alva Myrdal. Austria, Bertha von Suttner. Iran, Shirin Ebadi. Burma, Aung San Suu Kyi. Macedonia, Mother Teresa. Kenya, Wangari Muta Maathai. As the author tells us: "They have been young, middleaged, and old. They have been of titled nobility, and they have been subsistence farmers. They have held doctorates, and they have also been barely schooled." (p. ix)

What did these women have in common? Stiehm says, "a vision, a commitment to action, and a willingness to persevere in the face of criticism and, in some cases, imprisonment." (p ix)

This book itself has required a strong commitment on the part of the author to do the research and writing it required, and the accomplishment here reflects Stiehm's own extraordinary wisdom and qualifications as a writer, political scientist, and advocate. The preface and conclusion are especially helpful, as is the epilogue with its questions for U. S. readers and non-U.S. readers to think about.

While the life stories are those of women, the book is for and about men also: Stiehm lists the organizations and the men who have won the prize. She touches on the nature of wars and violence, arguing that war is violence done mostly by men to men--and she argues strenuously that the behavior of men must change: "After all, most violence is done by men, and particularly at the direction of governments. . . . This means that it is important to study the psychology and interests of the men who authorize and exercise violence." (p 224)

I'd like to see this important book in every home, every school and public library, in English where that is spoken, and in appropriate translations elsewhere. The book is easy to read and the many photographs of the women add to its appeal and to the understanding it brings.

A "progressive" view of of the overall economic system of the world. Why are the poor poor and the rich rich? What systems are in place to keep things in place? Graphic description of the dismantling of the American Dream: harder work, lower wages, greater insecurity and inequality. Good reviews from solid economists (from Wharton School, Harvard, Columbia University, and others) so this isn't baseless propaganda. Helps you understand the big picture of what's happening in our world. Published more than 10 years ago, but still very current. For example, how has NAFTA helped create the current immigration problem? Read and learn. Title of the book is stolen from Martin Luther King, Jr.

Holly Sklar always does such a complete job with her subjects. She is incredibly clear and focused. I tend to read quite a bit of this type of literature and many times it can a bit like. . . Rant over here . . . Then Rant over there, without reaching a logical conclusion. Holly Sklar has never suffered from that. This book is very very very well researched. It should be read with the idea that the title has in mind. We really do have a choice to make in this country. Let's make the decision from a point of knowledge. Bravo Holly.

I heard the author speak on PBS radio and then read the book. Sklar explains how and why we Americans are working harder than ever today, but seem to get "nowhere." I think every business owner, politician, teacher, and parent should read this book to better understand how we can help one another in this country and the world!

Important, a compendium of shocking statistics and stories about the sorry state of the state. Most depressing, but most enlightening. Occasionally bogs down in statistics, and perhaps too many tables,though it's always nice to have these for reference. Much to be learned here. I plan to reread this one again soon. Alan Nicoll

I have been helping folks produce and market their books since 1985. This is one of the best tools for finding an "angle" to pitch your book. Thanks for keeping it updated. Linda F. Radke, Five Star Publications (AZ)

This is my third copy. I use this book for my business every month, sometimes more often. I use it for marketing ideas. I bought the new edition because the older books don't have all of the environmental events in them. This is a great business source. If you are planning sales or events for you business this will help you know what events take place every month.
I teach marketing at my company and urge all of my new agents to own a copy of this book.

"Chase's" is a terrific resource for me. I write a cooking column and I use it to stay abreast of even the smallest events. When writing a weekly column it can be a chore coming up with fresh story lines and subjects. "Chase's" helps me keep my subjects current and me on top of what's happening, which I know is appreciated by my readers who must wonder where I get all my ideas...now the secret is out! Pork Chops and Applesauce: A Collection of Recipes and Reflections

We sell Fresh-Wave products, a consumer line that appeals to a multitude of markets. So special events and creative marketing has to be a big part of our mix. Chase's helps us identify fun opprtunties for promoting our line. Since may TV and radio producers use this book it helps get their attention when your event is tied into something they are already talking about!

...sino es el Che verdadero hablando por el mismo.Explica el porque el cambio social no es haciendo por personas solitarias individualistas ; se trata como la revolucio`n cubana descubrio` " el camino de Marx " como gui`a de accio`n mientras haciendo la revolucio`n ;de la technologi`a como arma de la revolucio`n ; y de el papel de una organizacio`n disciplinada de joven comunistas que son educado en el Marxismo ( y educada por los trabajadores
y campesinos mismos en lucha ) en la vanguardia de la revolucio`n. La introduccio`n de la editor Mary-Alice Waters,una dirigente socialista norteamericana , se trata de la relevancia del texto a jovenes rebeldes mundiales de hoy di`a.

...sino es el Che verdadero hablando por el mismo.Explica el porque el cambio social no es haciendo por personas solitarias individualistas ; se trata como la revolucio`n cubana descubrio` " el camino de Marx " como gui`a de accio`n mientras haciendo la revolucio`n ;de la technologi`a como arma de la revolucio`n ; y de el papel de una organizacio`n disciplinada de joven comunistas que son educado en el Marxismo ( y educada por los trabajadores
y campesinos mismos en lucha ) en la vanguardia de la revolucio`n. La introduccio`n de la editor Mary-Alice Waters,una dirigente socialista norteamericana , se trata de la relevancia del texto a jovenes rebeldes mundiales de hoy di`a.

Los títulos de los discursos lo dice todo para que este libro quede de cabecera para todo rebelde.

Siendo médico él, explicó que no basta ser buena gente para ser médico revolucionario, sino hay que hacer una revolución. Ya victoriosa la revolución, explicó la que tiene que hacer la juventud comunista. Se puede tomar este consejo bastante a pecho, porque hay demasiada gente que quiere ser buena persona y hasta allí.

Lee el Ché en su propia voz, para que juzgas con tu propio criterio. Es en esto que se destaca la editorial Pathfinder: dar espacio los revolucionarios hablar por si mismo, y bien merecedora es esta adición a su "serie" de "Habla..."

De índole histórico, en esta colección se puede trazar la maduración intelectual de este personaje, de la manera en que se estaba llegando a cuajar las ideas que resultaron en el primer proyecto socialista solidaria, que se volvió a tomar en 1985 -justo a tiempo antes de que la URSS empezó a estremecer-.

El libro publica ocho discursos pronunciados por el dirigente de la revolución cubana, Ernesto Che Guevara, en reuniones con estudiantes y trabajadores cubanos, y jóvenes de otros países solidarios con la revolución. Nos da un vistazo importante a algunos aspectos claves en la historia de la revolución cubana. Y realmente los discursos son aún más importantes por su relevancia hoy en día para trabajadores y jóvenes de todo el mundo.

Che habla del desarrollo de la revolución, del subdesarrollo económico y los pasos necesarios para transformar la sociedad, de los enfrentamientos con el gobierno norteamericano, de la reforma agraria y su importancia para cualquier país en un proceso revolucionario. Habla también del papel del individuo en la sociedad, presentando una perspectiva no de caridad sino de solidaridad con los oprimidos y explotados. Expresa una confianza enorme en la capacidad de jóvenes -- estudiantes, obreros y campesinos-- de superarse en el proceso de cambiar la sociedad.

¡Léalo! ¡Compártalo! ¡Discútalo! ¡Qué sea de provecho!

Ché Guevara Speaks to Youth
The titles of these speeches are enough to tell why this should be every rebel's handbook.

As a physician, he explained that being good people is not enough to become a revolutionary doctor - one must make a revolution. Once that revolution had won through, he explained the tasks communist youth face. This advice may be taken well to heart, because there are too many people who try to be good persons, and leave it at that.

Read el Ché in his own voice, so you can make up your own mind. This is what Pathfinder Press stands out for: offering space for revolutionaries to speak for themselves. And well earned is this addition to the "...Speaks" "series."

Historically, this individual's intellectual development may be traced in this volume. The reader can see how the ideas gelled into what was to become the first experiment in the socialism of solidarity, which was retaken in 1985, just in time before the USSR began to quaver.

...as an equal.Too many books are out there "interpreting" Che Guevara ; most often by academics who fear and hate revolution.Here Che speaks for himself : how the Cuban revolution discovered the "road of Marx" by breaking out of the Yanqui Empire fror good; how "lone wolf" individualists do NOT make social revolutions; how to be a revolutionary MD or anything else "first a revolution must be made"; the need for a disciplined revolutionary youth organization;how to learn from fighting workers and peasants while fighting alongside them;internationalism as a necessity and a duty; the fight against postrevolution bureaucracy.These ideas as guide to action are how revolutionary Cuba has survived and will survive.Young and not-so-young fighters REQUIRE THIS BOOK as "globalized capitalism" tears our lives apart.To fight back "intelligently, as Malcolm X would say.Read "Cuba And The Coming American Revolution" by Jack Barnes side by side with this gem of a book.

Even if you are not so young person like myself, you can find your youth and your belief in the future,through Che's vision in these speeches. Whether speaking to a group of medical students in Havana, or a Latin American Youth Congress, or to anti-imperialist youth from around the world gathered in Algeria, Che's message to young people was not watered down. These speeches are a serious charge to young people to take the present and the future in their hands, and follow his vision of struggle for socialism, for the needs of working people, the oppressed, around the world. The ideas in this book are just as, or perhaps, even more valid than when Che lived.


While this book may not be directly available from Amazon at times, they are available from the booksfrompathfinder on Amazon that you can find by clicking on the new and used books on this page.

Che Guevara was an Argentinean-born revolutionary who helped lead the first socialist revolution in the Americas and initiate the renewal of Marxism. In Che Guevara Talks To Young People, he speaks as an equal with the youth of Cuba and the world as he challenges them to work, become disciplined, and join in the struggles for justice at home and abroad. Guevara excites youth to read, study, aspire to become revolutionary combatants, politicize the organizations and institutions they are part of, and in the process to politicize themselves. The talks collected in this single volume are prefaced by Armando Hart, and were compiled with the cooperation of Casa Editora Abril in Cuba. Che Guevara Talks To Young People is highly recommended reading for students of Marxism, the Socialist struggle in the Americas, as well as the life and thought of Che Guevara.

The work of Michael Pillsbury has been almost as popular in Chinese military circles as it is in the United States. His previous report on Chinese views of future warfare was noted enthusiastically by Chinese military scholars, although there was some concern over his liberal reference to high ranking Chinese sources.

Nevertheless, Pillsbury was able to return to drink from the same well in preparing China Debates the Future Security Environment. His sources are highly placed and respected members of China's security apparatus, and include members of leading think tanks, such as the China Institute for International Studies, as well as People's Liberation Army leadership.

The great value of the work is that between its covers Pillsbury shows a comprehensive picture of Chinese perspectives on a variety of topics relating to future security environments. He explains contemporary Chinese Communist Party rationale for viewing the future based on an amalagam of ancient Chinese statecraft (views drawn from the Warring States Era, which many Chinese use to draw comparisons with today's single superpower system) and current methodology for calculating the comprehensive national power (CNP) of modern states. The CNP of the United States will decline in the future, the Chinese are required to believe, and their calculations go to some lengths to show this pattern in various ways.

Most interesting to me was a discussion of China's three views of future threats and how these relate to special interest groups inside the PLA. People's War traditionalists are still the most powerful bloc and control most budget decisions. Their future posits a large enemy, such as the United States, Russia, India or a resurgent Japan. Power projection advocates see the future differently in terms of local wars around China's periphery. They advocate modernization, smaller and more professional forces. The revolution in military affairs (RMA) enthusiasts see no immediate major threat for a number of years, time, they say, to transform key parts of the military force to be technologically competitive with the West.

There is a fourth future, explained in Unrestricted Warfare, a book by two senior colonels in the PLA published last year. It advocates removing all rules and restrictions in the conduct of war to enable the "inferior to defeat the superior." Available too late for Pillsbury to consider in this work, Unrestricted Warfare may represent a synthesis of views on the future way of war from a Chinese perpective, even though it "does not represent official doctrine."

I commend Pillsbury's work to both the serious and casual student of Chinese military affairs. He has done a service for those on both sides of the Pacific.

Pillsbury's excellent work reminds Americans of the danger of expecting other nations to mirror our notions, objectives and policies. Fascinating Chinese foreign policy insights throughout the book. Some of the translated policy proposals/commentaries were really quite shocking. It should be required reading for all presidential (and Congressional) candidates. A "serious" book -- but very "readable", and definitely NOT just for policy "wonks." Availability may be troublesome as it is published by the National Defense University (NDU) and available through the Government Printing Office (GPO)[sorry Amazon ;-) ].

I have learned that perceptions are sometimes more important than facts and in the case of the Chinese viewpoint of the world situation, this holds true. This book describes in an interesting fashion, the Chinese perception of the motives, strengths and weaknesses of the world powers.

The Chinese use an interesting method of determining a nation's relative power using a quasi-mathematical formula to determine the Comprehensive National Power (CNP) of any given nation. They use this also to project the future CNP of given nations.

This interesting process is described in detail and the varying uses of this CNP are described. The Chinese show the most interest in the United States, Russia, Europe (mainly Germany, France and the United Kingdom), Japan, India and China. These calculations are focused through the lens of Chinese perception. This is based on Chinese history including ancient Chinese history, Marxism, Mao thought and the writings of Deng tso Peng. This is the most fascinating portion of the book.

For example, some factions in this debate feel that Japan is becoming militaristic and will want power in Asia. Most feel that Russia will become their friend in the coming struggles. The optomists feel that there will be a multipolar power sharing between China, Europe, Russia, the United States and Japan in a atmosphere of cooperation.

You may or may not disagree with the Chinese conclusions but the reality is, they believe that the world operates the way they see it and will react to world events accordingly.

Beyond ranking this fantastic work, there isn't much I can add that previous reviewers haven't admirably covered. It is necessary for our country to understand the needs that motivates the calculations Pillsbury illustrates in his book. It is essential for the American debate about our relationship with China to include texts such as these, which highlight important concerns for Americans, but transcend the current dichotomy of right-wing paranoia and left-wing romanticism toward China.

While Pillsbury's book is devoted to a very specific topic, the tone and quality of his work helps illustrate China's foreign policy communities in ways that are absent in the sterotyped visions of China usually constructed. Instead of having to fall in with one or the other viewpoint that is more an argument about domestic ideology than about China, we ought to remember that it is the clarity of our vision that is the most important technique for ensuring American security. Public relations gestures of saber-rattling or apologia accomplish just the obvious. That is why careful attention paid to work such as Pillsbury's book makes us better off in the long run.

As a Pagan, I find it puzzling to see the beginnings of alliances between many Christian fundamentalists and Jewish liberals. And I find it even more puzzling to see the beginnings of alliances between many Muslim fundamentalists and Christian liberals. What's up with that? This book helps explain it.

First, the Christian fundamentalists and the Jewish liberals. Traditionally, Jewish liberals have been suspicious of Christian fundamentalists for many reasons: the most vocal Christians have generally defamed Jews, encouraged anti-Jewish violence, and engaged in missionary work that Jews have reacted very negatively to. In addition, views on social issues such as abortion, school prayer, and gay rights have generally been very different among these two groups. And Christian fundamentalists have been suspicious of Jewish liberals for some of the same reasons: differences on social issues as well as the hostility that they see on the Jewish side.

Why is it becoming different now? The author explains that it is because both sides see a need to defend Israel. I think that explains part of it. But I think he overlooked something even more important: both the Christians and Jews are siding with Israel for the same reasons. That is, the constant Arab lies, the United Nations and European Union support for Arab terror, and the dishonesty of many in the media have angered both groups in the same way. And even upon further reflection, they both still see all these problems as serious threats to society as a whole.

That's the easy part.

The tough question, which Merkley answers superbly, is why we're seeing an alliance between Christian liberals and Muslim fundamentalists. Merkley shows that it goes far beyond any need to attack Israel.

The two groups are strange bedfellows indeed. They have different religions, and their attitudes towards religion are very different. One group has mostly liberal values while the other is reactionary and intolerant. Historically, they have the legacy of Muslim invasions of Europe, the Crusades, and European colonialism. Why would liberal Christians support those who favor slavery, terrorism, totalitarianism, irredentism, mistreatment of Women, and intolerance of the rights of others in general? Why would fundamentalist Muslims even seek or accept such support?

It certainly isn't any rational need to oppose Israeli behavior. As the author points out, "Israel's offence follows from the nature of Islam." This alliance is the result of three factors: Muslim offence at the existence of Jewish rights in Israel, Muslim pressure on the Christians of the Middle East, and long-standing contempt of Judaism by more than a few Western Christians.

Merkley shows that the effect of all this has been devastating to the Christians of the Middle East. The majority have fled the area. Most of those who have stayed have done so either because they supported Muslim terror against the Jews or because they were pressured into tolerating it. This has poisoned their relations with the Israeli Jews while not raising their esteem in the eyes of Arab Muslims.

Merkley is at his best when he documents the reactions of all sorts of diverse Christian groups to the State of Israel. I strongly recommend this book. And if you want more, read Bat Ye'or's book on Islam and Dhimmitude next.

This book documents how liberal Protestants in the U.S. who have reworked their theology regarding the Jewish people have allowed the prophetic voices of their churches to be hi-jacked by groups like Sabeel and the Middle East Council of Churches and other church institutions that have embraced what can be politely described as a Judeophobic agenda. These institutions have portrayed Israel's efforts to defend itself against enemies intent on destroying it as a Jewish assault on Christian sensibilities and the mainline churches cooperate in broadcasting this narrative. Merkley offers enormously valuable background and history to the conflict. It also provides insight into how putatively progressive Christians have remained silent about the the mistreatment of religious and ethnic minorities in the Middle East. A hugely important book that has not gotten enough attention. A must read for this interested in understanding Christian anti-Zionism.

This absorbing work follows on from Merkley's 1998 masterpiece The Politics of Christian Zionism 1891-1948. He believes Christian attitudes to Israel derive from deeply held theological persuasions that ought to be considered in the historical context of Christianity, Judaism and Islam. The first part reviews the historical elements that have always been present in Christian attitudes towards Judaism whilst the main body reveals the wide variety of Christian voices worldwide and particularly in the Middle East. Finally, he examines different Christian institutions and their theological and political relations to the Middle East. His arguments derive from verifiable facts and evidence based on the official literature of churches and organizations as well as interviews with spokespeople of the aforementioned and of the State of Israel and the Palestinian authority. Merkley engages boldly and wittily with this arsenal of fact and opinion, unafraid to take a stand, speak his mind and make a case for Israel.

He chronicles the development of the attitudes of different strands of Christianity, including the Catholic and mainstream Protestant churches on the one hand versus Evangelicals on the other, whilst acknowledging that significant numbers of individuals in the first two groups hold personal convictions that correspond more closely with the second. Approved by the United Nations, the establishment of Israel in 1948 occurred in an environment of worldwide approval but even then there were opposing voices. These came from Protestant missionary groups in the Middle East as well as anti-Zionist Jewish organizations in the USA. Soon after the rebirth, the Catholic and mainstream Protestant churches started to shift to a critical stance. Formed a few weeks after this historic event, the World Council of Churches has a long history of enmity to the Jewish state. As the war clouds were gathering in 1967, the WCC remained quiet about the Arab World's bellicose rhetoric and threats of genocide. But immediately after Israel's resounding victory, it pounced with a sanctimonious condemnation of violence.

Since then, the WCC has become notorious for parroting Arab and UN propaganda, culminating in its participation in the hate-fest at the 2001 UN Conference on Racism in Durban. Merkley lucidly exposes the reptile tongue of the WCC and the mass media, demonstrating the similarities with the anti-Semitic propaganda of the Nazis. He argues that the leaders of the WCC are a militant ecumenical elite far removed from the essence of theology and fully committed to political causes. He contends that Christian anti-Zionism is not just a form of generic anti-Zionism but that it draws from the same theological roots as the medieval European blood libels. In this regard, see also The Resurgence of Anti-Semitism by Bernard Harrison. The Christian Left seeks to appease radical Muslim opinion about the existence of Israel, as liberal churches have allied themselves with a movement with which they have nothing in common. Merkley does not pretend to believe in either the meme of the religion of peace or the willingness of Israel's neighbors to live in peace with it. See Peace: The Arabian Caricature of Anti-Semitic Imagery to understand why.

As anti-Zionism gained momentum in the 1970s, more individuals with different convictions started leaving those churches as is evident from the declining membership of the mainstream denominations. And Christians Zionists became actively involved in the support of Israel and her people in the Diaspora. Those of a theologically more conservative disposition have shown themselves to be steadfast and loyal friends of the Jewish State. Organizations like the Christian Embassy in Jerusalem, Bridges for Peace, Christian Friends of Israel, the International Christian Zionist Center and CUFI are devoted to the welfare of the country by means of practical and political assistance. Chapter seven provides interesting information on the institutional variety of and theologies of Christian Zionism. Please note that most of them avoid proselytizing. Standing With Israel by David Brog is an informative read on the history and current composition of the movement whilst In Defense of Israel by John Hagee and Future Israel: Why Christian Anti-Judaism Must Be Challenged by Barry Horner explain the theological motivation.

Merkley is uncertain whether the mainstream churches will move further in the direction of what he calls neo-Marcionism (See Lost Christianities by Bart Ehrman for an explanation) in order to appeal to secular liberals, Islam and the Eastern churches or whether it will attempt Jewish-Christian reconciliation. On the Protestant side the signs are not promising with their divestment attempts, while things look more ambiguous in the Roman church in view of the militant rhetoric of Michel Sabbah, Archbishop of Jerusalem. Besides obvious reasons for standing with Israel like its adherence to the rule of law, commendable record of respecting the holy places of all religions, astonishing cultural and technological accomplishments and uninterrupted record of democracy, there is another reason why Christian Zionists are loyal to the Jewish state. It is, like the attitude of the other churches, rooted in theology, but quite overtly based on scripture. To its Christian friends, the rebirth of Israel represents the major miracle of the 20th century. It is a requirement of faith to seek the blessing of Israel above all other considerations; the existence of Israel is considered crucial to the survival of our Judeo-Christian civilization.

Among the valuable contributions of this illuminating work is the refutation of myths, false perceptions and stereotypes fabricated by the mass media. As already mentioned, many Christian Zionist organizations have a strict policy of not seeking converts. They are not all fundamentalists or biblical literalists nor do they profess to know the sequence of events that will lead to the return of Messiah, and least of all do they want the Jewish people to suffer any more than they already have. Merkley provides abundant evidence that anti-Zionism flourishes on the Christian Left today, but further proof is available in The New Anti-Semitism by Chesler and The Deadliest Lies by Foxman. I highly recommend Christian Attitudes toward the State of Israel to all who wish to understand what is happening in this world of lengthening shadows. The book includes notes, a bibliography, references and an index.

I can't say enough good things about this book. In fact, I am going to buy several copies to give to friends, both Christian and Jewish. I'd like to give it to liberal Protestant friends, but sadly, having read the book I am older and wiser about the deep roots of liberal Protestant hostility to Israel (and Jews).

I found the background on the World Council of Churches, the Vatican, and the Evangelicals really fascinating. Merkley is wonderfully frank and honest about difficult topics. I found him a trustworthy reporter. At times his exasperation shows, but on the whole he shows an admirable restraint.

This book helped me understand some unpleasant interchanges I've had with people in my own community, for example the Presbyterian minister and the socially elite lady who works with Protestant missions in "Palestine." I have been deeply disturbed by their moral indifference to Jewish life (the minister) and outright anti-semitic slurs (the rich mission lady.) It is always helpful to be able to put personal experiences like this in a larger political/historical context and understand them at a deeper level.

On a happier note, Merkley gave me information I did not know about the theology and policies of the main Evangelical groups. I was especially interested to learn that the often repeated comment they are only helping Israel so that all the Jews will be killed in Armageddon is actually a lie promulgated by anti-Israeli Christians eager to alienate Jews from their one group of dependable support (Merkley says this in a much more measured way, but that's the nub). I have to say this also fits my personal experience - the several evangelicals I have talked to in my community have only quoted Bible about 'those that bless you shall be blessed, those that curse you shall be cursed' in explaining why they think supporting Israel is a good idea (in both senses of the word 'good.')

I feel very grateful to Merkley for this book and I only wish it were more widely read.

This book is probably one of the most comprehensive books that I have seen thoroughly equipped event planners use for their events at Alliance Redwoods in Occidental, California. Planning a retreat is no small feat that is easy for first-timers to underestimate. This book eliminates many potential surprises and stresses of planning a retreat for a large group. I highly recommend a book like this for any first time retreat planner as I have experienced some very wonderful retreats that were planned using this book. If you have ever been stressed out or frustrated planning a large retreat, then you will be pleased to know there is a book that shows a detailed, easy to follow, step by step methodology for planning a surprise-free hassle-free Christian Conference.

This book is remarkably well written, easy to read, along with refreshing humor! Helpful to organize any size type of event and maximize the purpose of the event. An absolute must have for every church!

This book is a absolute must for anyone planning a conference or retreat. Applicable for men and women no matter what the size of the event. If you have always wanted to organize an event at your church and never knew how to get started get this book

This helpful book was a great read, and is sure to be a much-referenced item in my library... organized, specific, well-written, and all the details are already thought-out and listed in clear reference sheets for me! I found that the examples, quotes, and details were not limiting but helped me to come up with my own ideas. Although I probably won't be planning a conference for 5,000 anytime soon, this book will help me even with small weekend retreats. Can't wait to get the workbook!

From a personal background experience, Betsy Leondar-Wright very effectively candidly and honestly communicates "the politics of class and what gets in the way of cross-class alliances." She provides convincing evidence from very interesting and inspiring individual experiences from people from various classes to support what she says about inequality and the struggle for social justice in America. Harold L. Carter, Retired History Teacher, Dayton, Ohio

I found this book very helpful in understanding how movements for social change could be strengthened if participants could more naturally acknowledge and bridge class differences. The writing is clear and engaging, and the photos, cartoons and sidebars make it "user friendly." I highly recommend it to anyone involved in work for social change, regardless of economic persuasion.

Class Matters is such a great crystallization of things I've heard about class in little bits and pieces; Leander-Wright's models brings all the parts together. The format is really wonderful. I found myself picking it up, reading a story, putting it down to think for a while, and then flipping to another section for new inspiration. I so appreciated that the stories highlighted showed both the challenges and the successes of working across class lines.

This is the best book I've read on class--after looking at dozens of them. It's full of stories, photos, cartoons, and full of tips of obvious use to activists who want to work well with people of different class backgrounds and to educators who care about one of the most important and least comfortable issues in our society. I've already brought it to a social change gathering with other literature and it was the most sought-after book.