Events Books

As we watch the Democrats and Republicans "square-off" again, Professor Boller has done a Yeoman's job with this classic of American politics, reminding us what this "National crazy season" is all about. Here in one volume, Boller summarizes all but the last four of America's Presidential campaigns: from the first, George Washington's in 1789, to the fortieth, Ronald Reagan's in 1980.

My favorite campaign is the 1876 disputed and brokered election, reminiscent of the "Supreme Court decided" 2000 election. The 1876 election took place in Philadelphia during the Nation's Centennial Year, between two Governors: Rutherford B. Hayes of Ohio and Samuel J. Tilden of New York. Arguably this was the most controversial as well as the most defining campaign of all of American History. Hayes a Republican, known for his honesty and integrity and Tilden known as a reformer, squared off over how to deal with the remnants of the Civil War, the primary issue of which was how to end Reconstruction.

Tilden, the Northerner, and a pro-slavery proponent, sympathies lay with the South and with ending Reconstruction and removing Federal troops from occupying the South, thus leaving the South to manage its own affairs -- meaning of course leaving the problem of what to do with the freed slaves up to the white southerners. Under Tilden's formula the slaves were thus to be left to their own devices in a sea of hostile "foaming at the mouth" Southerners still licking their wounds from the lost of the Civil War. Hayes, though a Republican, was not a Radical "pro-freedom" Republican, and thus was only slightly less accommodating to maintaining the Reconstruction status quo than was Tilden.

When the dust settled, both were short of the necessary electoral college votes, with the 20 votes of SC, La., Fa., and Ore. still in doubt -- even though Tilden had garnered a quarter million more votes than Hayes. Tilden needed only one of the outstanding 20 Electoral College votes, while Hayes needed all 20. Yet after the back room haggling ended, a compromise was struck with Hayes declared the winner. Hayes may have won the battle but Tilden won the war: Reconstruction was ended; the ex-slaves were sacrificed in the process; and the "Jim Crow curtain" descended on the U.S. for the next one hundred years.

The book is well-research, written with the flair of a journalist and full of interesting anecdotes and colorful stories.

Five Stars

I own a previous edition of this book. Facinating information about each campaign. You think 2000 was bad? Take a look at 1876 or 1824. I'd offer more in this review, but it's 4 am and I need to get back to sleep.

This book reminds me again just how much fun the study of history can be. The basic facts of Presidential elections from the beginning to today are solid historical accounts. But they also include the tidbits of electoral trivia that go on in each election, but that are often obscure or unnoticed. This book is both informative and entertaining. I plan to give it as a gift to my opthomologist who is also a history buff. As a retired history professor I look forward to chatting with him during my annual examinations.

Presidential Campaigns: From George Washington To George W. Bush by Paul F. Boller, Jr. is a lively, informative, and often surprising history of American presidential election campaigns. This is a complete chronological history of from the unanimously concented ascent of General george Washionhton, to the divisively contested Gore vs. Bush recall scandal. Presidental Campaigns is a superbly written and presented political history that, in these politically divise days of presential electioneering, deserves as wide a readership as possible among the electorate.

You wouldn't have recognized the election of 1789. There were no primaries, nominating convention, rival candidates, campaign speeches, or debates on public issues." (All quotes are direct from the book.) Yet the will of the people was perfectly expressed. Everyone simply agreed that Washington had to be the President. Four years later they had political parties, but both of them picked Washington. That was the end of the smooth sailing.

In 1796 Adams and Jefferson remained on friendly terms with each other, but had their supporters do a lot of name calling (sound familiar?). By 1800 Adams was calling Jefferson ... well, read the book. Suffice to say, the American way of politics was in full swing, has continued unabated until now and shows no sign of making significant changes in the future.

I must say that I do miss the rum. When Washington was running for the Virginia House of Burgesses in 1758, there were 391 elgible voters. Washington gave them 160 gallons of rum. It's kind of a wonder just how they could vote.

This is a delightful book. I remember taking American History in college, and that was pretty dull. This reads like a novel, full of interesting anecdotes while conveying the facts as well.

'The Presidents', edited by Henry F. Graff, is a spectacular reference. There are essays on each of the presidents from George Washington to Bill Clinton (with a few exceptions), as well as handy reference pages at the back with quick snapshots of crucial data.

The essays are roughly 20 pages per figure, more for some and less for others (it is ironic that Teddy Roosevelt has more pages than Franklin Roosevelt, or that both Richard Nixon and George Bush the elder have more pages than Abraham Lincoln, but then, quality is not a simple calculation of page numbers). Some presidents are paired for purposes of the essays - William Henry Harrison and John Tyler, Zachary Taylor and Millard Fillmore, James Garfield and Chester Arthur are each paired, as the length of time in office for each of the former figures in the pairs is rather brief, and none of the successors from the vice presidency went on to second terms.

The essays include very brief overviews of the time before office, as well as time after the presidency (as appropriate). However, the primary focus of the information is on the policies and events during the time of the presidency; this extends to military, diplomatic, administrative, legislative and judicial matters. This is one of the best one-volume references that includes cabinet members and other leaders of the executive branch in addition to the presidents; one has but to read headlines today to realise how important these figures can be in shaping the overall image and direction of a presidency.

There is also a concluding essay on role of the first lady, from Martha Washington to Hillary Clinton. From Dolley Madison's saving the portrait of Washington as the British burned the city to the extraordinary influence of figures such as Edith Galt Wilson, Eleanor Roosevelt, Nancy Reagan and Hillary Clinton, these women are deserving of attention for their work and influence.

Perhaps the most handy feature is Appendix B, the summary tables of data on the presidents. These feature in bullet form key biographical data, election returns, major appointments, political composition of Congress, Cabinet and Supreme Court appointments, and key events arranged chronologically. The index is also very well done; at 64 pages in length, I was hard pressed to find something in the text not referenced in the index.

The essays vary in quality, but even the least of them is pretty good. The essays on the earlier presidents, because they concentrate more on details of in-office activity, filled in many gaps in my knowledge of some of the administrations. This is a book destined to be more of a library volume than a personal possession, which is unfortunate, as this is a valuable text.

This book has a short (15-20 pages) biography of each president
through Bill Clinton (remember, it was published in 1996); obviously,
it cannot give as full a history as a full, comprehensive biography
could. But for many of the presidents, it is almost impossible to find
a full, comprehensive biography, and for those interested in those
presidents, this work is invaluable. Also, each chapter has an
exhaustive bibliography, so those interested in learning more are given
the names of books, many of them out of print, to look for.

A must for any presidential history buff.

This book is an excellent source for presidential research. As an AP American History student, this book is an INVALUABLE resource. It discusses all of the major events of the presidency with some detail. This saves a lot of secondary research which can delay completion of a project for days.

This book is not for people who want to learn interesting facts about the presidents. At times the book focuses more on the president's cabinet than on himself. However, this does accuratly describe how certain presidents controlled the country. There are chapters for each president. Each essay is very knowlegdable as each essay is written by an expert on that particular president. The terms are very detailed. This book does, however, seem to exclude much of the effects of the presidents decisions. The essays at times are overly complex. But in general the author describes himself well. Each author seems to be unbiased and is quick to reveal short-comings of his particular president. The readability seems to increase with the number of president. Starting with Wilson the essays are great. Notable essays include Wilson's, Harding's, and L. Johnson's. Overall this book is great. But, this book is NOT for everybody. It requires great interest a! nd an active mind. But, it is worth it.

This is one of the best one-volume references on the American presidents I have come across. While some general biographical material is provided, such as how each man spent his formative years, each section is mostly devoted to an over-the-shoulder look at the key figures of his administration, with benefit of historical hindsight, as they grapple with the issues and problems of the time. Particular attention is paid to distinctive qualities that set each president apart from his peers and to key decisions and actions that made a lasting difference to the country. This is more than a mere presentation of facts: we get a definite feel for each man's style of leadership and even his vision for the nation.

With each section written by a different contributor, there is bound to be some unevenness of style and tone, and there is. Generally, each presentation is scholarly and disinterested--although by no means dry--and free from excessive praise or condemnation, but for two exceptions that somewhat detract from the work. The most egregious of these is the section on Franklin Pierce, which is filled with personal gibes and, to a much lesser degree, the section on Calvin Coolidge. This is particularly surprising in light of the fact that such controversial figures as Andrew Johnson, Warren G. Harding and even Richard Nixon have been handled so professionally. But otherwise there is little to fault.

With only 15 to 20 pages devoted to each administration, obviously many difficult decisions had to be made on what material to include and exclude. Yet, it is the insight that went into these decisions that is one of the high points of this book; indeed, there is more than enough material to satisy most history buffs. However, those looking for obscure facts or trivia about each man, except when such details are directly relevant to the central issues of the time, are best advised to consult full-length biographies. Extensive references, including a list of such biographies, have been provided at the end of each section.

The collapse of the Berlin Wall and the symbolic moral victory of American capitalism has been viewed by the US mainstream literature as the onset of a new era; one of global prosperity and peace. Although the end of state socialism has led to the spread of liberal democracy in Eastern Europe, it has also marked the beginning of numerous political and social crises that have precipitated an unprecedented growth of refugees and internally displaced peoples.

Arthur Helton's THE PRICE OF INDIFFERENCE astutely analyzes the emergence of the past decade's refugee crisis and the inability of the international political and legal framework to adequately address it. Using what sociologists call the "extensive field work methodology," Helton not only presents a succinct history of the recent refugee crisis; but also the "refugees' experience" through personal accounts and in-depth interviews with important policy-makers of the international refugee community. The result is an instructive analysis of "what went wrong" and what can be learned from the past, all presented in a style that captivates the interested reader.

As a scholar, legal practitioner and one of the international authorities in the field of migration and refugees, Helton's unique insights and inside resources illuminate the roots of the current crisis. By showing that prior policy responses were the outcome of emergency situations that lacked a systematic understanding of the diverse origins of the contemporary crisis, Helton proposes the creation of two institutions-one inside the US government and the other within international institutions-to anticipate and proactively respond to future refugee emergencies. While this approach is likely to attract the criticism of those who advocate a lesser role of the US government, it is a realistic and feasible solution that takes into consideration the fact that no refugee crisis can be resolved without the cooperation of the US government. At the same time, in order to devise a solution for current and future refugee crises that will be effective and long lasting, US policies must have international legitimacy which can be achieved only through international cooperation.

In sum, THE PRICE OF INDIFFERENCE is a "must" for any specialist in the field of refugee policy and for any person interested in future international policy on displaced peoples. Refugees matter not only because "they are there" or because "it could be me" but because refugees are here to stay and, in the process, how the U.S. helps to shape international policy will profoundly influence the political, ethical, and racial/ethnic future of our future global society.

The author of this book, Arthur C. Helton, was killed on August 19, 2003 in the suicide bombing of the United Nations headquarters in Baghdad. Helton was meeting with UN officials at the time of the bombing.

Smallchief

The collapse of the Berlin Wall and the symbolic moral victory of American capitalism has been viewed by the US mainstream literature as the onset of a new era; one of global prosperity and peace. Although the end of state socialism has led to the spread of liberal democracy in Eastern Europe, it has also marked the beginning of numerous political and social crises that have precipitated an unprecedented growth of refugees and internally displaced peoples.

Arthur Helton's THE PRICE OF INDIFFERENCE astutely analyzes the emergence of the past decade's refugee crisis and the inability of the international political and legal framework to adequately address it. Using what sociologists call the "extensive field work methodology," Helton not only presents a succinct history of the recent refugee crisis; but also the "refugees' experience" through personal accounts and in-depth interviews with important policy-makers of the international refugee community. The result is an instructive analysis of "what went wrong" and what can be learned from the past, all presented in a style that captivates the interested reader.

As a scholar, legal practitioner and one of the international authorities in the field of migration and refugees, Helton's unique insights and inside resources illuminate the roots of the current crisis. By showing that prior policy responses were the outcome of emergency situations that lacked a systematic understanding of the diverse origins of the contemporary crisis, Helton proposes the creation of two institutions-one inside the US government and the other within international institutions-to anticipate and proactively respond to future refugee emergencies. While this approach is likely to attract the criticism of those who advocate a lesser role of the US government, it is a realistic and feasible solution that takes into consideration the fact that no refugee crisis can be resolved without the cooperation of the US government. At the same time, in order to devise a solution for current and future refugee crises that will be effective and long lasting, US policies must have international legitimacy which can be achieved only through international cooperation.

In sum, THE PRICE OF INDIFFERENCE is a "must" for any specialist in the field of refugee policy and for any person interested in future international policy on displaced peoples. Refugees matter not only because "they are there" or because "it could be me" but because refugees are here to stay and, in the process, how the U.S. helps to shape international policy will profoundly influence the political, ethical, and racial/ethnic future of our future global society.

As noted by Arthur Helton, refugees matter. However, they matter not only for humanitarian reasons but also because they are intimately tied to questions of national and strategic interest. By extending the argument beyond the realm of humanitarian charity, Helton effectively makes the case for state intervention in the field and elevates scholarship in the realm of refugee studies.

Moreover, the perspective of The Price of Indifference is a fresh one. Addressing crises from Africa to Afghanistan, Turkey to East Timor and Haiti to the former USSR, his work constitutes a comprehensive account of a decade that was perhaps the most dynamic one in recent memory. And from a discussion of the Cold War models of humanitarian action to the "Mogadishu syndrome" and the CNN effect, Helton covers the prevailing dynamics of all periods. What is more, the book goes so far as to model potential futures depending on which prevailing ideology is adopted (e.g., cooperation or containment).

Not only does the book discuss shortfalls in the national system of humanitarian action (calling for a new separate civilian agency, the Agency for Humanitarian Action), but it also entails a discussion of the international system and its inability to effectively mediate refugee-related crises. In doing so, Helton makes the case for new institutional structures (e.g., the Strategic Humanitarian and Research Entity, or SHARE) which effectively consolidate the fragmented humanitarian components in the UN system.

As we know, the Cold war changed responses to refugee and migration emergencies in fundamental ways. Yet, for all we do know, there is no single answer. Rather, a more varied and comprehensive "policy toolbox" is required. To be helpful, policy needs to be more proactive so that "international coordination" and a "preventive orientation" replace the "selective apathy" and "creeping trepidation" that currently animate refugee responses.

No longer can states hide behind the out-dated Westphalian notion of absolute sovereignty. Rather, certain concerns are obligations erga omnes and the concern of all those within the international community. As a result, a significant attention and backing is given to humanitarian intervention (and its reform).

As Helton notes, recent experience teaches us that expectations should be modest. Yet with a thorough review like the Price of Indifference, one cannot help but hope for a better future for refugees and internally displaced persons worldwide.

Every notable disaster of the past century -- war, famine, civil unrest, earthquake and ecological catastrophe -- has resulted in the massive displacement of people within and across borders of their home countries. The June 7, 2002 New York Times reported that 14.9 million civilians were driven from their countries by war alone last year, and an additional 22 million people uprooted within their countries. It is a natural phenomenon in its own right, yet there has never been a systematic or comprehensive approach to anticipate, gather resources (both financial and intellectual) and make available workable solutions to this devastating predicament. This universal lack of foresight has taken its toll on untold numbers of refugees; some of whom waste years of their lives in flight or languish in refugee camps fearing for their safety, struggling for mere survival; while others achieve the relative fortune of starting their lives over in a new environment.

Now, the reader with even a passing interest in the plight of these unfortunate wanderers, and the expert alike, can explore an extraordinary trove of information on refugee policy and a startling new solution to this monumental problem. THE PRICE OF INDIFFERENCE: Refugees and Humanitarian Action in the New Century, by Arthur C. Helton, sets forth a concise modern history of refugee crises and the structural mechanisms and varied policies that have emerged for dealing with them. Helton depicts numerous strategies such as temporary protection, safe havens, asylum, evacuation, humanitarian corridors, resettlement, internal protection and repatriation, explaining why States have chosen some "solutions" over others as well as revealing the lapsed policy of states that have chosen to remain uninvolved. By analyzing diverse crises of the last decade in Bosnia, Cambodia, East Timor, Haiti, Kosovo, and Rwanda, Helton reveals the full array of policy tools and astoundingly problematic realities of managing refugees.

With an uncanny ability to capture the big picture, Helton also evokes vivid, personally observed details of a wide range of specific refugee crises, often in poetic terms. This book gives you the insider's view of what refugees actually experience:

It was a late Sunday evening in November 2000 when our plane landed in Nairobi, Kenya. As I walked on the runway through the sultry air to the airport arrival hall, I became an unintended witness to the conclusion of the infamous journey of the `lost boys of Sudan', some of whom I had visited in 1993 at the Kakuma refugee camp in northwestern Kenya. There, a remnant of some 17,000 children had come to rest after fleeing in 1988 from fighting in Sudan to Ethiopia, where they were attacked again after the regime of Mengistu Haile Mariam fell in 1991. This prompted a harrowing 600-mile trek by foot to Kenya, with many dying from attacks by wild animals and exposure.
p. 183.

In Helton's words, "[a]t the outset of the twenty-first century, the policy debate is driven by selective apathy and creeping trepidation." He reveals rationales for employing the various options including political motivations, notions of sovereignty, and practicality, among others. With a comprehensive overview of policy options that have been employed in recent history, their successes and failures, Helton envisions putting an end to such inevitable recurring suffering.

Unsatisfied with unpremeditated, unsystematic and less than ideal solutions that spring, almost ad hoc from crises as they arise, Helton offers a striking proposal for two organizations dedicated to assembling resources and a base of experts to anticipate, prevent and ameliorate future predicaments - one inside the U.S. government, and one internationally-based. While some may bemoan a proposal for new agencies, Helton's suggestion is innovative for the policy underlying these proposed organizations: a vehicle for prevention of mass displacement and for proactive, anticipatory mitigation when prevention is impossible or inappropriate. The new national security and foreign policy agenda he presents reflects his heartfelt and lifelong quest for states, organizations and individuals to view the protection of refugees as an obligation to humanity; an obligation that merits foresight.

Arthur C. Helton, one of the world's top experts on refugees and the migration of displaced persons, is Senior Fellow for Refugee Studies and Preventive Action at the Council on Foreign Relations in New York. He previously directed the Refugee Project of the Lawyers Committee for Human Rights for twelve years and has written more than 80 scholarly articles on refugee and migration subjects. Helton's book will educate and fascinate policy makers, statesmen, relief workers, and humanitarians, as well as advocates for refugees and enthusiasts of migration, foreign policy, history, diplomacy, politics, and human rights. This comprehensive volume poses important questions and will undoubtedly take its place among the seminal literature devoted to the topic.

Machiavelli's The Prince is one of the classic books to center the ideas of gaining and holding power in political life and what a "Prince" must do to not only accomplish these tasks, but do them successfully.

This version of the book is a great copy to use and carry around because Penguin has made this short book into a very small compact size, while not compromising text size and even leaving some room to write in the margins.

The book itself is a great book that all students of all disciplines should read, if not for enlightenment in their field, just for the pure gains that a person can take out of this book for life applications. When looking toward politics around the world, many political scientists, politicians, and everyday people alike, use the ideas of Machiavelli and his many simple arguments, knowingly or not. So reading this book will help you not only understand these positions but it will also help you keep yourself in an informed state when debating, voting or just talking all things politics.

Machiavelli wrote such a good work that there are numerous single line quotations which a person can take out of this book, and many of them great and true, but to really understand, beyond a few lines of text, the real meaning, one must read the book cover to cover.

This book was written by the famous Italian statesman Niccolo Machiavelli in 1531. This book is a classic and I was pleasantly surprised that the content was not dated and the principles translate easily into the modern worlds of business and politics.
The author wrote this book as an instruction guide for governing princes in the 1500's when Italy was divided into city states and were being defeated by many foreign powers. I belive that the work is directed to Lorenzo de Medici by a letter included in the work and because at the end of the writing Machiavelli calls for a prince to unite and lead Italy against its oppressors.
The book is not unethical as I had imagined from my understanding of the ruthlessness of Machiavellian ethics. The author is only explaining tactics to use to maintain power in a kingdom or city state that are pragmatic for his time period.
Here are some examples from the book:
1. When conquering a territory keep the current laws and institutions in place, but eliminate all the family of the defeated prince.
2. When trouble is sensed ahead of time it can be easily remedied, if you wait for it to show itself, it is to late.
3. Whoever is responsible for another becoming powerful, ruins himself.
4. There is no surer way of keeping possesion than by devastation.
5. Men do you are harm either because they hate you or they fear you.
6. Violence must be inflicted once and for all, it must be over quickly.
7. Build your power through the people.
8. Power is maintained through religious institutions.
9. Neglect the art of war and you lose your state.
10. If you act virtuously, you will be undone by those who are not, make use of this or not according to need.
The above is just a small sampling of the lessons in this book. My review can not do this book justice, it is full of wisdom and life lessons. It is a guide book for business leaders and politicians. I strongly suggest adding this book to your home library and referring to it often.

Il Principe is a tiny book--a little over one-hundred pages--that has given its author everlasting fame and notoriety. So much so, in fact, that "Machiavellian,"--like "Orwellian," or "Hobbesian," or "Rabelaisian,"--has entered the adjectival lexicon. (Rarefied company indeed.)

And yet...the book is unbelievably tame. How it ever inspired such a hue and outcry, I can't fathom. Machiavelli writes rather pedantically and systematically about how to rule a principality...a micro-state. (Maybe the translator abetted the fustiness of the prose...something I think highly likely.)

Far from being the tongue of Satan, Machiavelli simply espouses common-sense realpolitik. Sometimes a ruler must lie. Sometimes a ruler must not keep his word. Sometimes a ruler must exercise cruelty. Sometimes it is better to be a miser than a benefactor. Sometimes it is better to be feared than loved. The ruler's life may very well depend on it. In the bloody Italy of Machiavelli's day, that was no great shakes.

Yet Machiavelli is also a bit of a moralist. He writes that an ally should aid another not only because it's the smart thing to do...but because it is the right thing to do. He invokes God repeatedly, and adduces Biblical examples to illustrate his arguments.

Il Principe is not entertaining...it is a propadeutic for statecraft, dry, dispassionate (except for the last chapter), and full of obscure, eye-glazing references to forgotten men. But it is a seminal work of political science, and something that every educated person should dip into.

"It must be understood, that a prince . . . cannot observe all of those virtues for which men are reputed good, because it is often necessary to act against mercy, against faith, against humanity, against frankness, against religion, in order to preserve the state."

His name has become synonymous with (1) corrupt, totalitarian government, and (2) a person's tendency to deceive and manipulate others for gain. Niccolo Machiavelli (1469-1527) was a Florentine statesman and political theorist, who believed that theological and moral values have no place in politics. He is best known for THE PRINCE (1513), which he wrote to gain influence with the ruling Medici family. (Machiavelli's model for THE PRINCE may have been Cesare Borgia, a cunning and cruel man.) Machiavelli offers instruction on how to acquire and maintain power in the face of any other consideration: "the end justifies the means;" "it is better to be feared than loved; "it is better to be miserly than generous;" "it is better to be cruel than merciful;" for instance. It goes without saying, modern readers may gain insight from such Machiavellian instruction into succeeding in either politics, corporate culture, or in the self-obsessed, success-by-any-means, get-mine Games of Life. (It should be noted that this review refers to the 2005 Penguin Great Ideas edition of THE PRINCE, translated by George Bull.)

G. Merritt

Whatever your preconceived notion of this book is, it will be difficult to come away from it without a respect for the author's thoroughness and insight. The common disparagements against Machiavelli are not well supported by the text unless you are willing to nitpick his arguments.

The book is a treatise on how a ruler should gain, manage, and preserve power. He describes the various types of temporal powers a ruler may hold, and he describes the strategies that he thinks are necessary to maintain it for a long time. The book is full of examples from the past and careful analysis of the successes and failures of those rulers. From these examples, he derives his laws of conduct which forms the bulk of the book.

He receives the most criticism for his "ends justify the means" morality. To this point, he gives his critics only limited ammunition, though. The goal of a ruler, he argues, is to maximize the happiness of his subjects. This means peace, stability, freedom, and high standards of living. A ruler cannot provide these things if he is weak or antagonistic towards his subjects. So Machiavelli is arguing for a strong head of state, not a terrible one. All actions should be aimed at increasing the common good, even if sometimes it requires performing seemingly evil deeds. An action that seems immoral at the time (executing a mild troublemaker) may actually be beneficial in the long run (establishing rule of law and stability). The key to being a ruler is to know how to wield power justly, even if the wielding of it seems immoral at times.

For someone of his time, he does not place his trust heavily in God. Instead he seems to hold fast to the platitude that God helps those who help themselves. This is probably what his critics were quickest to glom onto. He presents a new morality based on power and removes God from the equation totally.

Reading the book now in the middle of the 2008 presidential race is perfect timing. Reading Machiavelli's admonishons and exhortations and then comparing them to the actions of the various candidates, you can get a totally different perspective on the maneuverings of each candidate.

This book is a great short read at anytime, but right now is probably the best chance to see how the practical application of Machiavelli's theories works out. An easy 5 stars.

During this era of skyrocketing identity theft crimes, violence and death to innocent victims by stalkers, and government's tracking and monitoring of citizens' business, money and communication, Americans are seeking privacy for personal security and survival. Grant Hall writes on how to live an anonymous lifestyle in his new book, Privacy Crisis: Identity Theft Prevention Plan and Guide to Anonymous Living. And he should know. He used a non-traditional 'defense' to avoid a civil court case by disappearing for four years. A number of privacy tactics outlined in Privacy Crisis belong to Hall. I have never seen these in print-and I began reading privacy books prior to the publication of W.G. Hill's first PT book. Privacy Crisis may be the best book of its kind ever written.

According to Hall, privacy living is the answer to preventing identity theft. One can escape from a stalker or disappear-for any reason by using the information in Privacy Crisis. Alternate identification, renting and owning a home in secrecy, driving and working under the radar and establishing a clandestine communication and computer system are covered in detail. This book is thorough and complete and cites case histories and challenges the author of 'How to be Invisible' on the use of nominees.
Hall provides insight on anonymous banking, cashing checks privately, alternate name debit cards and provides a resource for obtaining a safe deposit box requiring no name or Social Security number. There's information on how to keep investments, property and businesses a secret. All of this can be accomplished in the U.S.A. of all places-a welcome change from the many books offering unrealistic, inconvenient, expensive, offshore remedies for domestic privacy problems.

I have completed Privacy Crisis and this book answered many questions about privacy and the challenges we face today.

Grant Hall has covered all of the important money privacy issues and it is possible to make your assets and money disappear through the application of the principles outlined in the book. And this can be done in the U.S.A. What a break from the other authors who guide readers toward offshore banks and advise giving control to others.

I appreciate the attention to detail. Obviously, Hall has walked where other privacy writers have never gone. I would highly recommend this book to those who fear their bank accounts will be stolen or seized by government agencies or others. Thorough, complete and worth the money many times over, Privacy Crisis will become a big deal in the arena of Privacy Reference books.

This book may be the greatest investment a person could make to escape the threats of stalkers, identity thieves or others who wish you harm.
Buy this book.

PRIVACY CRISIS was written by an author who has proved that through diligence, effort and a working knowledge of the system, one can have privacy in their life.

Grant Hall has opened new doors for those of us who previously believed that the road to financial privacy must be traveled by transferring assets to offshore 'havens' in an attempt to control our assets. In fact, Hall uses business resources that cater to the privacy seeker combined with knowledge of the financial system and negotiating skills to keep bank and brokerage funds hidden from those who may want to find them. Hall recommends using a company that rents safe deposit boxes without identification, tax i.d. or Social Security numbers-not even a name for those who want total secrecy. There's examples of cashing checks that leave no trail to the payee. Hold assets and property in total secrecy. These methods were eye openers for me.

I liken this book to an information enemy to the powers that want to control freedom loving Americans. Those who choose to become invisible to identity thieves, stalkers, private eyes can do it by practicing Hall's principles in PRIVACY CRISIS.

This is the best book on the subject I have read and I highly recommend it to those who desire personal privacy.

Personal privacy is under siege these days. Mine was first invaded when cyber-crooks drained my checking account in a single day. If you don't take steps to protect yours, it too will go up in smoke. For you, maybe it's when an obsessed former spouse or fan starts stalking you. Or the government--claiming "national security"--begins wiretapping your phone. Maybe it's when your employer snoops on all your emails, a gumshoe rifles through your credit files, or you have to supply your most personal information just to open a checking account or buy a home.

You don't have to give up your God-given privacy. Believe me, this book will tell you everything you'll ever need to know about how to protect it--whether in just one area, or an entirely anonymous lifestyle. This author knows his stuff. He's practiced everything he writes about. So his book is far in advance of other privacy books that just recycle armchair theories or even worse, suggest you do things that are outright illegal.

Protect your identity. Protect the privacy of your home and business transactions--your computer, phone, mail, travel, bank account, stored items, credit files, hard assets, and investments. One invasion of your privacy will cost you ten or a hundred times the price of this one-of-a-kind book.

I wish I'd known about it before they emptied my bank account.

It goes without saying that personal privacy is a rare commodity in America today. Identity theft has become the country's fastest growing crime. Con artists relentlessly target us while greedy lawyers and vengeful ex-spouses threaten to drain our bank accounts and assets. Our personal computers have become open doors into the most discreet corners of our lives. And that doesn't begin to address threats to our privacy from the government, eavesdropping employers, nosey snoops with hidden agendas, eavesdropping employers, and increasingly intrusive marketing-crazed companies.

Privacy Crisis is easily one of the best books on privacy ever written. Through his eye-opening inside perspective, as someone who evaded private investigators and attorneys for four years by living "below the radar," Grant Hall has brought us an authoritative how-to guide for the average American who wants to protect his or her privacy on an practical level. Far superior to the many theory-laden books on privacy, Privacy Crisis is a revealing step-by-step manual written by someone who has walked the walk. This book is required reading for anyone concerned about their personal and financial privacy in an ever-threatening society.

Phillip Townsend
International Consultant and Privacy Expert

About middle east arm goups this is the book that give historical valuable, especific, updated info and a broader outlook aboout the espectrum.

Profiles in terror is a well organized standard reference book for anyone who wants to study the subject of Middle Eastern terror.

I read a fair number of books on military history, foreign policy, current events and radical islam in the course of my work and personal interest. Most books on terrorist groups and movements either come across as laboriously-researched, dry analytical tomes or sensationalistic 'heat-of-the-moment' rush jobs where fiction and editorialization fill in the factual gaps. This book doesn't fall into either category.

From reading 'Profiles In Terror,' it is obvious that Mr. Mannes has a well-grounded understanding of the Middle Eastern and Islamist terrorist groups that he writes about. Furthermore, much of his public-sourced information is extremely well-documented and, if anything, is a great suggested reading list if you want to see the extremely fine minutiae regarding these groups. Furthermore, the information is presented clearly and in an interesting manner such that the book is useful for professionals, but not at the exclusion of the average reader's interest.

All of the 'major' groups are covered: al Qaeda, Hamas, Hezbollah, etc, but Mannes also takes the time to discuss groups that are relatively unknown to the public, such as Jemaah Islamiya, the Kurdistan Workers' Party (KDP) and Force 17, amongst others. In addition to the well-written and thorough chapter on the terrorist groups covered in the book, the author included separate resource listing for each group (extremely valuable). Mannes also lays out a very specific chronology of significant events and attacks for each group. And thankfully, unlike so many other contemporary books on current events, there is a VERY detailed index, itself 31 pages long.

This book is definitely worth picking up, whether your interest is professional or just personal curiosity.

This is a TOur De force in writing on terrorism. Many books purport to tell the 'inside' scoop on terrorist organizations, or try to give you some mammoth amount of info about each group, which is so impossible to digest, while other books try to 'balance' terrorism by showing hat 'all sides are terrorists'. But book gives you the straight dope, the who, the what and the how. From the leaders to the methods to the motives this is an insider's account. One will learn about the rise of Hamas, about the truth of Force 17 and about why George Habash is a Christian who turned to Communism. The only middling problem with this book is it cannot anticipate the terrorist of tomorrow. But it will remain the standard until the face of conflict changes.

Seth J. Frantzman

Middle East and U.S. national security expert, and former director of research for the Middle East Media Research Institute Aaron Mannes presents Profiles In Terror, a straightforward profile of twenty modern-day terrorist organizations operating in the Middle East and the regional groups affiliated with them. Including detailed descriptions of each group's ideology and objectives, history, leadership, organization, external relations, financial support networks, target and tactics, and much more, Profiles In Terror is filled with crucial information for anyone researching modern history, crucially interested in American security or striving to better understand the darker side of world politics. Highly recommended.

I wrote the review of Yalof's Pursuit of Justices for the New York Law Journal (December 10, 1999). Yalof describes how nominees for the Supreme Court were chosen during the Truman through Reagan pesidencies. His subject is novel, painstakingly examined and offered in a sustained, readable prose. His book deserves shelf space in libraries public and private. Its harvest of facts catches and holds one's attention, and is so full that no review can do its details justice. Of the seven presidencies, those covering Nixon and Reagan should be read first for sheer enjoyment at the site of a driven nomination process in high gear. The seventh chapter, an exposition of the forms and problems in nominee selection, is in itself a handbook that should be kept in the right hand drawer of a President's desk, its copies to be distributed among those humble Machiavellians who even now are laying long-term plans for their nominations.

This book details the selection process of Supreme Court nominees from 1945 to the present. The book focuses on the President and his decision process in selecting nominees. While there is solid analysis of the nominating process, the real value of this book is its inside historical narration of the nomination process. Overall the book is lucid and well written. For anyone interested in the Supreme Court this book is a must read.

Yalof has done a tremendous job on a very important subject, the process by which presidents select their Supreme Court nominees. He identifies the most widely used presidential approaches to the selection process, as well as isolating ten factors that have changed the modern day selection process.

Yalof then applies these broad factors to each of the nominations made to the Supreme Court since the Truman Administration. Of particular interest is his coverage of the Reagan nominees, especially Judge Bork.

Yalof's book would be a great one for an introductory class about the Supreme Court. Using tons of primary source material, it is a fascinating look into how and why presidents choose the Supreme Court nominees they do.

This fascinating and well-written piece will soon grace the desk of journalists and decisionmakers everywhere, as new spots inevitably open up on the nation's highest bench. Yalof's first work is a triumph of scholarship, storytelling, and insight.

I reviewed Yalof's Pursuit of Justices for the New York Law Journal (December 10, 1999). He describes how nominees for the Supreme Court were chosen during the Truman through Reagan presidencies. His subject is novel, painstakingly examined and offered in a sustained, highly readable prose. His book deserves shelf space in libraries public and private. Its harvest of facts catches and holds one's attention, and is so full that no review can do its details justice. Of the seven presidencies, those covering Nixon and Reagan should be read first for sheer enjoyment at the sight of a driven nomination process in high gear. The seventh chapter, an exposition of the forms and problems in nominee selection, is in itself a handbook that should be kept in the right hand drawer of a President's desk, its copies to be distributed among those humble Machiavellians who even now are laying long-term plans for their nominations. If you want to keep awake at night, read Yalof's description of how Nixon toyed with the idea of "sticking it" to the Democrats by nominating Senator Robert Byrd who had obtained his law degree while in the Senate and had never practiced law, and if that doesn't do it, try Nixon's consideration of vice president Spiro Agnew for appointment to the court.

NOT REALLY A FAN OF MILITARY HISTORY, BUT FOUND THE EARLY RELEASE ON THIS BOOK--LITERALLY IMPOSSIBLE TO PUT DOWN. IT WAS GREAT TO SEE FAMOUS PEOPLE IN HISTORY WIN BY THE CONTENT OF THEIR CHARACTER, NOT JUST BY THE COLOR OF THEIR MONEY OR TOYS !

WE SEE THE FAILURES OF CHARACTER EVERYWHERE TODAY, THIS WAS A BREATH OF FRESH AIR..

I never thought of reading about military history until I read this book! Gaebelein brilliantly uses stories of individuals to drive home the points he and Simmons make about character. Great for business travelers and families alike!

This is an excellent book, a must read for people in leadership positions. It provides a superb complement to Sun Tzu ("The Art of War"). The examples are far from what might be expected.

Excellent Book! This book is well written and a pleasure to read. The authors take a challenging topic--the value of good character--and very clearly demonstrate through historical examples the benefits of developing this foundation for good leadership. They use great examples that are intertwined and continuously reinforce the points being made. This is a compelling and inspiring book about leadership, not history.

Maybe if history was taught with this kind of flare in high school we all would have paid closer attention. However, the thrust of this book is not a history lesson but practical business advice that can be garnered from the success and failures of others in certain historical events. The one element that makes itself clear through this book (which is a quick read with some heavy thoughts) is that character is timeless and is what ultimately determines the success or failure of an individual or organization. "Character" is a useful book no matter what stage of your career you are in as it provides a look into common human characteristics that often confirm one's own findings or identifies potential shortcomings that may not be so visible. My only criticism is that some of the historical content can be hard to follow at times. The main value I see in this book is that it draws lessons from substance.

I write this after reading the morning paper about retaliatory attacks between Hamas inspired militants and the Israeli government that resulted in the deaths of innocent civilians on both sides. It is a too familiar and painful story over the past months and years. Decision makers on both sides of this divide would do well the take a few moments from their mutual distrust and animosity to read Mary Elizabeth King's new book, A Quiet Revolution. Painstakingly researched and gloriously written, it tells a story of hope for nonviolent change and documents the arduous journey of peace-seeking activists involved in the first Palestinian Intifada.

After an uplifting review of decisive moments across the span of human history in which nonviolent resistance yielded positive and even revolutionary change (and there are more examples than commonly meets the untutored eye), Mary King plunges into the little know story of repeated attempts by Palestinians to defend their rights using non-violent methods. Occurring during the decades following the Balfour Declaration, these courageous efforts occur against the backdrop of accelerating Palestinian armed resistance that echoed similar efforts on the other side. Her own profiles in courage and imagination include Mubarak Awad, Jonathan Kuttab and Gene Sharp who were among "the accoucheurs for the Palestinians' catalytic alterations in thinking on nonviolent struggle" during the decade of the 1980s and beyond. Completely unattached to the PLO, their peaceful insurgency sparked mobilization that eventually led to the first Intifada. She also points to the East Jerusalem and Ramallah activist intellectuals who struggled vainly against the predations of the PLO to keep the first Intifada from turning violent. As the story of this resistance unfolds, regrettably both sides contribute to the sad narrative of escalating violence. The author gives full expression to the hope for an alternative narrative reminding us again and again that it could have been different.

By documenting the advances achieved during the "non-violent" phase of the Intifada, and corollary movements around the world, Mary King's book forcefully reminds us of the potential durability of solutions that emerge from non-violent resistance. We have only to look around to conclude that resorting to violence doesn't work.

I think the press is slanted toward Israel and Mary Elizabeth King gives a very unbiased picture of the Israeli-Palestinian situation.

Mary Elizabeth King's book, A Quiet Revolution, presents a thorough, documented description of the first intifada (uprising) of Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza during the years of December 1987 through the late 1990's. It is a textbook on non-violence, really, and should be used in college courses on peace, non-violence, conflict resolution, etc.

I have been a close student of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict since the early 1960's, but I missed the significance of the Intifada. As King says, coordinated, non-violent resistance is hard to spot. It consists of a demonstration here, a sit-in there, a store closing in another location. Only a trained eye can see that there is a coordinated effort underway.

The book is full of stories of how the Palestinians coordinated their efforts. Such simple things as not observing the onset of daylight saving time (by setting watches ahead two weeks early) infuriated the soldiers who smashed watches that were not set at the correct time. Why? Because they are showing that they cannot be controlled. Leaflets announcing sit-ins were passed arm to arm during prayers when men are standing and kneeling arm-to-arm. The humanity and dignity of those who tried to bring their situation to the attention of the world is vividly described in this "must-read" book for anyone trying to understand the conflict in Israel and Palestine.

King, Mary Elizabeth. A Quiet Revolution: The First Palestinian Intifada and Nonviolent Resistance. New York: Nation Books, 2007.

This is an incredibly important book. The author details the overwhelmingly nonviolent first Palestinian Intifada (usually translated as "shaking off"). This is a quite thorough discussion that includes many interviews and archival research dating back to the 19th century. King employs theoretical discussions of nonviolent pioneers like Gandhi and Martin Luther King though she tends to employ a perspective developed by Gene Sharp (usually referred to as strategic nonviolence). She also develops ideas from Ernest Haas and Antonio Gramsci to explain the evolution and transference of nonviolent ideas and practices to the Occupied Territories. Given the dearth of scholarly or journalistic accounts of the nonviolent character of the first Palestinian Intifada, I suspect that quite a few readers will initially be skeptical. However, this book is very well researched.

Additionally, for those skeptical readers, I think that you will find the author's tone to be consistent with the nonviolent approach, primarily the notion that all human beings deserve respect (in this case Israeli and Palestinian). Further, she does not pull any punches and deals forthrightly with controversial issues like stone throwing and petrol bombs that were used in even during the most nonviolent phase of the Intifada.

Though the book includes significant and lengthy historical material as well as detailed discussions of the inner workings of various civil society organizations that developed during this period (1987-1990), the author does carry a strong argument: "the zenith, this phase produced the greatest and most enduring results of the uprising and lasted for more than two years, from January 1988 until March 1990, when leading figures were incarcerated" (296). In other words, the most nonviolent of this overwhelmingly nonviolent revolution was incredibly effective, resulting in significant political gains as well as the construction of a thriving civil society within the Occupied Territories. Though the gains of Oslo I and II were minimized over time as a result of Israeli backpedaling, the fact of the matter is that a few years of nonviolent activism were objectively more successful than decades of PLO advocacy of violent revolution.

King is also incredibly sensitive to Israeli fears. She concedes that it was Israeli fear that prohibited most Israelis from actually seeing that the first Intifada was not a movement to destroy Israel but rather a movement towards independence. In fact, one of the primary results of the Intifada was to reconcile a majority of Palestinians to the existence of Israel. Thus, the Intifada was waged against the occupation and against the PLO which was forced to concede acceptance of Israel in significant portions formerly Mandate Palestine.
King concludes with an epilogue that is both realistic and hopeful. She reinforces her earlier argument by indicating that further study of the development of a Palestinian civil society will benefit both Palestinians and Israelis. The nonviolent movement from 1987-1990 built institutions that have not been destroyed and there are leaders who have popular support among Palestinians who should be supported not jailed. As she says, the road to Israeli security lies through the creation of a Palestinian state and the road to a Palestinian state lies through a peaceful settlement with Israel.

Mary King has achieved an extraordinary feat. In A QUIET REVOLUTION she first demolishes the myth (especially popular among some academic experts on non-violent movements) that the first Palestinian intifada, or uprising (1987-1993), somehow wasn't "really" non-violent because of the iconic stone-throwing children. She demonstrates the strategic non-violence that in fact underpinned that movement, all the while recognizing that its mass popular character was an equally important feature. In doing so, King demonstrates how the breadth of that social mobilization - bridging class, gender, age, occupation, political views, factional affiliation -- made the first uprising so historically significant. And crucially, King understands, as so many observers of the photogenic intifada did not, that the real power of the uprising lay not in the children and teenagers challenging Israeli soldiers across the dusty streets of the occupied territories, but rather how it transformed and opened up Palestinian society itself. The very term, "intifada," refers less to direct resistance than to the notion of shaking up, or shaking out -- agitating and remixing sclerotic social relations.

Today, as Palestinians on the Gaza-Egypt border, those in the West Bank mobilizing non-violent direct action against Israel's Apartheid Wall and all those challenging the ever-encroaching expanexpansion of settlements, the lessons of the first intifada are more relevant than ever. We should all be grateful to Mary King for teasing out the lessons of history of that crucial time.

"Race to the Swift" is a sweeping review of military strategy, organization and logistics that has suffered little for being 15 years old. Yes, the NATO references are dated, but they in no way impact a core thesis that is even today ahead of its time. That said, this not an easy book to read; in spite of Simpkin's rather engaging, almost conversational writing style, the material is technical and dense. Moreover, given the comprehensiveness of the work, the reader will sometimes find himself or herself losing focus. However, if you are a student of military theory, and comfortable with the field, this is a book well worth the time it takes to read.

As one might imagine, "Race to the Swift" is a call for speed and stealth in military action. It's not just about technology, however; Simpkin goes to great lengths to examine political/home-front issues, logistics, and military hierarchy. Ultimately, though, these all serve as supporting evidence for his core argument: that the current heavy mechanized divisions of today are too slow in light of the incredible increase in available firepower on the modern battlefield. As an alternative, he calls for armored, stealthy, heliborne cavalry. Traveling in something akin to airborne tanks, capable of deploying on conventional tracks when necessary, these new formations would deploy off of submersible helicopter carriers. Obviously, this thinking is more revolutionary than evolutionary, some of it even smacks of science fiction, but the core validity of his argument, that an exponential increase in speed is called for, is undeniable.

Of particular note for the times we live in are the final few chapters, especially the last one. In them he examines what it means to "wage war" in the age of non-state actors. His arguments on the use of Special Forces backed by the appropriate application of conventional forces seems to have been borrowed wholesale by the planners of our operations in Afghanistan. Also very interesting is Simpkin's exploration of the legal language necessary to maintain the integrity of our western values in our post September 11th world.

In the end this is a work of immense value. As I said earlier, though, the reader has to be committed to taking something out of it. When you are, when you look past the Central European staging for the writing, you will find a work that is rich in both theory and practical application. The way in which it relates to our current situation is almost uncanny, and the guideposts it offers for the future are immensely valuable. I suspect that in the years to come we will hear many of Simpkin's ideas being revisited. The nation in general, and our leaders in particular would do well to pay them heed sooner rather than later.

Brigadier Simpkin in this work takes us to the cutting edge of battle asking for 3-D maneuver-capable "airmechanized" forces. These are forces that would have a combination flying aircraft and armored tank. This is still way ahead of its time as we are still struggling to get fixed and rotary-wing aircraft together with light tracked Armored Fighting Vehicles (AFVs) as the new book Air-Mech-Strike:3-Dimensional Phalanx by Dave Grange's group quotes Simpkin heavily. Simpkin is right though, we could create a LIGHT armored personnel carrier with rubber "band tracks" that could fold its rotors after flight if the same turbine engine that powered flight was geared to charge electric batteries/motors for silent stealthy operation--it would be a superb scout/recon machine that wouldn't have to burn fuel constantly to remain in a hover like today's scout helicopters, but could set down on the ground and revert to a less energing demanding ground vehicle operation. The entire Air/Land Fighting Vehicle would be made out of non-metallics and be radar-invisible. We could do this if we had the WILL in America to do great things, we certainly have the know-how (TECHNOLOGY) ; we only have to look at nature to see many types of flying insects that are dual ground/air movement capable. If we were to read Simpkin's book and allow ourselves to be re-inspired perhaps we could once again lead the way with conceptual greatness again in America.

THE RACE BELONGS TO THE SWIFT, BRIGADIER SIMPKIN!

This is one of the essential "middle ground" books in my lecture of core readings about strategy and force structure (see my list).

Brigadier Simpkin was one of the first, and is still among the best, to focus on the role that both C4I (command, control, communications, and intelligence) as well as rotary wing capabilities (including vertical short take off and landing) would play in placing eyes on target, boots on the ground, and in strategic, operational, and tactical mobility.

He notes that secret C4I is largely counterproductive.

He also focuses on the dramatic implications for force structure as well as intelligence of "out of area" (OoA) operations becoming the norm. The United States and the rest of the world are, for example, completely unprepared for no-notice asymmetric and tribal warfare in Africa, where the United Nations is trying to deal with five complex emergencies as this is written (Burundi, Congo, Ivory Coast, Liberia, and Sudan).

If you can get a copy used, go for it. Worth republishing.

First published in 1985, Brigadier Simpkin's book has a forward from General Donn Starry and another from MajGen Perry Smith,