Events Books

Dr. Hafez focuses in the intifada campaign of suicide bombing for his research on motives for suicide bombers. He outlined the motives of the organization's that prepare, support and dispatch the bomber as well as a different one that that of the bomber, which is analyzed. The community/ society motives for support the campaigns is also analyzed. Since I have read the majority of the reference use by the author, I need to say that his work is a valuable one for this issue, easily read, short and precise, and a likely and useful framework.

Knowledgeably written by Mohammed M. Hafez (Visiting Professor in the Department of Political Science at the University of Missouri, Kansas City) Manufacturing Human Bombs: The Making Of Palestinian Suicide Bombers is an insightful and chilling study of the Palestinian suicide bombers during the Al-Aqsa intifada that began in the year 2000 and continues to be a primary weapon among Islamic fundamentalists. Providing western readers with an in-depth understanding of the deaths, war, killings, and reasoning and rationale to these terrifying and seemingly indiscriminate attacks, Manufacturing Human Bombs creates an intricate detailing of Middle East mentality, lifestyle, honor, and progression of those who elect to become suicide bombers and those who elect to employ them. Manufacturing Human Bombs is very highly recommended reading to all students of the Middle Eastern culture, the suicidal extremes of the bombers themselves, the attitudes of the victimized society that breeds them, and the issues surrounding phenomena of suicide bombers in countries such as Iraq, Israel, Chechnya, and Afghanistan.

Knowledgeably written by Mohammed M. Hafez (Visiting Professor in the Department of Political Science at the University of Missouri, Kansas City) Manufacturing Human Bombs: The Making Of Palestinian Suicide Bombers is an insightful and chilling study of the Palestinian suicide bombers during the Al-Aqsa intifada that began in the year 2000 and continues to be a primary weapon among Islamic fundamentalists. Providing western readers with an in-depth understanding of the deaths, war, killings, and reasoning and rationale to these terrifying and seemingly indiscriminate attacks, Manufacturing Human Bombs creates an intricate detailing of Middle East mentality, lifestyle, honor, and progression of those who elect to become suicide bombers and those who elect to employ them. Manufacturing Human Bombs is very highly recommended reading to all students of the Middle Eastern culture, the suicidal extremes of the bombers themselves, the attitudes of the victimized society that breeds them, and the issues surrounding phenomena of suicide bombers in countries such as Iraq, Israel, Chechnya, and Afghanistan.

Knowledgeably written by Mohammed M. Hafez (Visiting Professor in the Department of Political Science at the University of Missouri, Kansas City) Manufacturing Human Bombs: The Making Of Palestinian Suicide Bombers is an insightful and chilling study of the Palestinian suicide bombers during the Al-Aqsa intifada that began in the year 2000 and continues to be a primary weapon among Islamic fundamentalists. Providing western readers with an in-depth understanding of the deaths, war, killings, and reasoning and rationale to these terrifying and seemingly indiscriminate attacks, Manufacturing Human Bombs creates an intricate detailing of Middle East mentality, lifestyle, honor, and progression of those who elect to become suicide bombers and those who elect to employ them. Manufacturing Human Bombs is very highly recommended reading to all students of the Middle Eastern culture, the suicidal extremes of the bombers themselves, the attitudes of the victimized society that breeds them, and the issues surrounding phenomena of suicide bombers in countries such as Iraq, Israel, Chechnya, and Afghanistan.

Knowledgeably written by Mohammed M. Hafez (Visiting Professor in the Department of Political Science at the University of Missouri, Kansas City) Manufacturing Human Bombs: The Making Of Palestinian Suicide Bombers is an insightful and chilling study of the Palestinian suicide bombers during the Al-Aqsa intifada that began in the year 2000 and continues to be a primary weapon among Islamic fundamentalists. Providing western readers with an in-depth understanding of the deaths, war, killings, and reasoning and rationale to these terrifying and seemingly indiscriminate attacks, Manufacturing Human Bombs creates an intricate detailing of Middle East mentality, lifestyle, honor, and progression of those who elect to become suicide bombers and those who elect to employ them. Manufacturing Human Bombs is very highly recommended reading to all students of the Middle Eastern culture, the suicidal extremes of the bombers themselves, the attitudes of the victimized society that breeds them, and the issues surrounding phenomena of suicide bombers in countries such as Iraq, Israel, Chechnya, and Afghanistan.

Title is misleading. Trotsky tries to point out how the state reacts to individual terrorism (political assasinations). His condemnation of terrorism by both the state and those who call themselves from the left is a wonderful reader.

This collection of articles by Russian revolutionary leader Leon Trotsky is an important contribution to the discussion on how to fight against an inhumane and brutal ruling order. It discusses the social roots of terrorism, and argues strongly that it is an obstacle to developing the organized leadership necessary for millions of toilers to take destiny in their own hands and transform society for the good of all humanity. Trotsky bases his observations on the long history of terror in Czarist Russia, and counterposes it to the successful mass revolutionary struggle led by the Bolsheviks that did topple the Czarist regime, established a workers and peasants government and overthrow capitalism.

This pamphlet also includes two articles from the 1930s. One explains why Trotsky and other revolutionary opponents of the Stalinist dictatorship that developed in the Soviet Union did not resort to terror. Another discusses Herschel Grynszpan, a Jewish youth who assassinated a Nazi official in Paris in 1938. Trotsky identifies with the emotions that led to Grynzspan�s act and calls for workers protests to stop the French government from executing him. But he argues �to all those capable of self-sacrifice in the struggle against despotism and bestiality: Seek another road! Not the lone revolutionary avenger but only a great revolutionary mass movement can free the oppressed.�

Other valuable writings by Trotsky on this question include: �How the Workers in Austria Should Fight Hitler,� �Individual Terror and Mass Terror,� and �A Revolutionary, not a Terrorist� all from Writings of Leon Trotsky, 1935-36. See also, Their Morals and Ours and History of the Russian Revolution, by Trotsky, and The Changing Face of U.S. Politics, by Jack Barnes.

Most people are concerned with finding eternal truths. Certainly preservation of the only form of intelligent life we know of is a noble aim, in other words the survival of our species. Yet something horrible happened in human history about six thousand years ago, and we became "a house divided against ourselves." And as long as society remains unjust, rebels who fight for freedom and equality will be defending ourselves against slanders of violence. Real revolutionaries abhor and denounce indiscriminant terrorism, because it is both immoral and counterproductive. September 11, 2001, was a classic case in point. Even though the choice of targets laid bare the World Trade Center and the Pentagon as monuments to ruthless avarice and violence, such acts do nothing whatsoever to unite or mobilize the exploited in their own liberation. But they DO however immediately mobilize the exploiters to deepen oppression and violence: Kabul was bombed that same night, and both Afghanistan and Iraq were devastated by wars, and the White House frantically scours for its next target. Trotsky denounced the grotesque hypocrisy of those who sermonize pacifism to the exploited while managing to not notice that the wealthy employ us to kill each other to protect their ownership of resources and manufacturing. Consider this book as a companion to Trotsky's pamphlet, Marxism and Terrorism, with a cogent explanation on why individual terrorism relegates workers to the role of spectators while opening their movement to provocation and victimization.

... This collection of essays by one of the leading revolutionaries of the 20th century provides a much-needed critical perspective on terrorism. Not from a moralizing point of view, but to show that by relying on individual �heroic� acts of violence like assassinations of government leaders, terrorist tactics ignore and devalue the masses of people as the most important agent of their own liberation. Though his examples are drawn from Hapsburg Austria, Tsarist Russia and Nazi Germany, when you read his words, you can easily see the relevance to liberation struggles taking place today from Palestine to Ireland to the Philippines. I especially like the way that Trotsky sympathizes with the hatred of the gross injustice that breeds terrorism, but at the same time explains that individual terrorist tactics are doomed to fail.

In "Marxism and Terrorism," Trotsky disparages people (mostly Anarchists) who seek to bring about the revolution prematurely by staging acts of "terrorism" such as assassinations of factory-owning capitalists and local politicians, or the bombing of factories. He says that such actions only move public opinion in favor of the capitalists, while the assassinated persons are easily and quickly replaced, and the oppressive social system itself remains largely unaffected. In Trotsky's own words, here is the situation which follows from an overt terrorist attack by an angry member of the working class: "The smoke from the explosion clears away, the successor of the murdered minister makes his appearance, life again settles into the old rut, the wheel of capitalist exploitation turns as before; only police repression grows more savage and brazen" (p. 10). Trotsky's perspective--which is also, in this case, Marx's--is that history is inevitably moving toward communism all on its own. The more the workers are exploited, the greater will be the number of people who side with them. Eventually, according to Marx and Trotsky, worker exploitation will become so bad that a critical mass of the people will see the "true face" of the for-profit economic system, and will take over the state in order to put in place a different economic system where everyone has ownership. Trying to speed up this inevitable historical occurrence by staging small-scale terrorist attacks is not just ineffective, but actually counterproductive, says Trotsky.

Probably the most striking thing about these writings, for me, was the realization of just how badly original Marxist thought has been distorted by the Latin American revolutionaries, beginning with Castro and Guevara. When you read this, it's almost as if Trotsky is speaking out directly *against* these groups, albeit 40+ years before they ever came to exist! The Latin American theory of GPP ("Prolonged Popular War") and Guevara's theory of FOCO warfare were both built on the idea that a tiny group of determined Marxist individuals can successfully foment a revolution. How? By taking to the countryside and staging hit-and-run attacks on government outposts (which is in fact exactly what was done by Castro's Cuban rebels). But such attacks almost perfectly fit Trotsky's definition of "terrorism," which as already noted he thought to be entirely counterproductive.

In a single twenty minute sitting, this tiny volume really helped to consolidate all that I've learned about Marx and Marxism over the past couple of months. I *highly* recommend it as a starting point for the student of history who is interested in understanding Marxism (which every student of history should be). It may be the best $3.50 I've ever spent on a book!

Edited to add: another book you should check out for concise exposition of radical political theories such as socialism and anarchism is The Great Political Theories, Vol. 2, by Michael Curtis. It's succinct and it's only $7.99 on Amazon. It's also considered somewhat of a classic for introducing undergraduate students to political philosophy. And a free online resource that is great for introducing Anarchism is the Anarchist FAQ (just google "Anarchist FAQ" and you'll see it, it's published by over a hundred different websites).

. I recommend this book for his discussions of the media and of advertising--his critique of AOL is worth the price of admission alone.
. When Radford is addressing the press, he's right on. As he accurately points out, the media's efforts to keep the populace worked up and scared yields some untoward results, for example, fear legislation. He's right on the money.
. His crusade, that we as Americans are lacking critical thinking skills, is an accurate assessment. But when he addresses matters of science and law, he's sometimes off the mark. Although he labels himself as a skeptic, it seems much of his approach is that of the modern American cynic--if you can attribute an action to base motives, then you must be right.
. On matters of law, I wish he and other writers would understand that the making of a claim, or even the filing of a lawsuit, is evidence of nothing beyond the claimant or counsel could afford the filing fee. A court judgment means something. A settlement sometimes does and sometimes doesn't. But filing a complaint means nothing.

I have to be honest, I don't watch a lot of news programs. I don't watch my local news nor the endless parade of talking heads that work the 24 hour news desk on any of the big cable news channels. There is a good reason for this . . .I was able to recognize much of what Ben Radford mentions in his book - cross pollination of products and their producers, advertising disguised as news, and that not all experts are as objective as they should be.
While Ben writes about the problems in the journalism and advertising trades, there is also the suggestion that the integrity and objectivity we desrve from the media at large will only be offered if we demand it.

Written in the spirit of Vance Packard and Ralph Nader, Ben Radford delivers a blistering critique of the subtle media forces that vie for our hearts, minds and wallets. Acerbic and witty, this is a provocative, engaging book that would be ideal for college media classes.

Robert E. Bartholomew, Ph.D.

By far one of the most useful books to be published in recent years, Media Mythmakers provides essential information that all people, especially those living within the USA, should arm themselves with.

The media is a powerful force in our lives - in our thoughts, our beliefs and most importantly, our actions. Radford examines this force with a critical and objective eye, dissecting its elements and penetrating the motivations, meanings, and effects it has upon civilization. Even the most cynical reader may be horrified by what Radford uncovers. Fascinating examples are provided throughout this well-written book. Best of all, however, are the realistic solutions for change.

As an editor, Radford is more than qualified to examine this realm and he does so with great skill. I was happy to discover that the book was extraordinarily well organized and written. I can see it used as a basis for many high school and university courses in journalism, communication and critical thinking. In an improved world, it might also be used by activists, media professionals, decision-makers, politicians - even concerned parents and students of life.

The reader is left with a media literacy that will serve them well throughout life and is necessary in our time. I highly recommend this book to one and all.

The fourth estate is supposed to expose nonsense in the public interest, but in this book, Radford exposes how the media itself purveys nonsense, betraying its contract with the American people.

Should be required reading for everyone -- arms you with the weapons you need to defend yourself from the daily onslought of error, half-truth, and ratings-pandering fake news.

There are hundreds of examples in this well-researched book of how the media distorts facts and displays its bias (not liberal or conservative, per se, but a coporate bias that panders to viewers who want spectacle, not facts).

Not since Neil Postman has there been a media critic who is so on the side of the critical thinker and so incisive in his critiques of the power of the media.

Highly recommended.

On March 15, 1979, General João Baptista Figuereido assumed power as the fifth military president of Brazil and extended an amnesty for all political crimes, both by state security agents and by opponents to the regime. While this amnesty assured there would be no trials for human rights abusers, ironically, it provided an opportunity for the most serious movement to challenge the practice of torture by the regime itself, that of the Brasil Nunca Mais project. It is the story of this project that Lawrence Weschler narrates in the first half of this book. Weschler explains how, during a very limited period of access, the members of the Brasil Nunca Mais project team were able to photocopy the carefully catalogued archives of the Supreme Military Court in order to make them public to the world. They filled a void in Brazil in taking up activities that the state never would- mainly that of telling the truth about this dark period in Brazilian history. Of course, the resulting report, Brasil Nunca Mais, speaks for itself. But Weschler's account of how it came to be is illuminating and as relevant today as when it was first published. It is particularly poignant that only recently, in November of 2005, did the Brazilian government move to declassify dictatorship-era files. Perhaps this signals that the Brazilian government is willing to fully engage with the legacies of the dictatorship, but for the time being Weschler's book offers one of the few windows on this shameful past.

The section on Uruguay is also thoroughly engaging and recounts all the anxieties of a citizen-initiated campaign to bring former torturers to justice. Weschler's skillful eyewitness accounts make the reader feel as if the petition drive were happening right now, as opposed to two decades ago.

A Miracle, A Universe is a thoroughly well-researched and thoughtful contribution to general human rights literature and should be read by anyone with an interest in social movements and human rights activism, not just those with an interest in Latin America.

Considering myself to be a young leftist, I had just read Michael Moore's books "Stupid White Men and Dude, Wheres my country?". Of course this was childs play to real writings and i decided to up myself a level. Being born in Australia of Uruguayan parents and living in Uruguay for a few years I already had some base knowledge on the tortures and dissapearences across Latin-America, this book told me more than I could of ever imagined. It opened my eyes to the reality of the situation and just how much the Brasilian and Uruguayan people had suffered, as well as all those other people who faced horrible fates at the hand of dictatorships. The author is completely nuetral and criticises both sides accordingly. This book was the turning point in my life, having always been one of those people that say, "I cant read books, i get to the 5th page and im bored". Now I read them by the dozen, my thirst for knowledge is unstoppable and i owe it to this book. Upon completion I had many emotions flowing through me, but one true desire overpowered them all...then and there I swore to do everything in my power to end these kind of abuses.

This book reads like a work of journalism. It was good because it explained the economic and social conditions that spawn totalitarian regimes and military takeovers. Very good bibliography if you want to further your study. Good Interviews. Very Thorough and Fair. More than I would have been. Names, Dates, and the history behind the story is always given.

An incredible book that describes a few horrific cultures of dictatorship that will hopefully be forever unrecognizable to people in the United States. The most fascinating parts of the book are the theories of how the dicatorships came to be (the Tupamaros in Uruguay and the backlash of the military, etc.); even more incredible is how the leaders of the respective dictatorships stayed in power out of necessary compromises with the government(some are still in power, which will be difficult to swallow after reading this book). It is, in the end, a hopeful book with a warning: "¡Nunca más!" The book asks "how do you come to terms with those that tortured?" (especially in the incredible situation of passing someone who tortured you in the street, described by someone in the book) Another point the author makes is that there can be forgiveness after such horror, and if there's not there may just be more torture. A very worthwhile read, but not for the squeamish.

Lastly, the book provides a good introduction to a much neglected country: Uruguay. There are very few accounts in English of Uruguay, and this is probably the best I've seen. I have also visited Uruguay; it is a fascinating country and well worth a visit. You get a real appreciation for the friendliness of the people after reading what a lot of them went through during "la dictadura."

This is a magnificent book about a terrible subject. From the sixties through till the mid-Eighties, almost the entire continent of South America fell under the sway, or rather the boot, of military dictatorship. The dictatorships were, without exception but with varying degrees of vigour, active in torturing political prisoners. Weschler does a masterful job in describing the various forces that contributed to the overthrow of democracy throughout the Southern cone (not the least of which was American insistence on training Southern militaries and police forces in counter-insurgency in the hope that Castro's example would not spread further south), but the book's focus is not only the depravities of the two regimes -- Brazil and Uruguay -- but on the efforts of survivors of torture and imprisonment to make their oppressors see and recognise their evils.

The first section, 'A miracle, a universe' recounts the incredible efforts that went into collating and publishing the account Brasil: Nunca Mais (Brazil: Never Again), a book which set forth the policies of systematic torture and denial of due process practiced by Brazil's dictators. The truly remarkable aspect of the work was that all the material was obtained from the regime's own archives, over a period of several years, and at great personal risk to the authors. It's an inspiring story, and one that demonstrates the power of the written word.

The second and longer part of the book, 'The reality of the world', centres of the efforts of a committe in Uruguay to call those accused of torture during the country's decade-plus period of military dictatorship to account. In an effort to hasten reconciliation (or so they claimed), the civilian government declared an amnesty for those imprisoned for subversion under the old regime; later this amnesty was extended to those who tortured their political enemies. A group of concerned citizens began an exhausting referendum campaign to put the second amnesty to a vote. Weschler makes their task as exciting as a Hollywood thriller, without ever losing sight of the horror and tragedy which had been their inspiration. It's a beautifully structured, patient, and gorgeously written piece of work. An afterword makes some more general claims about the need to speak up on the subject of torture. 'The scream that comes welling out of the torture chamber is thus double -- the body calling out to the soul, the self calling out to others -- and in both cases, it goes unanswered. Torture's stark lesson is precisely that enveloping silence: it aims to take that silence and introject it back into its victim, to replace the flame of subjectivity with an abject, hollow void.' It is through reading books like Weschler's, and discussing and acting on his suggestions and the example of those in Brazil and Uruguay and elsewhere, that this silence can be partly drowned out. The book deserves -- indeed, demands -- a wide readership.

Dunbar Ogden's entire family was deeply effected by the stand he took in Little Rock. As a pastor's wife, I was particularly inspired by the courage of his wife, Dorothy. Having met her years later, I am convinced that this experience made her all the more effective in her own ministry, as she could genuinely empathize with those in ministry - and in fact, all walks of life - who have suffered injustice and persecution, both within and outside the church. I would highly recommend this book!

This is a profound book. I found myself writing the author to thank him--for sharing this story and this part of our history; for sharing so intimately of his father's life and the choices he made (I am inspired by his faith and actions); for exposing the realities behind the headlines and the snippets of history that were in our history books; for sharing his own journey; and overall for writing such an important book.

Essential reading for anyone interested in this dark chapter of the civil rights movement. The book is based on thorough research into personal and public files and on personal memories. The argument is spellbinding at three levels: 1)an account of precisely what happened when Orville Faubus tried to defy the federal law; 2)a highly sympathetic account of the support by the Presbyterian (white) pastor Dunbar H. Ogden for the nine students attempting to register at the school; and 3)a deeply moving account by Ogden's son, a renown theater historian, concerning his own search for understanding after fifty years. The book is a superb success.

Well written and gripping, this true story is one of the most interesting books I have ever read.

This is one of the most needed books for students today. The collaboration between unlikely allies and their story is just what students today need to read to be able to have strong examples of unity in times of important social and political growth. As a school librarian, I find this a must in my library not only for students but as a vital resource for teachers. We still have a tremendous amount of segregation in our schools today.This book is just the tool we need to revisit this issue and reflect on our committment to social justice.

I use this book to teach the youth at our church...it is a great asset!

This book walks you through the streets of Jerusalem in the time of Jesus and helps you to appreciate what family and social and cultural life was like. You also get to walk with the apostle Paul through the streets of Ephesus and Colosse.

But the sections of the book that really opened my eyes was learning about life in Ur of the Chaldees and in Haran where Abram and his family relocated before God called him to leave his father's household to the place where he would show him.

Howard Vos writes in a clear and engaging style that will hold the attention of the pastor and the layperson hungry for more knowledge of the biblical world. I give it my highest recommendation.
Rev. Marc Axelrod

Have you ever read the Bible and wondered why a character did or said something a certain way or why certain events took place the way they did? Like, for instance, why did Ruth lay beside Boaz's feet on the threshing floor or why did Matthew become a tax collector, and why was he so despised? Learning the cultural significance of certain things enriches one's Bible study. If you are not one to just read the Bible, but are dedicated to serious and in-depth Bible study, then this book is a must-have. Knowing the backstory of the people in the Bible lands of Mesopotamia, Syria, Egypt, etc., their cultural habits, and the way they lived their daily lives helps to illuminate the scriptures. For example, in the 4th chapter of the Book of John when Jesus has a conversation with the Samaritan woman, we know by the woman's statement that there was tension between Jews and Samaritans for the woman was surprised that Jesus asked her for a drink of water since the "Jews have no dealings with Samaritans." However, the text doesn't go into detail about why this tension exists, but referencing Nelson's Bible Customs and Manners will tell you that because the Samaritans were taken captive by the Assyrians, they intermarried and adopted many pagan beliefs leading to enmity between the Samaritans and the Jews. This book is an invaluable resource for learning not only the customs and manners of certain groups, but it also presents exciting articles about the political landscape, wars and captivity, socio-economic conditions, how different cultures evolved, and the impact all of this had on God's people and His purposes. It is not laid out in dictionary format; it's more encyclopedic and has a wonderful and comprehensive index. Also, the photographs are very useful and very well-placed throughout the book. This book will certainly help to increase your understanding and appreciation of the Bible.

A real good reference work. I also have this on my LOGOS program and go to this material often. In my future as a full time student I see many times of going back to this material. Highly recommend this not only in the students library but in any one serious about biblical studies.

An appreciation of the history, political climate, trends, and just plain way of life of persons and generations of the times of the Bible is important in the understanding of the potence of the main thrust of it. One needs to ensure that he/she is taking everything within context and divine guidance in his/her quest to understand the Bible with a derived main motive of being more of an accurate servant to God.

Although the Bible can be understood by itself in itself through careful and patient study with humility and guidance, this book is - in my opinion - is an adequate assistant. It goes through the history and meanings of customs as well as the politics and rules of the land. It has accurate maps and drawings and even gives evidence based on secular history of biblical content.

If you are a student or considering purchasing a gift for such a student of the Bible - I say that this would be appropriate.

Ireland's history is a violent one and, as Fulbright Fellow Carol Daugherty Rasnic shows in this book's first chapter, this is not only true for the 20th century but dates back at least to the island's 1169 Norman conquest - and actually, even further, as the Viking invasion of the 8th, 9th and 10th centuries consisted of a series of rather aggressive campaigns as well. The difference, however, was that despite these bloody beginnings the Viking colonists were eventually absorbed into Irish culture and daily life; contributing thereto rather than continuing their attempts at its suppression. Conversely, throughout much of Ireland's subsequent history, suppression was the preferred method of government of both the Normans and their British descendants; who brought in English settlers not to cultivate the island together with their Irish neighbors but to drive those out, thus sowing the seeds of the hatred still plaguing its society today, and no more so than in the six provinces still constituting British-controlled Northern Ireland, after the ill-famed 1920 Partition which eventually brought independence to the island's southern part.

Inseparably linked to nationality was, particularly from the times of Henry VIII on, the issue of religion; the English settlers being Protestants belonging to the Church of England/Ireland, while the vast majority of the Irish hung on to their Catholic faith; thus suffering discrimination not only on the basis of their nationality but also that of their religious beliefs. Tracing the multiple facets of today's division to their historic origins, Professor Rasnic shows how the identification as "Catholic" and "Protestant" has long come to exceed a mere religious denomination, mixing with everything from a person's stance towards the British administration of Northern Ireland to his or her national/ethnic origin, area of residence and social environment; to the point that the religious label is used even by those who have little to no spiritual connection to the church whose faith they claim as their own.

In the eight chapters following the book's initial historic overview, the author takes an in-depth look at the major issues dominating contemporary Northern Ireland life and politics, from ethnic strife and the (particularly: "Orange," i.e. unionist) parades, apt to newly ignite the fires of hatred every summer, to issues of governance, the release of prisoners convicted of terrorist acts, "decommissioning" (i.e., disarmament of the paramilitary groups active on both sides of the conflict), the position of the police and the administration of (criminal) justice, human rights and instances of persisting discrimination, and finally, the sectarianism in the province's schools, threatening to perpetuate the existing divide for a long time to come. Particular emphasis is given to the terms and effects of the so-called Good Friday Agreement, the April 10, 1998 agreement between Northern Ireland's major political parties and the governments of Ireland and Great Britain designed to bring an end to the province's "Troubles."

Although the book is subtitled "An American Legal Perspective," this is by no means the work of an outsider: Professor Daugherty Rasnic herself is the daughter of Irish immigrants on both parents' sides, and prolonged stays in both Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland have intimately acquainted her with an island which, quite obviously, is not merely her ancestors' home but an inseparable part of her own identity as well. A lawyer by training, she moreover brings to the subject the analytical skills necessary to digest problems as intricate as those ravaging the province of Northern Ireland; and her interest in and experience with the American civil rights movement provides for a truly unique perspective, enabling her to not only put the Northern Irish situation into a larger European context but also draw comparisons to similar issues of racial strife and discrimination in the U.S.

Aware that the issues she addresses - particularly with regard to the legal aspects of the Good Friday Agreement - may well have the effect of a strong barbiturate on her non-lawyer readership, the author apologizes for having to address matters which "only a constitutional [law] purist could love." Quite unnecessarily so, however, as she does a marvelous job in explaining a set of highly complex questions of constitutional and international law which, I am sure, are confusing to many lawyers as well. Moreover, Professor Rasnic's manifold comments, anecdotes relating to her own experience and sections entitled "A Personal Perspective" provide a truly personal tone; while scholarly in its overall approach to the subject and dedication to detail, the book nevertheless reads more like a conversation with the author, reflecting much of her doubtlessly vivacious nature, passion, empathy and sense of humor - humor even in the face of adversity proving her yet again, as cliche (and maybe not just that) would have it, a true daughter of Irish parents.

In addition to all its other merits, this book also benefits from its author's easy access to over twenty principals and other individuals involved in the Northern Irish peace process, from then-First Minister David Trimble and Police Chief Constable Ronnie Flanagan to Northern Ireland Assembly members of virtually all political colors (with the notable exception of the Rev. Ian Paisley, whose camp seems to have been the only one to adopt an obstructionist attitude), judges, attorneys, clergymen, social workers and professors at various universities; all of who add their own insight and perspective on the "Troubles," and whose comments are faithfully reported; in many instances verbatim.

Professor Daugherty Rasnic concludes her analysis with the words of Irish poet William Butler Yeats: "I have spread my dreams under your feet. Tread softly because you tread on my dreams." Like the great poet's words, her book expresses the hope that, one day, Northern Ireland may find a lasting way out of its "Troubles" (and no doubt, she is watching the province's recent political developments with a certain sense of trepidation). With this book, she has made a contribution of her own to the search for such a path - and I have a feeling that it will not have been the only one.

Also recommended:
The Making of Ireland: A History
Battle of the Boyne 1690
Irish Freedom: The History of Nationalism in Ireland
1916: The Easter Rising
A Memoir
Michael Collins
Eyewitness Bloody Sunday: The Truth
The Crying Game (Collector's Edition)
Cal
In the Name of the Father

I have read many different types of books over the past 60 years, but this book is by far the best, fiction or nonfiction alike. Professor Rasnic has accomplished what many authors wish they had accomplished, by giving the legal perspective in a human and many time humerous way, makes for easier reading for those of us who may not always understand legaleaze. This book in my estimation should be on the required reading list for anyone who wishes to understand the legal aspects and history of American and Irish similarities during the same periods in time.

Northern Ireland: Can Sean And John Live In Peace? An American Legal Perspective by Carol Daugherty Rasnic (Professor of Employment and Labor Law, Virginia Commonwealth University, Richmond, Virginia) is an impressively researched and presented study of the conflict in Northern Ireland, including the religious and political forces that drive it, as well as the law and the legal system as a means to deal with what the Irish called "the troubles". A thoughtful, exhaustive, scholarly inquiry, Northern Ireland is a sober and informative account and a very welcome contribution to academic International Studies modern reference collections concerned with global issues and conflicts in general, and Contemporary Irish Political History reading lists in particular.

The world has too many Northern Irelands, and most of the time we form our opinions from some politcal ideology we have, or some news report or TV program. What we really need to be honestly informed about these "trouble spots" such as the Middle East or Kashmire or Ireland is to read a well reserched and well written book like Carol D. Rasnic work. She has certainly paid her dues and told us about something she has studied and live in for many years.And most important, she has not taken sides.

This book allows the American reader to gain insight into the true nature of what Irish call "The Troubles".

The conflict between Catholic and Protestant factions is viewed from the perspective of a American woman. Her experience with segregation in the American South enabled her to understand the cultural and economic factors that divide these groups.

Her insight clarifies the fact that this is not simply a religious issue. It is one of long standing cultural and economic differences between all factions.

I found this book to be an invaluable aid in understanding the complex and difficult social hostilities that afflict these people of a common background.

Professor Rasnic has spent a great deal of time in Northern Ireland and the Irish Republic. Her contacts with officials, politicians, clerics, and most of all, the Irish citizens gives her a special perspective. This was an enjoyable and educational read.

I read this book along with several others on Abe Lincoln and the Civil War. It provided additional facts from another view on secession and the Constitutional right to secession. I enjoyed it and would recommend a buy.

I was required to memorize the Constitution of the United States as well as that of the state of Illinois and the State of Arkansas before graduating eighth grade. This was a bit of a refresher course for me, though I keep a copy of the Constitution in my desk. I had always maintained that nothing in the Constitution forbade secession and when a student in Illinois, was called "secesh" for my simple and irrefutable argument. My family were Unionist Arkansans and Georgians but were, upon reflection mistaken. Lincoln trashed the Constitution as has every administration since that time. The South had the legal right to secede and exercised that right. The Confederacy offered to compensate the US government for improvements on their territory but were never heard by President Lincoln. It seems quite apparent that Lincoln was the direct cause of the worst war in US history and contrary to my earlier belief was more sinner than saint in the business. The first two thirds of the book makes a Constitutional case for secession as a right reserved to the states. I simply can't argue with that and can't find any provision in the Constitution declaring the Union eternal or secession illegal. It seems that the states formed the Union and had every right to depart from it.

The last part of the book deals with violations of the Constitution on the part of President Lincoln. There was not only inconsistency and violation of the Constitution which Lincoln had sworn to uphold but there was the logical inconsistency of saying that states never left the Union but in some sense must be readmitted to the Union. If they never left, how would they be required to be readmitted? It goes downhill from there to all sorts of violations of the civil rights of people both North and South.

Unfortunately, such has been the pattern of the federal government ever since. Perhaps it was right to free the slaves. I would ask was it right to violate the rights and therefore enslave all Americans as a result of the illegal suspension of habeas corpus or the other violence done to the rule of law by Lincoln? My perception of the man has changed from almost hero-worship to revulsion.

I have thoroughly checked references in this book before commenting. I even questioned the quality of the references and found all but one to be reliable. The one I could not verify was due to lack of time.

~One Nation, Indivisible? A Study of Secession and the Constitution~ is a fascinating overview of the constitutional issue of secession in the context of American constitutionalism. Hawes offers a sweeping point-by-point refutation of the unitary nationalist doctrines of Joseph Story and Daniel Webster. He also makes light of Webster's conflicting stance as he affirmed the right of state interposition at the Hartford Convention, and later reaffirmed the compact theory of the Union tacitly at his Capon Springs speech in the 1850s. Hawes offers an astute defense of the doctrine of secession, which was affirmed in express terms by three states in the state ratifying conventions of the late 1780s. In the most express terms, the founding fathers denied that the general government of the United States had any right whatsoever to coerce a sovereign state. Such naked coercion was diametrically opposed to the principle of rule by consent of the governed.

What this book does is manifest the illegality of the United States government under the Lincoln administration in the 1860s. Prior to Lincoln's election, the general government controlled by northern majority aggravated the continuance of the Union by pursuing a course of irrational tax policy which compelled southern secession. The Union was not founded on the principles of the inviolability of the national sovereignty, but on popular sovereignty and rule by the consent of the governed. Nearly two centuries after the adoption of the Constitution, the United States' fortieth President Ronald Reagan could proclaim, "[T]he Federal Government did not create the States; the States created the Federal Government." That probably explains why Reagan said he would belonged to the other party had he lived in the mid-nineteenth century too.

This book is a nice supplement to Thomas DiLorenzo's book, and much more meticulous in examining the constitutional issues behind the secession issue. It offers a two-pronged defense of the actions of the Confederate States of America and a defense of the constitutional doctrine of state secession in general. I highly recommend it.

This book was the first I found in my look for books based on the politics of secession and while I haven't quite finished it, it is quite excellent and should be read by any serious student of politics.

This is a most intriguing book which debunks many of the myths surrounding Lincoln, an easy read, easy to follow and most thought provoking.

In his new book, `The Opinion Makers', David Moore seeks to answer several questions related to national media polls including: (1) what does it mean when the pollsters present conflicting numbers during election campaigns, and between elections when reporting on attitudes toward proposed or controversial public policies? (2) Are the polls biased? (3) Whose interests do the pollsters serve? (4) Can pollsters' findings be trusted to represent what people are really thinking? Through his significant experience as a managing editor for a prominent national polling organization and his expertise developed by conducting research and teaching in a Political Science department at a major university, the author is uniquely qualified to answer these questions.

For two major reasons, Moore advances the explosive accusation that America's democracy is being undermined by the national media polls. First, he believes that the media polls frequently distort or completely mischaracterize public opinion in regard to both voter preferences during election campaigns and respondent attitudes in regard to proposed or existing public policies. Second, the author thinks that media polls manufacture, rather than just report, public consensus on policy issues. He supports these contentions through a myriad of specific examples and illustrations including the use of survey questions that contain (1) prejudicial labeling or wording, (2) forced respondents choices and/or ruling out `no opinion' or `don't know' responses, (3) order in which possible responses are presented, and (4) bias-producing question introductions or question sequencing. Moreover, in order to better understand respondents, Moore favors both assessing the apriori position and/or knowledge of the respondent whose perspective is being sought as well as their strength of conviction relative to that opinion. Finally, he warns that we should be suspect that the poll results have been manipulated anytime findings are presented that indicate less than 20% of the respondents `don't know' or `don't have an opinion'.

The author has an engaging writing style which I thoroughly enjoyed. Often writing in the first person, he presents his perspectives in clear, unambiguous terms and then illustrates his concerns with specific examples that are well-documented with appropriate references should anyone wish to query his sources in order to verify accuracy or to obtain contextual details. Instead of just finding fault with offending practices of the national media pollsters, Moore offers constructive suggestions for improving their survey instruments and their procedures for analyzing and reporting the findings from the polls themselves. For example, he does not blame the analysts working at the national media polls for faulty characterizations of polling results; instead he states that the prevailing paradigm of treating all opinions as though they having meaning is responsible. Thus, he states that is the paradigm that must be changed if the polls are to tell the truth about what the public really thinks.

Moore has written a terrific book about polling from an insider's perspective. His honesty and insight provide any reader with a window into how polling works and how they can be manipulated to questionable effect. The book is at once a scintillating and also a troubling look into the world of polls and is must-reading for anyone who wants to make sense of the role polls play in our lives from how we vote to how we live.

For a number of years now I have wondered how polling organizations can get the numbers so spectacularly wrong and still stay in business. The New Hampshire primary is one example where none of the numbers seemed to line up with the actually results of the election.

The author, a former professor of political science and a former vice president of one of the nation's largest and most well known polling operations explains, in great detail, the problems with polling as it is done today. In addition, he explains why the media is so cozy with the polling groups and how this tends to cause massive distortion in the numbers. Finally, along the way, the history of "scientific" polling is discussed from it's formation to the current day.

The author writes in an easy to understand style that takes a fairly complex issue and digests it into material that any reader will be able to read. Far from dull, the author has a biting edge to his writing and is passionate about the subject. In addition, the author manages to keep the information neutral, so he isn't pointing fingers at any one political side; he manages to have enough on everyone to go around. This should be read by every person who plans to vote and follows the polls. You will never look at the information in the same way again.

Moore has written a terrific book about polling from an insider's perspective. His honesty and insight provide any reader with a window into how polling works and how they can be manipulated to questionable effect. The book is at once a scintillating and also a troubling look into the world of polls and is must-reading for anyone who wants to make sense of the role polls play in our lives from how we vote to how we live.

This book provides an incisive critique of polls and their presentation in the media, which is, obviously, a timely topic. I highly suggest it to anyone who plans to vote, or talk about politics at all, during this election season.

Are the father-centered family, private property, and the state necessary and inevitable part of all human societies?
Frederick Engels, coworker of Karl Marx, says no. Engels demonstrates that these three institutions arose in the fairly recent history of the human race, as a way to establish the rule of the many over the few. And, conversley, when these institutions are an obstacle to human progress, they can be dismantled.
Although this book was written about 125 years ago, the subject matter and his point of view sound surprisingly modern. Evelyn Reed, a Marxist anthropologist, writes a 1972 introduction that updates the original work from the point of view of 20th century anthropology debates abd the rise of modern women's movement. An additional short article by Engels, "The part played by labor in the transition from ape to man" is a lively piece that could be part of today's debates on human origin with almost no hint of its vintage (except maybe for his use of the term "man", instead of gender-neutral "humanity").

Marx and Engels made a fundamentally wrong guess about the nature of human beings. But it is very important to understand their line of reasoning, because they developed quite a few critical insights along the way. Due to political charge associated with their teachings it is practically impossible to find suitable third party narrative of their works. So, the only way to enlighten yourself is to dig right down into originals.

This is a serious, scientific and materialist analysis of development and change in human society and its institutions. Frederick Engels, who along with Karl Marx was one of the central founders of the modern communist movement, wrote this book in the late 1800s based on the latest developments in the then-new science of anthropology. Studying it can help us understand society and be better prepared to organize and work to change it.

Engels takes up the rise of the state and of the family and the oppression of women as early societies became more productive, making possible the division of groups of human beings into those who produce and those who live off them, and the need of the exploiters to perpetuate this state of affairs.

The Pathfinder Press edition also has a valuable introduction by Evelyn Reed, long-time socialist activist and author of works including "Woman's Evolution," "Sexism and Science," "Cosmetics, Fashion and the Exploitation of Women," and "Problems of Women's Liberation."

Why is society so cruel? It seems to be self-defeating. Why doesn't the war of the sexes ever end? In no other species do the two sexes battle against each other.

In this book we learn that things weren't always this way. In fact, oppression and exploitation are recent inventions, if we count that human history dates back EIGHTY thousand years since the rise of homo sapiens sapiens. At one point most cultures suddenly became sedentary and agriculturalist - and private property in the land emerged. Private property of land resulted in an overthrow of the matriarchal family by its male members and in the establishment of a separate group of men who violently protect unequal relationships (the state as we know it today). All happened together in a revolution that occurred in the course of just a few generations some SIX thousand years ago.

Nonetheless, the moral of this story is one of hope. If we were capable of remaking ourselves once, and based on that have advanced dramatically in a limited sense of creating material culture, then humankind can remake itself again and found a culture that enriches all aspects of everyone's lives. But this time the redesign will have to be conscious and conscientious, the beginning of a humane human history in which all participate on an equal basis. Such is the future that socialism and communism promise for us.

As a companion to this volume, be sure to read Women's Evolution, by Reed. Written a century later, it shows that anthropology's evidence overwhelmingly coincides with the theory Engels put forward in this book.

Was human society always overseen by a military and police force?
Was wealth and the means of producing more wealth always the private possession of individuals or a small section of society?
Were women always at the bottom of society, treated primarily as sex objects and machines for child-bearing and child-raising?

And is this humanity's destiny?
In this book published in 1884, Fredrich Engels answers the above questions in the negative. His book is based on anthropological data available in his day from societies around the globe. New discoveries since have confirmed his conclusions and the book is remarkably relevant today.