United Kingdom Books

Although I would not pretend to be an expert in any way on this area of history, I found Prof Millman's book provides an invaluable foundation for study in this area; set as it is during the turbulent period in the lead up to the Second World War. Easily read, the book provides the best introduction to the era for the novice but includes sufficient detail to be of use to the scholar as well. The references are comprehensive and indicates the high level of research scrutiny Prof Millman has applied to his subject. For the life of me however, I cannot understand the excerpt concerning Gen Geo S Patton being caught with his pants down; out of gin; minus his cigarettes with some bimbo on the roof of the King David Hotel, Cairo - still this is but a small diversion in what will be required reading across many a campus!

I think this is the best book I have read on either Turkish foreign policy in the interwar period, or on British Mediterranean Policy. Well Done!

The best book on British policy in the Mediterranean immediately before the Second World War in existence. Probably one of the best in English on Turkish Foreign Policy in the Ataturk period. Particularly valuable in that the focus is not limited to high politics.

If you want to know what different locomotives in different countries looked like, then this is a great source of information. Set up almost like an encyclopedia of locomotives and trains, you can find what you are looking for here.

Part of the The Illustrated Directory Of series, this book is a real hoot!

Following a reasonable timeline, some of our most importaint locomotives in the history of Railways are covered, Steam, Electric, Diesel and GasTurbine.

All regions are covered but the U.K., Europe and North America get the most coverage as the need to create communications in these large land mass areas saw the most development in locomotive technology.

The contentious issue of who built the first Pacific type (4-6-2)locomotve is settled with Baldwin winning by a couple of weeks with their order from the New Zealand Government Railways for that country's Q class locomotives in 1899-1900.

Other magnificent feats of engineering are covered, the mighty Big Boys, the sleek GG1s, the Hudsons, F7 Diesels etc and the modern locomotives and High Speed passenger trains of today all get a look in. Relevent data is included for those who want to know, other than that, what a great read.

This wonderful book covers over 150 locomotives starting from the very early steam to present day high speed trains. Steam,Diesel and Electric traction are all covered with fairly good descriptions on each locomotive.Though majority of entries are from from US and UK, other countries are covered aswell. Locomotives which brought technological innovations and also ones which performed well are all included.Interesting historical information on each locomotive is also provided.The book contains beautiful color photographs and some superb highly detailed color line drawings.Though without an index this book is very informative and covers the most important locomotives of the past aswell as the present.

This is a well-written memoir by Canadian wireless operator Howard Hewer, who flew more than his share of ops during WWII and contributed in both the European and North African theatres. Ironically, the title, "In for a Penny, in for a Pound" is also part of the libretto of Gilbert and Sullivan's light opera, Iolanthe, which continues: "It's love that makes the world go round." One wonders if the author intended any hidden commentary by referring to this particularly well-known couplet in such a context.

Laced with stories typical of the war, Mr. Hewer's fine recounting also provides insight into that damnable situation which existed on the Allied side: the treatment of so-called "colonials" by RAF personnel. Truly, it's a wonder the English were able to win the war at all, when one considers the tomfoolery they frequently got up to in relation to Canadian, South African, NZ, Australian and other Commonwealth troops fighting alongside. Since Mr. Hewer flew mainly as a non-com, this work also provides us with insight into the lives of the lower ranking members of the military establishment of the day.

Bomber Command was perhaps the most effective force fighting against Nazism prior to D-Day, but there was a very high cost paid in lost aircrews on each mission. Mr. Hewer reflects on the obvious: why was it he somehow always came back. This tension is woven throughout the text, making the book successful at yet another level, since who would really want to write or read a war memoir and come away smiling. It is not a pretty story, yet the author has presented it to us in a lively and balanced manner, making the book eminently readable while allowing a strongly-voiced message about war to come through as well. Highly recommended.

Howard Hewer has done a wonderful job in bringing us his life in Bomber Command as a wireless operator flying in the belly of Wellington bombers. From his nights flying over Berlin to the bombing of North Africa to his time spent convalescing after a crash (when he went on some of his most dangerous missions), Hewer spares few details in providing a colorful first-hand account. Anyone with even a passing interest in war memoirs, or who truly enjoys the view of the world from 10,000 feet, should read this book. Without a doubt the best memoir I've read in a long time.

"In For A Penny, In For A Pound" by Howard Hewer, sub-titled: "The Adventures And Misadventures Of A Wireless Operator In bomber Command". Stoddard Publishing, Toronto, Canada, 2000.

This book recounts the experiences of T. W. H. Hewer as a young man and a wireless operator in the Royal Canadian Air Force. As a young teenager, Howard Hewer had dreams of flying Spitfires, so he enlisted in the Canadian Air Force, which decided, at that moment, they had a greater need for radio operators than for pilots. He was shipped to Calgary for training in radio operations. Hewer then tells the story of his training as an enlisted radio operator, and his experience during bombing raids on Nazi held Europe. He retired as Wing Commander.

Young Hewer was well aware of the cultural differences between the British and the Canadians. He devotes an entire chapter (Chapter 6, "Yatesbury Wireless School - Collision of Cultures) to describe the class-conscious Brits and the young Canadians being trained in England. Throughout the book, these cultural differences will pop up, and, in some instances, be of major importance. In Chapter 19, (A Fine Line To Mutiny), it would appear that the British wanted a level of discipline that neither the Australians nor the Canadians wanted to accept. Admittedly, it as an Australian who first threw down his rifle and refused to drill, but Hewer appears to have approved of the group's refusal to exercise and drill. He later implies that this "mutiny" was responsible for the delay of his commissioning as an officer.

This book is not just the usual recounting of the terrors of flying bombers into German held Europe. There is that, of course, but Hewer narrates a story that involves the European Theatre, flying to Malta, on to Egypt and then a trip, in a ship, around Africa. In South Africa, when warned to avoid certain down town areas because the Boers still remembered the Boer war and therefore were "hostile" to the British, Hewer relies on his "Canada" shoulder flash. He and a Canadian compatriot slip into a down town hotel and are feted by the old Boers with free beer and lunch.

An interesting anecdote related by Hewer deals with the dance halls. He was on a balcony and looked down at the dancers, who reminded him of a field of moving daisies. . It seems that the ladies had all used peroxide to become blondes and their roots were slowly growing out in their darker colors. As Hewer glanced down, the whirling locks appeared as daisies in the wind. This remembrance, alone, makes the book worth reading.

Probably the most compelling book I have ever read. Its sheer intellectual scope is a joy to behold. A must for anyone who wishes to understand the complexity of Irish life.

Well researched and entertaining, this is the most readable work yet written on the subject of Ireland's painful progress since the early part of the century. The closing sections of Lee's opus contain some intuitive conclusions about his fellow countrymen, particularly the sections entitled 'Character' and 'Perspectives'. Scholarly guff on the subject of Ireland's breach birth and subsequent delinquency are rarely the stuff of bedtime reading but this is easy on the brain, partly due to Lee's strictly logical approach to his theme and partly because of his enormous skill as a writer. If you want a book on Ireland that doesn't read as though it were written by some OAP in a tweed G-string who hasn't seen sunlight since 1965, this is the one for you. Terrific.

It is sad that the most read Irish historian outside Ireland happens to be the Republican fellow-traveller, Tim Pat Coogan. Then, Coogan seems to aim mostly at the Irish-American market. It is sad because Coogan's bias is not widely recognised, whereas if it was, his books would probably be subjected to more than unthinking acceptance. For me, Joe Lee is by far the greater historian, and this work by him beats anything of Coogans into a cocked hat. Not that they disagree overmuch, Lee is also a Nationalist writer, but his judicious weighing of the evidence and his unblinkered and unwavering devotion to historical truth make him by far the better of the two as a writer and a professional historian. One place where they disagree is on the position of De Valera, whom Coogan has dethroned from his former eminence among 'constitutional' Republicans. Lee supplies a far more sympathetic and truthful analysis of 'the Long Fellow'. Another area where American readers may be surprised is the short shrift given to Sean McBride, later a leading light of Amnesty International and a recognised 'jet-set liberal'. However, McBrides interventions in domestic Irish politics were mostly inept and disastrous for this followers and friends. Also for a believer in religious liberty, he was obsequious to the Catholic church in a most apalling fashion. Therefore, read this book to have your expectations challenged, and old opinions undermined. Possibly, the best Irish historical work to emerge from the 20th century, and a book that will be recognised as such.

I purchased this book several years ago and absolutely LOVED it! A friend borrowed it and now I can't remember which one borrowed it...so I'm purchasing another one for me and one for a dear friend for his Christmas present this year.

this is an absolutely wonderful book all about the 'old' art of Knot Gardening. You'll definitely want to read this book to find out all about the history of this fascinating form of gardening and how to create one in your own space! Great photographic examples fill the pages-a definite "must have" for any gardener!

The knot garden, or parterre, can be eye catching, brashly exuberant, romantically nostalgic, or quietly simple and chic. The appeal of the knot garden in timeless and with space often at a premium, a knot garden provides a tremendously attractive design solution.

Knot Gardens and Parterres is divided into two sections. The first unravels the history of this genre from Tudor times and its "curious knot" - to the famous historic patterns of the 17th Century designs for which certain "Sun Kings" are renowned, and beyond to the flamboyance of Queen Victoria's garden affectations.

The second section confidently takes the reader through the design process, plant selection, and future care and maintenance.

It is an exceptional book on the topic. I refer to it frequently. It has served as the inspiration behind several of my designs.

Un folleto con muchos ideas para compartir y discutir con sus compañeros y compañeras de trabajo y de escuela. Presenta perspectivas que animan a uno estudiar al fondo cuestiones sociales y políticas. Da confianza en nuestra capacidad para entender la historia y organizar para cambiar la socieded.
¿Cual es la relación entre educación y salarios? ¿Porque la educación no se mejora en una sociedad capitalista, aún en una sociedad tan rica como Estados Unidos, a pesar la las muchas pláticas de presidentes y congresistas? ¿Porque hay tantos debates sobre educación pública y escuelas privadas? ¿Cual es la relación entre la crises en educación y el empeoramiento de salarios y condiciones de trabajo?
El autor explica que los ricos necesitan empleados obedientes, no trabajadores con la confianza y capacidad para cuestionar, leer, estudiar y organizar. Toma como ejemplo los ideas de Che Guevara y la revolución cubana, y cita ejemplos de luchas obreras hoy en día. Explica la necesidad de promover la educación como proceso social y con la meta de estudiar y aprender durante toda la vida. "No hay mejor razon para hacer la revolución socialista."

La educación dentro del sistema del dólar todopoderoso no tiene nada que ver con el
aprendizaje ni con la cultura.El sistema de educación existe para regimentar a los jovenes
obreros e inculcar en los jovenes de la clase media y de los superricos de que son
superiores a nosotros los trabajadores. Cuba socialista brinda educación de por vida y una
campaña de televisión llamada ' La Universidad Para Todos.' Tiene esas cosas porque allí
hicieron una revolución. ? Cómo podimos hacer una revolución aqui, en el estomago de la
Bestia Imperial ? ? Cómo podremos cambiarnos nosotros mismos en el proceso ? Estos
son los temas de este folleto excelente.

This pamphlet really opened my eyes. I have been all the way through education to a final degree and teach college. However, this little pamphlet tells more about education, real education, than anything I have read before.

What is called education in this society is fitting you into the slots that this exploitative, oppressive society has for us, not providing us with knowledge, blaming us for our grades and putting some people in 'good' jobs and some people in bad, all to mask a system that exploits us all to benefit the big business rich? I have been to graduate school and have friends with Ph Ds and hung with several Poet Laureates of the US and people saturated with what this society calls education, but I have coworkers at the bus garage smarter than most of them.

This pamphlet explains why this is, and how we can fight for real education. Real education is learning the tools to understand this system, learn to fight, learn to do real things in a real world, real education can come only through mass struggles against this system. Real education can't be separate from work, from life, from struggle.

While Amazon may report this book is unavailable from time to time, it is always available from the Pathfinder Amazon partner z store that you can reach by clicking on new and used at the top of this page/

Au moment où plusieurs de mes amis essaient de payer leurs prêts étudiants gigantesques et que je m'embourbe dans des débats chauds avec mes compagnes de travail pour essayer de les convaincre de cesser de harceler leurs enfants à propos des soi-disant bénéfices de continuer leur éducation, cette petite brochure tombe à point. Écrite de toute évidence par quelqu'un qui aime lire et penser, et qui sait ce que c'est se faire abrutir par un système scolaire qui vise des objectifs tout autres, cet œuvre place la lutte pour une éducation véritable dans le contexte de la lutte pour une société plus humaine. Met fin à toute illusion qu'on puisse séparer les institutions scolaires dans une société inégale des inégalités mêmes. Un plaisir à lire et à y réflêchir.

By HolyAtlanta

This booklet was published during the phony debate between Gore and Bush on "education reform" in the 2000 election campaign. It explains why education cannot be "reformed" under capitalism. Barnes talks about how capitalist education from grade school through college socializes us to become docile worker bees and why we have to unlearn a lot of the junk they teach in school in order to become effective fighters for workers' rights today and for a socialist future.

I have been all the way through education to a final degree and teach college now. Yet, this little pamphlet ells more about education, real education, than anything I have read before. It discusses how we need real education not just the way schools just fit us into the slots that this society wants, blaming our grades for giving people in 'good' jobs and some people into "bad," all to mask a system that exploits us all to benefit the big business rich? This pamphlet explains why this is, and how we can fight for real education. Real education is learning the tools to understand this system, learn to fight, learn to do real things in a real world, and it can't be separate from work, from life, from struggle. Check out Capitalism's World Disorder, the book this is excerpted from.

While this book is not always available on Amazon, it is always available from BooksfromPathfinder, an Amazon Z store that you can get to by clicking on New and Used further up this page!

Table of Contents
England after the Glorious Revolution

The Glorious Revolution and the Revolution Constitution

The Facts of Life

A Bloody Progress

The Political World of William III

Wars of Words and the Battle of the Books

Faith and Fervour

England, Britain, Empire

The Political World of Queen Anne

Profits, Progress and Projects

The Wealth of the Country

The Political World of George I

Urban and Urbane

An Ordered Society

Epilogue

Chronology

Bibliography

Index

Writes Professor Roger Hainsworth, formerly of Adelaide University, South Australia: Students of English history will welcome this new volume in the New Oxford History of England series.1689-1727 is a very significant period for the history of the British people and indeed it proved important to many European people also for this reason: during it Britain became a great power and in the process the growing hegemony of France over western Europe was first confronted, fought against and finally halted. More of this later. Dr. Hoppit, although his eye is undimmed by romantic illusions about past eras, has a positive tale to tell. He writes that in late seventeen and early eighteenth century England "political discord was contained and then undermined. Warfare was endured and survived. Britain's empire was extended and its value increased. Population began slowly to grow. Many towns flourished. Agriculture, industry and commerce all showed signs of expansion .... society was not stagnant, it was on the move." This favourable assessment might have astonished contemporaries both at home and abroad. They still perceived England as politically unstable, riven by party ("faction"), and menaced by the apparently unbridgeable dynastic dispute between the Jacobite supporters of the exiled James II and then of his son (the Old Pretender) and the Whig and Orange Tory supporters of William III, Anne and the Protestant Succession (the Hanoverians). Meanwhile the British state was menaced by growing poor rates, menacing numbers of unemployed, seemingly endless foreign wars, and a growing mountain of debt: all presided over by a government which appeared more powerful and uncheckable every year and was backed by that worst of all English nightmares: a permanent army. Dr. Hoppit explores these fears and traumas incisively and expertly and makes it clearer than it perhaps has ever been made before why the positive developments prevailed and the worst fears ebbed away. The fundamental problem for historians of the period is to explain how England become a great power during the reigns of William III and Anne. Cromwell's disciplined army and a powerful navy had made England a great power fleetingly during the 1650s. However, there was no way to finance these prodigies on a long term basis. The restored Charles II almost went broke disbanding these extravagant instruments of power. England's resurgence in the two decades following the Glorious Revolution of 1689 astonished foreign observers who had believed, reasonably enough, that England's small population doomed it to the side-lines of European politics. In a long contest between Britain and France surely there could be only one result? England with Wales had only about 5.25 million in 1700. Scotland had 1.23 million and Ireland about 2 million. France, the most populous country in Europe (including Russia) had 22 million. These bare statistics proved deceptive. Although eighty per cent of England's population were rural dwellers, almost thirty per cent of the population were engaged in some form of industry. Manchester was then only a large village but Defoe estimated it provided "outside" employment to 40,000 weavers and allied trades. In fact England was the most urbanised country in Europe and if this was partly because ten per cent of the people lived in London her urbanisation was to increase hugely during the eighteenth century while London's population stagnated. Industrial strength and a powerful navy were gradually joined by a formidable army. During Anne's reign it would be led by one of history's greatest commanders who was also a remarkable diplomat and builder of alliances: the Duke of Marlborough. The financial problems of the mid seventeenth century were resolved by taxation passed freely if grumpily by the House of Commons which had now become a permanent institution of state rather than an irregular occurrence. The taxes funded that unusual novelty the National Debt which was partly managed by an enlarged Treasury assisted by an inspired creation, the Bank of England. The two great European wars of the period weakened the Continental powers, especially France, but left Britain stronger than when she entered them. Many speculated about this paradox but no great power seemed able to copy the method even supposing they understood it. All these matters receive due attention in this volume. So also does a range of other important topics: the remarkable growth of parliamentary government which in time would make possible the political peace of Sir Robert Walpole's long prime ministership during the 1720s; the decline into impotence of the Jacobites; the astonishing efflorescence of a print culture of books, newspapers and pamphlets; the slow decline of the Anglican hegemony in the face of stubborn Dissenters and ideas of religious tolerance; the extraordinarily rich burst of public and private building ranging from Wren's St Paul's to Vanbrugh and Hawksmoor's masterpieces (Castle Howard and Blenheim the best known of many); and the steady advance of pragmatic, experimental science. This last owed much to one man and in a fine passage Hoppit writes that the year his period ends is better defined not by the death of George I but by the death aged 84 of one of his subjects. Interred like a prince in Westminster Abbey with the Lord Chancellor, two dukes and three earls among his pall-bearers, he was Sir Isaac Newton. That indeed was the end of an era. This is a worthy addition to a very collectable series. There are the minor flaws often found when the author has to shoehorn a complex discourse into a confined space. Stylistic faults occasionally jar and infelicities of sentence structure ("there were those (such as Locke had done) who strongly argued ...") often require the reader to turn back to disentangle the sense. However, Dr. Hoppit's text is informative, interesting, thought-provoking and engrossing. He has explored the diverse facets of his subject with care and sensitivity to their nuances. All students of this significant period will be in his debt for decades to come. Had it been put in my hands when I was studying this period as an undergraduate I would have gnawed on it like a famished wolf.

A very well- rounded introduction to a period of British history that should be better known. The author strikes a good balance between the political narrative and his coverage of the social, economic, cultural, and military developments of the age. This book should be accessible to anyone with a serious interest in this period in European history.

As arguably one of Mark Pottle's most admiring students, it is with great pride that I write a review for this collection of letters and excerpts. Dr. Pottle has an excellent knack for using the sources from the pen of Violet Bonham Carter to shed light on the greater historical context. It is a fine biography of not only the person, but for the history of the times as well. Kudos for making a fine collection of primary sources available in one volume to the researcher and pleasure-reader alike.

An excellent book of facinating thought and mind, it bring the atmosphere around u back to life.

I found it extremely interesting, but didn't understand why it was hard to get in the shops or on the net this time.

A wonderful book- never forgotton and can't wait for a new release!

Violet Asquith Bonham Carter, had she not been female, might have become prime minister herself at some point in the 20th century. Her sharp mind and eye for political detail might have furthered her family's political fortunes after her brother Raymond, considered one of the "brightest and best" of his generation, was killed in World War I. Of course, there's nothing that would have prevented her from becoming a battlefield casualty either, if she hadn't been female. Her letters and diaries offer a view of what it was like to be an intelligent, resourceful woman of the early 20th C. with no hope of pursuing an education or a profession. Violet did the best she could under the circumstances. Although her devotion to her dead fiance is a little scary, she shows us what she was made of--fine steel. This is a peek into the times and early life of a remarkable woman. It's fortunate that we can expect another couple of volumes of her letters and diaries.

In 1926 a strike by coal miners in Britain in desperate conditions led to such a wave of solidarity that a general strike resulted. That general strike shut the whole country down and put the workers and farmers in striking distance ( no pun intended) of grabbing the brass ring : taking the whole power over, out of the hands of the Big Boss class ( who are the warlovers-warmakers as well by the way ), and establishing a workers and farmers government , so they could join the world struggle for socialism. They were betrayed by their top bureaucrat union leaders, whose hands trembled at the thought of taking governmental power, and they were betrayed by the party of the most militant , self-sacrificing, solidarity-in-action workers of the U.K. : the Communist Party, or rather its leadership ,obeying the dictates of the soon- to -be -dictator and mass murderer of communists, Joseph Stalin ( who was playing footsie with the union misleaders mentioned above at the expense of the fighting ranks ). In this book by Leon Trotsky, co-leader with V.I. Lenin of the Russian Revolution, you can learn what happened and what could have happened in this almost-revolution. What does this have to do with workers here and now? We who do not yet lead our own unions ? We who need to start seriously resist the effects of the Second Great Depression coming in front of our eyes.? We whose own same-type union tops support Bush and the Democrats' wars- (more coming after Iraq ) for Big Oil and Big Business ? We who have no choice but to start building a working class movement to take the power out of the hands of the "civilized hyenas" ( the superrich ) ? Well, the author of this book would say to ask these questions is to answer them. It has to do with taking back control of our unions to make them fighting instruments, and all of us starting to act like the longshore workers of the West Coast; to act like the coal miners, laundry, garment, and meatpacking workers fighting to get the union in or defend the union they have; following the lead of the most recent example-- the NYC transit workers...

It also has to do with understanding that it is Stalinism, shown in this book to be the opposite of communism, that is dead. Not socialism.

When "Where is Britain Going," the central component of this collection was published in 1926, the Brooklyn Daily Eagle reported that this book contained detailed instructions on how to overthrow capitalism in Britain and the US. This book is still pretty good for that.

Trotsky takes apart the bourgeois liberal, imperialist, and "democratic" illusions about Britain, and shows how in a time of crisis, more and more like the economic and political crisis faced in the US, Britain, and other imperialist countries today, only a revolutionary working class solution is correct. I found his criticism of the philosophy of political gradualism offered by British social democrats and Conservative politicians particularly pointed at both reformist and conservative labor bureaucrats today.

The current editions contains contemporary responses this book by British reformist labor party leaders H. N. Brailsford, Ramsey McDonald, and George Lansbury and philosopher Bertrand Russell as well as Trotsky's responses to their criticism. It also contains 20 pages of reviews of Where is Britain going from bourgeois, reformist, and communist newspapers and magazines from Britain, the US, and Germany.
Just as rich, is "After the General Strike," Trotsky's analysis of the great British General strike of 1926 and its betrayal by Britain's trade union and labor party bureaucrats?

This collection of writings by Leon Trotsky, a central leader of the 1917 Russian Revolution, provides a vivid and incisive analysis of big events in British politics in the turbulent years 1925-28. This was a time when millions of workers grappled with the lessons of the Russian Revolution, while the deep conflicts in the world capitalist economy left unresolved by World War I were pointing toward the renewed slaughter of World War II. I find these are not just interesting historical questions, but remain at the heart of politics in the 21st century with its new economic crisis and resulting drive towards war.
Trotsky's explanation of the decline of the British Empire and the shifting balance of power among the imperialist powers, especially with the rise of the United States, is a model for analyzing the world today.
So are his writings on working class political strategy. Bosses attacks against workers in Britain provoked a near-revolutionary general strike in 1926. However, the course followed by the new Communist Party in Britain, directed by the conservative Stalinist bureaucracy rising in the Soviet Union, failed to advance the struggle towards a workers seizure of power. Trotsky's writings criticizing the Stalinist course in Britain were an early part of his fight against the degeneration of the Russian Revolution-- and full of rich lessons for today.
Check out other writings by Trotsky such as Leon Trotsky on France, The Struggle Against Fascism in Germany, Leon Trotsky on the Spanish Revolution, and The Revolution Betrayed. And for current analysis of the world and working class politics, I'd recommend: Capitalism's World Disorder, Their Trotsky and Ours, and Cuba and the Coming American Revolution, all by U.S. revolutionary Jack Barnes.