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Political Realities vs. Political LabelsReview Date: 2007-07-01
A Hard Look In The MirrorReview Date: 2003-08-07
The book covers periods from the mid-1800's, the time of the respective unification of Italy and Germany, to mid-WWII. Briefly, neither Mussolini nor Hitler laid the foundations, let alone invented, the social-government systems that supported their regimes. Both systems of fascism, Italian and German, had roots in the early days of industrialization, with deep and powerful roots in the concept of syndicalism. Mr. Flynn opines that, absent certain events related to The Great War, neither Mussolini nor Hitler would ever have amounted to much more than minor political nuisances; but that someone else could very well have held power and governed via fascism through pre-existing government institutions. (eg, imagine a German Chancellor without the anti-semitism but still with the militarism.)
The third part of "Marching" concerns the intellectual and systemic relationships between Italian and German fascism, and FDR's New Deals (there were at least three of them). Although the reader will learn a lot of Italian and German hisotry, the entire book concerns what FDR was doing to the United States in the 1930's. Mr. Flynn's view is through a lens of what had happened in Italy and Germany.
In 1944, some critics called Mr. Flynn's publication of "Marching" treasonous. But I doubt they read the book before doing so. Mr. Flynn was labeled, in his day, as a "Roosevelt-hater," and summarily dismissed in polite company of the time. Many people worked overtime to discredit him and his books. But to this modern reader, Mr. Flynn offers a historical and logical, well written and consistent study of fascism, with a disturbingly accurate critique of FDR and his programs.
You will gain additional perspective by reading Mr. Flynn's "The Roosevelt Myth" (1948/rev 1956). This latter book utterly demolishes FDR and his four terms of office, like a fast freight train hitting a stalled pickup truck. "The Roosevelt Myth" should be required reading in every US history course. No, that is not quite right. What I really mean is that the legend of FDR the Great President and Wartime Leader cannot co-exist in any universe in which a single copy of "The Roosevelt Myth" remains unburned.
John T. Flynn -- a forgotten master from a different era.
The Roots of American Fascism.Review Date: 2006-05-11
This book traces the history of fascism as it developed in Italy and Germany and then turns its attention to the United States, where Flynn sees a creeping fascism. Against those who argue that "it cannot happen here" or who point to the various pro-German or outright Nazi groups in America at the time as the only fascist threat, Flynn argues that the fundamental basis for the totalitarian state is already established and that all that remains is for the President to claim for himself absolute power. Flynn begins by tracing the origins of fascism in the Italian state under Mussolini. In particular, he shows the conflicts that arose between various socialist groups who sought to abolish the capitalist system and conservative groups. While conservative groups often represented a reaction of the most heavily taxed, it became apparent that while they would not support the growth of public welfare projects that they would support an increase in militarism. In particular, militarism became a means to achieve full employment. In addition, rather than trying to achieve a balanced budget, the government became based upon a system of tax and borrow and spend. Another important point to note is the growth of syndicalism as a viable alternative to socialism. While socialism had sought for the state to seize control of the means of production, being little more than "state capitalism", syndicalism proposed the alternative that the means of production should actually be controlled by the workers themselves and the state composed of worker's counsels. The theory of syndicalism was advocated by Georges Sorel as the alternative to socialism and as an answer to the crisis in capitalism and was taken up by the young Mussolini. Indeed, Mussolini's system came to make use of syndicalism as well as militarism in its quest to achieve total dominance of the state. This apparent alliance between the forces represented by the far Left and those of the conservative Right was achieved under Mussolini who continued to tax, borrow, and spend his way to dominance. Flynn also turns his attention to Hitler's Germany. In much the same way, the economic system of Hitler's Germany can be understood. The new breed of economists came to deny the importance of a balanced budget while at the same time claiming that the debt was unimportant as an attempted cure for the depression. In particular, it must be noted that Germany's economy had been crippled because of reparations owed for the First World War. It was the Treaty of Versailles which Hitler came to use as a strong point which he rallied against. A second important point to note is the role of militarism (conscription even during peacetime) and imperialism as part of Hitler's fascism. These components along with the absolute rule of the dictator allowed for the creation of fascism in Hitler's Germany. Following this discussion, Flynn turns his attention to the most controversial component of his thesis. This is the rise of fascism in America brought about by similar forces and a debt based economy with a government operating on the principles of tax, borrow, and spend. In particular, Flynn shows how the executive branch has subtly usurped the powers of Congress allowing for the rise of a potential dictatorship. Flynn also shows how militarism, the draft, and American imperialism have made for a particularly dangerous concoction especially in light of the growing absolute powers of the executive. Flynn shows how Anglo-Saxon imperialism shares many of the same racialist underpinnings as fascist imperialism and has come even to reject the Teuton as racially inferior. This difference is particularly striking in light of the entry of the United States into the Second World War. While Flynn calls attention to the presence of pro-German or pro-Nazi forces in America at the time, he believes these do not constitute the greatest fascist threat, which arises from the government itself. In light of these remarks, Flynn ends the book with this chilling warning, "My only purpose is to sound a warning against the dark road upon which we have set our feet as we go marching to the salvation of the world and along which every step we now take leads us farther and farther from the things we want and the things that we cherish." In a time in which the nation again is involved in war, Flynn's warnings are particularly prescient.
Well written study of the economic roots of fascismReview Date: 2006-11-06
This book was written in 1944. I read the 1973 reprint "Free Life" edition of the book. It includes an excellent preface essay by Ronald Radosh summarising Flynn's life and work and placing his ideas in a broader context. Radosh compares Flynn's analysis to that of Indian / British communist writer R. Palme Dutt whose "Fascism and Social Revolution: A Study of the Economics and Politics of the Extreme Stages of Capitalism in Decay" provides something of an interesting "odd couple" pairing.
"As We Go Marching" provides an analysis of fascism that looks beyond the biographies of Mussolini and Hitler, and even the histories of the fascist and nazi parties. Flynn is interested in the political economy roots of fascism. This he locates in the economic crisis, but he goes beyond the depression, into the on-going political and economic crises of his subject states.
This is really two books in one. Flynn provides a background to the development of fascism in Italy and Germany and then looks as fascistic trends in the US during the war and pre-war periods. If Flynn had excluded the US chapters his well written book would have been more broadly acknowledged as a dissection of the roots of nazism. His American chapters however are what make the book controversial, especially as most (but not all) of the faults he identifies are rooted in the New Deal. Has he left the American material out he would probably have had a wider audience. Thankfully he didn't. But even the most one eyed liberal reader will find something to appreciate in his non-American sections.
Flynn shows how non-fascist politicians paved the way for fascist and nazi rule in Italy and Germany. The Weimar Constitution, with it's dictatorial Article 48 provision, exploited opportunistically by non-authoritarian politicians, was a time bomb waiting to explode. In both countries, it was non-fascist leaders, opportunists dealing with crises, paved the way for later dictators. They did so by building centralised emergency administrations and autarchic economic policies, all in the name of rational economic planning. They fostered syndicalism and corporatism, these tended in time to blur and the top down government element grew. They generated massive cycles of public spending and public debt. Debt and the growing cost of servicing it generated opposition from the saving, investing and taxpaying classes. Both Mussolin and Hitler were opportunists who felt unconstrained by tradition, ethics and even their own parties' platform. In order to win and maintain support from debt burdened taxpayers, they found militarism the path of least resistance, and the form of public spending least likely to alienate the savers. And to keep militarism alive they needed infusions of imperialism.
Flynn walks through this process in both Italy and Germany and highlights similar steps then being taken in the USA. Flynn's journalistic experience shines through and his writing is clear and argument logical. Some of his writing in the section dealing with America's turn-of-the-century experience with imperialism in the Philippines and Cuba is superb. Indeed Flynn's discussion of the linkages between depression, debt, militarism and war, what would later be called "military Keynesianism", is some of the best written.
A major weakness in Flynn's argument is his lack of any discussion of what causes economic crises that play such a prominent role in his book. He is more interested in how politicians and political systems react to depression than what causes it.
Another weakness, by focusing on the foundations of fascism he dismisses too lightly some of the 'superstructure', namely the fuehrer prinzip, antisemitism and alike. Flynn sees these almost as 'optional extras' for a fascist state not the real meat. This may be true, but these are of course, some of the most unpleasant and inhumane aspects of the whole system. Without them, as Flynn himself notes, many firm anti-fascists would be quite happy under fascism. My suggestion is that a quick peek at Peter Viereck's discussion of some of the 'spiritual' and romantic aspects of the Nazism to fill in the gaps.
How then do Flynn's arguments stand up looking back sixty years later? Although America isn't quite the great republic it was, the US certainly didn't end up like Mussolini's Italy, let alone Hitler's Germany.
If anything, subsequent research, particularly by historian Henry Ashby Turner, has shown that, in Germany at least, big business was probably not as supportive of Hitler as Flynn, and conventional wisdom ever since, imagined. And both the corporatism and economic planning of both Italy and Germany was probably more shambolic than their friends, foes and Flynn ever imagined. So, again, maybe superstructure is more important than Flynn's foundations.
Flynn believed the US would pursue national economic planning after the war. The postwar planning fashion attracted the critique of Hayek whose "Road To Serfdom" provides something of a distant cousin to Flynn's book. Flynn believed economic planning would necessitate, if not outright economic autarchy, at least international coordination between the major corporatist nations. The New Deal planners around Dr Alven Hansen, who headed FDR's personal planning think tank, were definitely thinking along these lines. The post-war planning push was however defeated and Truman's postwar demobilisation was probably more extreme than the New Deal planners wanted. The resulting postwar boom took much of the wind out of the sails of the economic planners. Was this enough to stop the beat of the marching drums?
To a certain extent, no. By the time Eisenhower left office the 'military industrial complex' had grown to be a sufficient concern to warrant his Farewell Address warning. Flynn's fellow WW2 isolationist Lawrence Dennis noted that US military spending in the 1950s in terms of GNP percentages exceeded Nazi Germany's prior to WW2. The US ultimately didn't adopt planning, but it did embrace it "lite" as keynesianism via the Full Employment Act. So without full national planning there was no need for autarchy, or Fynn's internationally co-ordinated corporatist autarchies.
But there was Breton Woods and the push for a new dollar based world monetary system and the birth of the so-called "free trade" regime. This has evolved into today's "Washington consensus". Instead of the unilateral removal of import restrictions as advocated by Adam Smith, "free trade" has now been reinvented a series of internationally negotiated agreements. It is now forgotten, but the Truman originally wanted a UN International Trade Organisation (the forerunner to today's WTO) but due to conservative opposition could only obtain a GATT. GATT, ITO, WTO or NAFTA are probably more accurately described as "mutually assured protectionism", or "mercantilism lite". So maybe Flynn was partly right here.
Militarism and 'imperialism' have certainly progressed since Flynn's day and executive power has risen to the point where "the Imperial Presidency" is now a reality not a nightmare. I doubt whether Flynn would have imagined Truman waging a major war without Congress vote, or Nixon's and LBJ's "secret wars" (presumably the enemy knew). Or Bush's organizing of illegal mass surveillance at home and rendition and Cuban Gitmos, thus placing his policies and agents, beyond the clutches of US law.
Still, thankfully, there do seem to be barriers, however thin, between our current predicament and Flynn's fascist future. The press, law and parliamentary practice, despite real failings, have not exactly rolled over and played dead. One party rule is still a long way off. And despite the slow ratcheting upwards of government spending, the market economy has managed to outrun the worst of the assaults of depression, corporatism and the wannabe economic planners. Whether what remains of these institutions can do so forever remains to be seen.

A GOOD FOUNDATIONReview Date: 2001-11-11
A great book for learning SicilianReview Date: 2001-01-21
Review of Beginner's Sicilian (Joseph F Primavera)Review Date: 2000-10-23
It's a gold mine!Review Date: 2000-03-02

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Great book !Review Date: 1999-12-27
A long-lost masterpiece.Review Date: 2000-12-13
A Grand Tour With a Master HistorianReview Date: 2002-04-25
When you conjure up a picture of Naples in the 18th century, what comes to mind is the Grand Tour -- that endless stream of well-to-do English and other Europeans (including Goethe) who considered their upbringing incomplete until they had seen the classical art treasures of Italy, wondered at the magnificence of Vesuvius, and tasted of the fleshpots of Naples. There, they partied with complaisant British consul Sir William Hamilton and his delectable wife Emma (later associated with Horatio Nelson).
The time period covered by the book encompasses the reigns of Charles III and Ferdinand I (or III or IV, depending on whether you are referring to him as King of the Two Sicilies, Sicily, or Naples). Ferdinand was married to Maria Carolina, daughter of the Austrian empress Maria Theresa, sister of Marie Antoinette and grandmother of Napoleon's second wife Marie-Louise. While something of a grand scale manipulator, Maria Carolina pretty much ran the kingdom (into the ground) while Ferdinand spent his time hunting wild boar with cronies. Yet, thanks to the British fleet and Austrian army, she managed to hold on to her throne and write agonized letters to every crowned head in Europe until she proved too much for one British emissary, who packed her away to Vienna with her husband's permission.
The vicissitudes of the Bourbon monarchy in Italy make for fascinating reading. It had twice as many lives as a cat and even managed to survive the threats posed by the French Revolution and Napoleon -- but just barely.
Back in Print at lastReview Date: 2002-05-21
While Charles III was the ideal monarch, his successor (at least to this throne) was a ruler who spent most of his time hunting and fending off attempts by Napoleon to wrest his kingdom from him. This did not bother him so much as it did his wife Maria Caroline.
Like Louise of Prussia, or even Madame de Stael, Maria Caroline hated Napoleon (who in a strange twist of history became her grandson in law) and spent much of her life trying to come up with ineffective means of frustrating attempts at seizing Naples from the Bourbons. Even had Napoleon not tried to evict the Bourbons from Naples (as he had from Spain), Maria Caroline saw him as the heir to the same French Revolution which had cut off the head of her favorite sister Marie Antoinette.
Ambid the efforts of the queen, who was the won who wore the pants, to rule Naples and maintain the throne, and the kings persistent hunting excursions, a whole host of ministers and advisors come into the scope of the Bourbons. Nelson, Lord and Lady Hamilton are supporting characters in this work.
This is one of the best books in English on the Bourbons of Naples, but it is not without its defects. While Harold Acton is well-versed in the family, I would have liked more context, particularly on some of the short comings mentioned, but not fully explored. I was not sure why, after the chief minister (an ancestor of the author named Acton) was unable to bring the army up to respectable levels. Funds are expended and this is looked upon with alarm by the nation's adversaries, but in the end this had little effect. Even after reading this work, I am not sure why the Neapolitan army was so lousy.
Still and all, it is great to see this book in print again, I am hoping the publisher is able to bring out the sequel which addresses how the Bourbons of Naples were finally defeated by their enemies the house of Savoy and were left behind in the unification of Italy.

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Amazing Breakfast Cookbook.Review Date: 2007-06-23
Some really great recipes:
Farfelle with Crabmeat, Asparagus, Scrambled eggs, and Herbs
Toasted Pine Nut-Honey Butter
Balsamic Strawberries
Lots and Lots of recipes with Marscapone cheese. Yum!
You will not be disappointed with this cookbook. It's too bad that it's discontinued. :-(
Good book for basicsReview Date: 2007-01-21
One of the best cookbooks in print!Review Date: 2002-05-09
An excellent set of Italian specialtiesReview Date: 2001-10-12
Collectible price: $25.00

Not Just A CookbookReview Date: 2000-02-25
EATS-A-GOOD BOOK!Review Date: 1998-01-09
This is a wonderful way to learn about Italy...Review Date: 2000-02-16
I praise this not as a cookbook or a collection of recipes, but as a literary work that can be taken seriously as a 'training manual' on the spirit of Italian celebration. I recommend it to anyone who harbors a love of Italy and wants to know more about its inner being...
carol field is the italian tradition mavenReview Date: 1998-02-28

Used price: $6.49

Beautiful Pictures, Wonderful StoryReview Date: 2005-11-19
An unforgettable biographical portraitReview Date: 2004-06-12
outstandingReview Date: 2004-04-24
Illustrations are worth a thousand words....Review Date: 2004-07-02
Used price: $7.00
Collectible price: $40.00

A Stellar VolumeReview Date: 2006-07-11
And it gets it, definitely.
art, love, and beautyReview Date: 2001-07-20
Must have for any collection of art and book loversReview Date: 2003-09-22
A must have for art lovers, a must have for romantics, a must have for any library or coffee table. It's a lovely book, full true color, and a ripe collection of his works. A good work, and well worth anyone's time.
I love this book!Review Date: 2000-04-07

Used price: $60.89

Second World WarReview Date: 2008-03-07
my former pastorReview Date: 2007-01-19
Interesting bookReview Date: 2007-01-13
An Entirely Different View of European CombatReview Date: 2006-12-06
The 100th Battalion of the 442 still exists.
The 100th entered combat with 1,432 men. Its nickname was 'Go For Broke.' It alsoearned the nickname 'Purple Heart Battalion' as it was depleted down to 521 men by 1944.
This book is by the chaplain of the 100th. It is based on letters that he wrote home, the journal he kept while in Europe and comments from members of his family and of the 100th. It was put together by Rev. Yost and was been prepared for more formal publication by his daughter after his death. It's a very worthwhile book, presenting an entirely different view that that usually seen by soldiers or commanders.
If you can read the appendix, which is a memorial speech he gave at a reunion of the 100th without tearing up, you have no soul.
To go with this book, I recommend the old Van Johnson movie 'Go For Broke.'

Used price: $9.93

Una Invitación a darse un espacio de reflexiónReview Date: 2008-03-15
Entrañable, divertido y profundo al mismo tiempoReview Date: 2007-11-18
Gilbert aborda con cierto humor y con inteligencia temas como el amor y el desamor, la vida, el éxito, el fracaso, la espiritualidad, el auto-conocimiento y mucho más.
ExcellentReview Date: 2008-04-09
An intrigante y humoristica exploracion del Alma Review Date: 2007-09-23

I can't waitReview Date: 2005-02-26
You have no other choice - buy it!Review Date: 1998-08-28
another excellent rough guideReview Date: 2004-01-03
very useful and interstingReview Date: 1999-10-06
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Flynn introduces readers to the economic realities in the second half of the 19th. century in Italy and Germany. A good point is the fact that deficit spending, protectionism, and economic classifications originated in 19th. century and were not new to rise of Fascism. Flynn provides "chatper-and-verse" statistics of the Italians and German budgets prior to World War I. Flynn's economic analysis is connected with the political changes that occured in these two countries. Flynn cites the "Classical Liberals" and their political allies who preached limited government and balanced budgets but voted for deficits and expanded military budgets.
Flynn patiently explains the rise of Mussolini and Hitler. These two political dictators did not rise to power through luck or what some consider gangsterism. Both Mussolini and Hitler got power due to the political climate and laws that were enacted in Italy and Germany in the late 19th. and early 20th. century. Given the legal and political conditions, both Mussolini and Hitler rose to power via quite legal means. The naive view that they used gangster tactics disintegrates when exposed to reality. Flynn is very clear on this point in pages 149-153.
Flynn then compares the political and economic problems with the background to the U.S. New Deal and the economic schemes that were enacted as part of the New Deal. Flynn makes the remark that the New Deal was not new at all, and FDR'S "Brain Trust" merely emulated their German abnd Italian counterparts. The New Dealers created government corporations, and Fascist Italy was known as The Coporate State. The tax and budget plans of Germany were adopted in by the New Dealers. The Italian and German "Fascists" resorted to borrowing and deficint spending when taxes were too high. The New Dealers did the same. The late A.J.P. Taylor made an interesting remark in his book titled THE ORIGINS OF THE SECOND WORLD WAR. On page 72 or page 70 in the newer edition of this book, Taylor wrote that Hitler stumbled on the economics of full employment exactly as FDR did. The only difference is that the German New Deal worked better and did indeed eliminate unemployment.
Those in the U.S. who equate Fascism with militarism should look in the miooro. Flynn argued that military expendatures were part of the economic plans in German and Italy. Had Flynn had access to Burton Klein's book titled GERMANY'S ECONOMIC PREPARATIONS FOR WAR, he would have altered his views. Klein cites German and U.S. documents ( not hysteria)to clearly prove that the British and French spend more for guns and munitions than the Germans. The record of the U.S. during World War II until the present dwarfs anything the Germans did prior to and during World War II.
Flynn made brief comment of the terrribly dislocations in Europe after Wrold War I. He should have placed more emphasis on these tragic times which would explain why powerful political leaders labeled Fascists got power. These Fascists got power due to mass support during desparate times.
Flynn's book AS WE GO MARCHING is well worth reading. Those interested should also read Lawrence Dennis' THE DYNAMICS OF WAR AND REVOLUTION and John Maynard Keynes' THE ECONOMIC CONSEQUENCES OF PEACE. A solid study of the German economy before and during World War II is Burton Klein's book titled GERMAN'S ECONOMIC PREPARATIONS FOR WAR. Another interesting aspect is the comment Keynes made in his German edition of THE GENERAL THEORY in which he stated that his economic theories were more suited to Totalitarians systems than those of laissez-faire. This can be found in James J. Martins' book titled REVISIONIST VIEWPOINTS. A careful reading of Flynn's book plus the others cited above introduces readers to serious political realities and honest history.