Pacific University Books

Cazdyn's book is useful both for giving an overview of what to watch for when approaching one of the selected movies for the first time and he (Cazdyn) also succedes in giving a thought-provoking outer context (ie the transformation of 'capital' in modern japan). it is important to understand that this theory of the films as economic-artefacts (not in a crude cause and effect sense, mind you) is accomplished through the very readings Cazdyn performs on them. The first step is a basic historicism that aims to survey and then go one step past existing Western reactions to key Japanese films. However, we begin to see quite early in our reading (note that i say early in the reading not early in the book, for this is a work that definitely benefits a non-synchonic pursual) that Cazdyn's ability to make these 'new' points as very much indebted to his invocation of a historical-materialist framework. Like Marx's re-read the economy of 18th C England to prove a point, so Cazdyn is rereading the economy of 20th C Japan!

It is therefore very ironic that the non-academic responses to this book so far have focused on how it is full of theory talk. yes, the jargon can seem a little think but Cazdyn is definitely not making po-mo points!

Albert Wendt is the author of novels, short stories and poetry, including, Sons for the Return Home, Flying-Fox in the Freedom Tree, Inside Us Dead, Pouliuli and Leaves of the Banyan Tree. Living in Western Samoa, Wendt recieved a scholarship to continue his studies in New Zealand. Attending Victoria University at Wellington, there he earned his M.A. in history. Wendt's style of written is difficult and a bit foreign if you would, I'm guessing of the different schoolings he had, his style is more aggressive in writing with deep feelings, comedy and tragedy, which makes him a great writer. Flying-fox in the Freedom Tree is a sequel to the Leaves of the Bayan Tree which is focused on a young Samoan boy, Pepe of Sapepe. Throughout the story Pepe is brainwashed by his two mentors, senoir chief, Toasa "Pepe's conscience" and Tagata, a city dwarf condemned of his stature to be an oddity, a flying fox 'with an eagle in the gut'. Torn between these two paradox, Pepe embarks on a life of defiance aganist his father's unholy trinity of God, Money and Success only to find that the precepts and responsiblities Toasa had taught him are impossible to practice.

This is a long overdue book about a region of the country that is generally overlooked by historians. The Southern Plains is defined as western Texas, Oklahoma, and eastern New Mexico. In eight essays by such notable authorities as Elliott West, Dan Flores, John Morris, and Diana Olien the reader is treated to the multi-faceted history of the region.
It's all here, the history of human occupation, exploitation, the climate, land, resources, and the never-ending effort to build a future in an area that resists change. This is a must book for any reader remotely interested in the history and future of an area that occupies the center of the United States but is rarely understood.

General Crook minces no words in his autobiography, a book that gives you real insight into one of the nation's most renowned Indian fighters. A quiet man in real life and somewhat of an enigma to those around him, he had a unique understanding and appreciation for Native Americans and the injustices heaped upon them. In later life, he attempted to use his influence to help better their conditions. Crook never took his biography to a publisher -- that only happened long after he was dead. If anything, his narrative leaves you wanting more detail and less modesty about the role he played in history. The editor has done an admirable job in filling in the missing pieces. An important book for anybody interested in the people who built the West, or in influential military leaders in American history. I enjoyed this book immensely.

If you are interested in this subject this is a necessary work to study. This book was written as part of an Air Force project to study Luftwaffe operations for the benefit of future operations as a tool of learning.

The Luftwaffe, despite Stalingrad, did pull off quite a few successful air supply operations before and after the debacle on the Volga. The Germans did some amazing things considering the resources...or lack of at their disposal.

This book is mainly a dry read, it is not really a book, it is a study or as the USAF called it a monograph. It was written by a Luftwaffe General involved in air supply operations, not a proper historian/writer. It has been used as the source for many other excellent books on the Luftwaffe, namely those most recently published by the University of Kansas.

While this may not help you with your decision, when I first read this book...and the others from the USAF series, I was mesmerized, my mind escaped, free from the notions presented by Time-Life histories or that of the World at War...and of late by the History Channel and Discovery Wings. What may have got me was the fact that this was a real document of history, not a story. I may also add one thing, with the gift of hindsight, I know that this work is slightly tainted by the author's view of a ten to fifteen year respite from the conflict, and also that his views may have been molded by his new "allies"(the US) and their common enemy(USSR), which is a caution that must apply to many books written in the cold war era(also guilty of this Guderian, Manstein, and especially von Mellenthin's "Panzer Battles").

A German Deserter's War Experience is a striking eyewitness account of the First World War which marches through many of the "Western Front's" crucial battles during the first year of the war. When published in 1917 this memoir differed from other contemporary accounts in that it was written from the unique perspective of an ordinary German soldier who did not entirely accept the moral justifications given for the war, but desired to pull back the veil of romanticism and expose the false virtues which surrounded the conflict. While British authors were also exposing these fallacies, the majority of them were not of the proletarian caste and therefore did not have his particular point of view. This author, who chose to remain anonymous for fear of retribution against his relatives, utilizes a straightforward chronological prose and employs a conspicuous lack of literary devices. By adopting this approach, the narrative takes on a more tangible and believable texture and subsequently becomes more comprehendible. Because one does not have to possess extraordinary literary abilities to grasp this work, the book is able to influence a much more diverse audience. This is evident in that in order to satisfy the enormous demand for the English translation of this book, five printings were required within just four months.
The book begins on 23 July 1917 with the mobilization of the author's sapper brigade. Many of the soldiers were delightfully enthusiastic at the prospect of war envisioning the cause as a noble one worthy of extraordinary heroic efforts. Others, on the other hand, were notably pessimistic and depressed at the implications of the impending hostilities. As a socialist, who had doggedly held onto his anti-militarist beliefs throughout his entire enlistment and was scheduled to be discharged from the army he despised in six weeks, this author obviously fits into the latter category. As his brigade marched through town, on their way to the transports, it received overwhelming adulation from their fellow citizens. Each soldier, regardless of their previous feelings, was overcome with sentiment and their very soul could not help but be permeated with inspirations of patriotism. Even the author later writes that he "shall never forget that leave taking, however old I may grow to be" (p. 3).
Imbued with this crushing nationalistic ardor and confronted with the prospect of crossing into the Belgian frontier the author begins to grapple with his morality. How can he justify the murderous trade which has been thrust upon him? He finally consoles himself by thinking he must defend his own home against any possible devastation (p. 6). He reconciles his decision to participate in the fighting, by qualifying his actions as simply protecting his home and not defending the "Fatherland." However, in safeguarding his home he is by default defending Germany and thereby acquiescing to the collective justification for the war. By taking these actions he has denied his own personal morals and values which he had hereto tenaciously maintained. He was only able to regain his prewar morality after he deserted and was able to emancipate himself from his native country.
As his sapper unit crossed into Belgium and began to experience serious casualties, his initial rationale for war began to winnow. He eventually came to understand the circumstances of this conflict were greater than the men participating in it. Any humanity, which may have existed, had disappeared into a daily routine of butchery and murder with only the bestial instincts of self-preservation remaining (p. 50). The war itself had come to define who the enemy was, not the politicians. A foe was now determined to be anybody with the potential to harm the individual soldier. This could include the supposed "enemy" (Belgians and French) or even a soldier's own officers. Having identified self protection as his ultimate objective, he now understood war itself brutalizes and brutal force does not distinguish right from wrong. He also concludes, soldiers cannot be held responsible for their actions because war is inhumane and inherently immoral. Human beings actively engaged in the activity of war are no longer civilized humans, but bloodthirsty animals following orders. Therefore, the previous ethos to which one adhered no longer applied.
Combat soldiers, having witnessed thousands of individuals mowed down by machine gun fire and even more blown to bits by artillery, had long ago acknowledged that the machinery of war was greater than the courage of any man. Sitting in their positions awaiting the possibility of defending another attack or the eventually of another useless assault, these men continuously faced the ubiquitous evidence of their previous futile efforts. The lifeless eyes of their dead comrades staring back at them from "no man's land" were constant reminders of the senselessness of this war. As the conflict became protracted, it was hardly surprising that many soldiers, including those with grandeur in their eyes, began to question the justification and humanity of continuing the conflict. That the average soldier was becoming disillusioned is no wonder. The very fact many of them tried to malinger as much as possible is logical. If one were put in the same situation, a majority would attempt to extricate themselves as quickly as feasible. It is a mystery the leadership did not experience many mutinous acts.
Despite the obvious socialist leaning of this book, its veracity should not be diminished. The author produced a thoroughly provocative account of the war, which although carrying a socialist message still has extraordinary value in showing the inhumanity, barbarity, and brutality which are indicative of modern-day warfare. This work is comparable to the more literary works of British authors of the time and also touches on many of the issues which Remarque later illuminates in his novel All Quiet on the Western Front. If the reader accepts that this memoir was intended to promote the socialist agenda of the time, it is much easier to get a concept of what a socialist's life was like in the German military during the first world war, while gaining a glimpse of the war seen from a private soldier's perspective.

We can hear "globalization" everywhere nowadays. Many believe that a global village will be formed in the coming future when the world is becoming more and more interdependent. And when different parts of the world share common values and norms, then we come to the age of globalization. However, Yongnian finds that China has a different path in responding globalization.

To begin with, Yongnian figures out some of the impacts of globalization towards China such as increasing unemployment caused by economic reform; decentralization within China for the need to counter growing global economic competition; the rise of information technology which "has created new tool for political participation" (p.13) and hence leads to the emergence of civil society. Globalization simply weakens many states, China is no exception.

Many argued that globalization has forced many states to comply the values, norms and rule of the game in the current international system, free market and free trade are the classical examples. Yongnian has come up with another perspective in chapter 2 and 3. No doubt that China needs to reform for globalization, but it does not mean that China has to conform all the things from the west. Since the late Qing dynasty, Chinese have already thought about "what and how to learn" from the west? (p.48) China's "socialist market economy" is indeed the result of "selective importation and innovation" from the west (pp.56-58). Thereafter, chapter 4 outlines the difference of political order in China before and after the economic reform. China's constitutional changes in 1975, 1978 and 1982, together with the constitution with amendment in 1999 as well as Jiang Zemin's three representation theory not only help to accommodate the changing socio-economic situation in China, but also justify the rationale behind the "Chinese" reform which is not purely westernization.

Facing the challenges of globalization, opening the market and advocating international trade are clearly not enough, China has gone through series of tough but necessary institutional reforms in its bureaucratic (chapter 5), taxation, finance and enterprise systems (chapter 6). Chapter 5 starts with a brief review on Zhao Ziyang's bureaucratic restructuring, then it comes to the details of Zhu Rongji's reforms. Chapter 6 looks at the complicated and often deregulated taxation system, which has been a controversial issue of central-local relations. Besides, banking system in China has also been modified according to the demand of market and international investors. Finally, Chinese government has to free its hand from the state owned enterprises if not to demolish them. After launching the above reforms, there are many discontents among farmers and lay-off workers which are the particular concern in chapter 7. Other problems include the disparities in rural and urban areas, regional disparities between costal and inland areas, corruption and moral decay.

The last two chapters focus on the debates between neo-liberalism and new left, and the issues of rule of law, rule by law as well as rule by virtue respectively. The supporters of neo-liberalism regard globalization as a positive movement that China should accept the international rules and norms. But the new leftists argue that the more interdependence between China and other countries, the more capability of other countries to constrain the rise of China. The intellectual debate between neo-liberalism and new left also extends to other topics such as democracy and state structure. Before coming to the end of the book, Yongnian reminds the readers that the greatest problem of the rule of law nowadays in China is the problem of enforcement. First, if the law could not be enforced, the legitimacy of the Chinese Communist Party will be undermined (p.192). Second, if the legal measures fail and then the leaders refer to political campaigns, all the efforts to build a legal state in China will definitely fail as well (p.197). Indeed, it remains to be seen whether Jiang Zemin's address on rule by virtue can cope with the current deficit of rule of law in China.

I highly recommend this book to general reader of Chinese studies. The political system of China is always considered to be complicated, especially during the reform era which state organs changed from time to time according to the preferences of different leaders. Yongnian provides a primitive but comprehensive survey on the changing state structure and system since 1980s, his work also offers a wider vision to a changing China in the context of globalization, political order and social movements rather than purely economics.

Recent events in Northeast Asia have reinforced the importance and salience of US-China-Japan relations. These political relationships are generally described, analyzed and maintained from a bilateral perspective. However, as the title suggests, the editors of "The Golden Age of the US-China-Japan Triangle, 1972-1989" maintain that during this particular timeframe, the relationships of each country were not only amicable, but also connected to a degree in which they could be described as an economic and political "constructive triangle". It is often said that you can not know where you are going until you know where you have been. In that regard this book offers a detailed look at the historical evolution of US-Japan-China relations and gives a clue of what the future may hold.
The editors, respected scholars from Harvard, Peking and Tokyo Universities, have collected nine essays from academics of each country. These authors detail what conditions prompted this brief period of cooperation to blossom, what maintained it, and lastly, what factors brought the era to an end. Furthermore, they examine in minute detail the domestic and structural aspects which drove each state's bilateral relations during this timeframe.
Two important events provided the bookends for the period of 1972-1989; the first is Nixon's stunning rapprochement with China, the second is the Tiananmen Square incident. In addition, the unique strategic conditions of the Cold War provided the adhesive glue that kept the US-China-Japan trilateral relationship together. While the Tiananmen Square incident created a strain on US/China and Japan/China relations, it was ultimately the end of the shared Soviet threat that eroded the very raison d'etre of the strategic triangle.
The book was organized into four main sections. Part 1 detailed the domestic atmosphere that influenced the foreign policies of each respective country. Untied States foreign policy was dominated in the early part of this period by the realist influenced strategic thinking of Nixon and Kissinger. Later years became more nuanced as foreign policy became less dominated by the White House. As Congress took on a larger role, influence groups and the media became more influential in determining the direction of foreign policy. China's foreign policy, on the other hand, was continually marked by strong central rule, first by Mao and followed by Deng Xiaoping. Japan's foreign policy was to a certain extent largely subjugated to US foreign policy interests and goals. A prevailing theme throughout the book was Japan's role as a junior partner in this "constructive triangle".
Part 2 - 5 analyzed the bilateral relations of each country. This was done from the perspective of every country (i.e. US-China & China-US). The juxtaposition of the same account from different perspectives led itself to a very detailed and nuanced examination of each dyad. Because this was a historical study, there tended not to be any particular theoretical approach that the authors used to explain the narrative. However, within each chapter the respective author possessed their own distinct methods and bias for interpreting events.
The authors of the US-China relations section painted a scenario in which both countries were eager to form a strategic relationship to counter the perceived Soviet threat. However, due to the Watergate scandal and U.S. administrative changes, it took a number of years to achieve final normalization in 1979. The relationship was mostly stable throughout the 1980's, but had moments of tension due to U.S. support of Taiwan. US-Japan relations were well established prior to 1972, but suffered strain as a result of the so-called "Nixon Shock" of U.S. rapprochement of China without prior notification of Japanese officials. However, the US/Japan security alliance formed an unshakeable backbone on which United States-Japan relations rested on. While the relationship was fundamentally strong, numerous trade disputes and U.S. fear of Japan's economic growth created moments of acrimony during parts of the 1980's. Finally, the editors devoted the least amount of ink to China-Japan relations. Japan's close relationship with the U.S. precluded it from forming ties with China prior to 1972. However once the United States signaled its intention to normalize relations with China, Japan quickly followed suit. Japan felt that its relations with China were non-strategic and therefore was reluctant to sign the anti-hegemony clause, which the Chinese established as a precondition to formal relations. Japan felt that this clause targeted the Soviet Union. Japan signed the clause in 1978 at the urging of the United States but not before adding an addendum specifying that the clause does not refer to any particular third party. Japanese relations with China closely mirrored the ups and downs of U.S.-China relations. However, Japan was less willing to freeze relations or criticize Chinese authorities after the Tiananmen incident. As a result friendly China-Japan relations extended past 1989 and high points included the Japanese Emperor's visit to China and Jiang Zemin's visit to Japan in 1992.
This book provides an excellent historical examination of the U.S.-China-Japan security, political and economic triangle. Each chapter is richly detailed with information, insights and anecdotes into the foreign policy motivation and decision making process that resulted from each country's individual strategic goals and domestic pressures. Each chapter is a self-contained unit and written chronologically, making it a valuable reference source. However, the comprehensive nature of overlapping and dual/multiple perspectives also lent itself to redundancy. The reader often found himself reading accounts of certain key events from six separate authors. In addition, because each thematic chapter was authored by a different individual, there is no overarching thread in which to create a running narrative or a clear conclusion. Nonetheless, the book will prove invaluable to individuals wishing to obtain a deeper understanding and appreciation of U.S.-China-Japan relations. This book provides historical depth and it gives a solid base on which to interpret current bilateral relations.

This book relates the economic, technological and political significance of the building of the Transcontinental Railroad. The subject is complex, yet the author's narrative style, while not lacking in facts, makes this volume the most readable of the serious treatments of the subject. Another excellent recent title on this subject is "The Empire Express." I would not rate the book by Mr. Ambrose in the same class as either of these two, as the work treats the subject, I think, in a comparatively superficial and overly romantic manner.

Trollope wrote this very short novel (only about 45,000 words) for the Christmas issue of a London magazine. Regarding Victorian sentimentality about the holiday as "humbug", he presented a very different sort of Yuletide tale, one in which there are no snow flakes and no sleigh bells - and in which fires are not cozy but frightening.

The hero is a prosperous young sheep rancher in Queensland, where December is the hottest, driest month of the year, when a careless match can spark a ruinous blaze and in a few hours wipe out all that a man has built through years of labor.

Careless matches are not the only danger. Harry has just as much fear of malicious ones. He is an imperious ruler of his domain (120,000 acres leased from the Crown) and prides himself on his unflinching candor. Not surprisingly, he is at feud with his shiftless, thieving neighbors, the Brownbie clan, and is quite willing to quarrel with Giles Medlicot, another neighbor, when Medlicot hires on a hand whom Harry has dismissed for insubordination and suspects of plotting arson.

In other Trollope novels, "war to the knife" means snubbing an enemy in the street or not inviting him to a garden party. In this one, conflict is simpler and more violent. With the grass growing more parched by the hour, Harry's enemies gather, scheme and strike. Because Trollope is not a tragedian, they are thwarted - narrowly - and there is even a Christmas dinner to conclude the story and incidentally seal a budding romance. But the pacing and atmosphere are very different from the Trollope that readers expect.

The picture of a frontier society, living almost in a Hobbesian "state of nature", is vivid, and the moral consequences of that state are clearly drawn. Harry's refusal to compromise with what he believes to be wrong is a principle that can be safely followed only where the structures of law and order offer shelter. Where a man must be his own constable, high principle is a dangerous luxury. The appearance of two colonial policemen at the end, as helpless to punish the malefactors as they were to forestall them, underlines the impotence of the law and perhaps reminded Trollope's audience of the excellence of their own social arrangements.

Alert members of that audience will perhaps have noticed that Queensland displays ironic inversions of English certitudes. Most notably, Harry leases his land and _therefore_ considers himself socially much above Medlicot, who has purchased his. In the home country, of course, a land owner who farmed his property (Medlicot is a sugar grower) would have looked severely down upon a man who kept livestock on rented pastures.

Unfortunately, despite its excellent qualities, "Harry Heathcote" suffers a defect that reduces it to the Trollopian second class (albeit that is no low place to be). In so short a work, nothing should be wasted, and too many words are wasted here on a perfunctory romance, one of the least interesting that Trollope ever devised. Medlicot's courtship of Harry's sister-in-law not only adds nothing to the narrative but is positively detrimental, as it gives the neighbor a self-interested motive for his decision to take Harry's side against the Brownbie conspiracy rather than maintain a "fair-minded" neutrality.

Anyone who has never read Trollope should not begin here, but the author's fans will not regret passing a few hours with him in the Australian bush.