Truman Books

This was required reading for a graduate course in American history. In this engaging biography, Robert H. Ferrell, who has authored and edited eight previous books on Truman, does an admirable job of presenting the life and presidency of Harry S. Truman. Although one can detect Ferrell's admiration for Truman, one senses from the extensive notes, bibliography, and research conducted at the Truman Library as well as his willingness to criticize Truman for his mistakes, that Ferrell has written a very balanced biography of Truman. Ferrell's book is a good introductory biography of Truman's whole life; the first eight chapters are devoted to his life prior to his ascendancy to the presidency in 1945 after the death of Franklin Delano Roosevelt. One gets the sense that Truman was the last president of an earlier and simpler time in America. He was the last president who was not a college graduate nor was he well--off financially. Ferrell's biography captures the essence of what type of a man Truman was and what history and his fellow citizens perceived him as.
"A plain-speaking, straight-talking, ordinary fellow (people thought) who did what he saw as his duty without turning his obligation into opportunity for personal gain" (179). Ferrell also exposed Truman's flaws such as being overprotective and too loyal to friends that had done wrong. Often he took it as a personal affront when anyone differed with him.
Ferrell presents a few experiences from Truman's early years that formed his character. From farming, Truman gained a work ethic that served him well throughout his life. His experience as an artillery captain and battery commander during WWI was instrumental in proving to himself and others that he was a very capable and caring leader of men. This experience was instrumental in putting him on the path of a political life. His experience as a failed haberdasher and bank speculator in the 1920's caused Truman to be a fiscal conservative the rest of his life and a good steward of the government's money. In addition, he learned about and came to understand and respect ethnic minorities, such as Catholics and Jews, from his Army and haberdashery experiences. Thus, Ferrell astutely proved that understanding Truman's early life experiences are instrumental if one wants to properly analyze Truman's decision-making process in the domestic and foreign policy arena.
"The Buck Stops Here" placard on Truman's desk has become legendary in presidential history. One of his secretaries of state, Dean Acheson, admired Truman for capably understanding the complexities of a situation and his willingness to make a hard decision without vacillating. Truman was adept at gathering all of the facts in a timely manner, listening to people's opinions and turning the options over in his mind, and then when he arrived at what he thought was the correct decision, he made it and stuck to his guns. Truman wound up making many important decisions that have affected America to this day such as, using nuclear weapons against Japan to end WWII, integrating the military in 1948, recognizing the state of Israel, creating the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, and involving American military forces in the Korean war.
One of the first, most momentous, and most often debated decisions that Truman had to make as President was whether to use two atomic bombs against Japan to hasten the end of WWII. Ferrell and other historians have made a very convincing argument to support Truman's decision-making process to use nuclear weapons to end the war. The Japanese military, who effectively controlled their government, were fanatics in their prosecution of the war. The Japanese people had suffered through numerous fire bombings of their cities in the months leading up to the end of the war, in which hundreds of thousands of their citizens were killed. In addition, the military had lost many battles and virtually all of its island holdings in the Pacific, and yet the government was strengthening its homeland forces and preparing for invasion instead of seriously considering surrender. Ferrell, relying on information gathered by Edward J. Drea, who wrote about the American military intelligence estimate gathered in July of 1945 mainly through the deciphering of Japanese radio traffic, showed that up to 600,000 Japanese were being prepared to fight in the event of an American invasion. Even this estimate turned out to be too low, since after the war American intelligence learned that the Japanese actually had some 900,000 prepared to fight against the invasion. American military estimates of the cost of life in the event of an invasion of the Japanese home islands were at best sketchy, and many historians who have written against the use of atomic weapons have used the unreliability of the estimates as one of their examples why Truman was wrong to use the nuclear option. However, Thomas B. Allen and Norman Polmar in their book, Codename Downfall, which detailed the plan to invade Japan, wrote that Truman was presented with an estimate that showed that there could be 238,000 American casualties and possibly the same number of Japanese casualties. This information coupled with the very real evidence of how tenaciously the Japanese people had fought was no myth, and convinced Truman that dropping the bombs on Japan to end the war was the right decision. One only had to look at the horrific casualty figures for American battles on Iwo Jima and Okinawa to name a few in order to understand just how fiercely the Japanese were capable of fighting. Ferrell aptly showed that Truman's decision has come under criticism throughout the years partly because of how he had stridently defended it and was so dismissive of the critics of his decision. "The president's critics, one suspects, were ready to accuse him because they did not admire other things he did or approved. They were critical because of his well-known decisiveness, which sometimes seemed offhanded" (214).
Truman, almost by necessity and circumstance, was forced to alter America's foreign policy of isolationism to one of internationalism. Truman realized the Korean War left him in a predicament. If he did not defend South Korea in the wake of North Korea's attack, he then would acquiescence to the Communist North Koreans, and ultimately the Russians. By not defending South Korea, American prestige in Asia and the world would undoubtedly would be tarnished. Yet, if he did attack, he risked a world war with the Chinese and the Russians, and ultimately a nuclear war. In light of the Truman doctrine, and America's stance on communism, Truman decided to defend South Korea. It was a widely unpopular war, which ended in a stalemate. Yet, Ferrell entertains a notion that America did not become the world superpower after WW II, but rather during the Korean War because America intervened to defend a non-communist nation, in essence, America became the police and protection force for weaker non-communist countries in the face of communist aggression. Many historians would agree that the year 1945 and the history after irreversibly changed the world. The cold war, America's role in world affairs, and the question of nuclear weapons all contributed.
Truman initially set about reorganizing the bureaucracy, conducting a complete overhaul of cabinet and staff. In addition to creating the Budget Bureau and the National Security Council, he created the Council of Economic Advisers, which he staffed it with both conservatives and liberals and regarded it as an advisory committee. Ferrell positively describes Truman's intellect, honesty, and integrity throughout the book but one of the places where it shines most brightly is in his civil rights efforts, which is rarely given the credit it deserves in historical accounts. Ferrell examines possible reasons behind Truman's change of heart on civil rights and concludes that much of his perspective came from his principled sense of fairness and his belief that the duty of the office of the President was to represent all Americans. The Truman-appointed Civil Rights Commission presented a frank report, entitled To Secure These Rights, with a ten-point agenda of civil rights reforms. Lacking congressional support, he turned to the power of executive orders to start the desegregation of the armed forces.
His second administration was marred by scandals, including the Hoey Investigation, the Reconstruction Finance Corporation, and the Bureau of Internal Revenue illegal activity, for which the president was criticized for failing to take appropriate action. Another one of Truman's domestic challenges, which cost him politically, was labor strikes. To avoid a steelworker strike, Truman invoked what he believed to be the inherent powers of the president to seize control of the mills and was rebuffed by the Supreme Court. As the 1952 election loomed, Truman bristled that the emerging Democratic candidate, Adlai Stevenson, was distancing himself from Truman's administration. Although they reconciled and Truman even assisted with campaign speeches, it was to little avail. Eisenhower won 55 percent of the popular vote and Truman finished out his lame duck presidency.
In his post-presidency years, Truman returned to Independence and his quiet life. He solicited donations to build a presidential library, which he donated to the federal government, a convention which later presidents have followed. Likewise, he refused endorsements and placement in corporate payrolls because he believed that accepting financial opportunities would diminish the integrity of the office of President. As a result, Harry and Bess Truman lived out the remainder of their lives without the safety of financial savings. He established a precise daily routine at his library, which included writing copious amount of letters and receiving many visitors. Ever the politician, he remained connected with Washington life and accepted invitations to the White House in both the Eisenhower and Kennedy administrations. In his final years, bothered with health problems, he took refuge in music and books. He died the day after Christmas, 1972 and was buried at his presidential library in Independence, with all the pomp and circumstance fitting a former President.

Thus, Ferrell does a very convincing job of making one believe just how important and interesting it is to study Truman, especially since he was so very different from the presidents who had come before and after him.

Recommended reading for anyone interested in American history, foreign policy, Cold War history.

Franklin D. Mitchell has written an extensive portrayal of the pugnacious relationship between President Harry Truman and the news media. Truman liked the media, especially when it provided the public with images that displayed his down-to-earth personality. But the president often lost his temper when the media became critical of his family, friends, and his domestic policies.

Mitchell recounts how the media played an important role during the Truman years between 1945-1953. He provides the reader with a chronological narrative in history. Mitchell reviews the 1948 election that resulted in the greatest presidential miscall in journalistic history. He also touches base with the rise of women and minorities in the media, and how the newsreel and photojournalism contributed to the Truman presidency.

The book is interesting and extensively detailed. Highly recommended for anyone interested in Harry Truman or political/presidential studies.

Brian Burnes new book on Harry Truman is a pleasure, impeccably researched and extremely well written. Rather than piling detail upon detail, Burnes opts for well-chosen anecdotes that add up to Truman's full story: his Kansas City boyhood, World War I service, political rise, presidency , and later years back in Kansas City. Truman is remembered for his momentous decision to drop the atomic bomb, but this book also delves into less-known aspects of his presidency. For example, Burnes recounts a wonderful episode involving an old poker buddy named Eddie Jacobson who, in 1948, helped convice Truman that the U.S. should recognize the brand new state of Israel.

Throughout, Burnes does a masterful job of interweaving the story of Truman, the politician, with humanizing details about Truman, the man. While attending the Potsdam conference in 1945, for example, Truman purchased a luncheon set of Belgian lace for Bess. The first lady, in turn, thought the gift a bit extravagant. This book also has wonderful photographs and illustrations, including a Thomas Hart Benton portrait of Truman so closely observed and revelatory that it's worth a thousand words, easily.

The volumes in the Encyclopedia of President series all begin in media res, with a defining moment in the life of that particular president. I anticipated that Jim Hargrove would begin his look at Harry Truman as many juvenile biographies of the 33rd president do with the moment when the then vice president being told that Franklin Roosevelt had died. While Hargrove begins with that, the defining moment of the first chapter is Truman finding out about the Manhattan Project and his decision to order a pair of atomic bombs to be dropped on Japan. Of course, Hargrove's point is that the advent of the nuclear age and the decision to use the bomb is a large part of Truman's legacy as president.

The rest of this juvenile biography tells how "Little Four-Eyes" ended up on "The Fast Road to the White House." The chief thing young readers will get out of reading this volume is that Truman was never seduced by the powers of his office. The story is of an ordinary man, one of the common folk as some would say, whom circumstances put in the White House. The lesson is that sometimes this nation is very lucky and has the right person in the White House at the right time. Hargrove does get into the how Truman ended up being FDR's running mate in 1944, which seems to be based more on how Truman compared favorably to the controversial Henry Wallace, the current vice president, than on Truman's qualifications to become President. Hargrove ends with Truman hearing a childhood friend says that Truman would "rather be right than be President" and responding, "I'd rather be anything than be President."

The book is illustrated with black & white photographs from Truman's personal and public life that reveal something interesting: notice the difference in the smile Truman has in photographs with his family versus those taken in public. In terms of juvenile biographies of Truman this is the most detailed, which is standard for the Encyclopedia of Presidents series. This would never be the first book young readers should turn to in order to find out about the life of Truman, one of the most admired presidents of the 20th century (or would that be one of the few?), but after availing themselves of one of the decent introductory juvenile biographies this is the one that they should turn to for the details.

This was required reading for a graduate course in American history. In this engaging biography, Robert H. Ferrell, who has authored and edited eight previous books on Truman, does an admirable job of presenting the life and presidency of Harry S. Truman. Although one can detect Ferrell's admiration for Truman, one senses from the extensive notes, bibliography, and research conducted at the Truman Library as well as his willingness to criticize Truman for his mistakes, that Ferrell has written a very balanced biography of Truman. Ferrell's book is a good introductory biography of Truman's whole life; the first eight chapters are devoted to his life prior to his ascendancy to the presidency in 1945 after the death of Franklin Delano Roosevelt. One gets the sense that Truman was the last president of an earlier and simpler time in America. He was the last president who was not a college graduate nor was he well--off financially. Ferrell's biography captures the essence of what type of a man Truman was and what history and his fellow citizens perceived him as.
"A plain-speaking, straight-talking, ordinary fellow (people thought) who did what he saw as his duty without turning his obligation into opportunity for personal gain" (179). Ferrell also exposed Truman's flaws such as being overprotective and too loyal to friends that had done wrong. Often he took it as a personal affront when anyone differed with him.
Ferrell presents a few experiences from Truman's early years that formed his character. From farming, Truman gained a work ethic that served him well throughout his life. His experience as an artillery captain and battery commander during WWI was instrumental in proving to himself and others that he was a very capable and caring leader of men. This experience was instrumental in putting him on the path of a political life. His experience as a failed haberdasher and bank speculator in the 1920's caused Truman to be a fiscal conservative the rest of his life and a good steward of the government's money. In addition, he learned about and came to understand and respect ethnic minorities, such as Catholics and Jews, from his Army and haberdashery experiences. Thus, Ferrell astutely proved that understanding Truman's early life experiences are instrumental if one wants to properly analyze Truman's decision-making process in the domestic and foreign policy arena.
"The Buck Stops Here" placard on Truman's desk has become legendary in presidential history. One of his secretaries of state, Dean Acheson, admired Truman for capably understanding the complexities of a situation and his willingness to make a hard decision without vacillating. Truman was adept at gathering all of the facts in a timely manner, listening to people's opinions and turning the options over in his mind, and then when he arrived at what he thought was the correct decision, he made it and stuck to his guns. Truman wound up making many important decisions that have affected America to this day such as, using nuclear weapons against Japan to end WWII, integrating the military in 1948, recognizing the state of Israel, creating the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, and involving American military forces in the Korean war.
One of the first, most momentous, and most often debated decisions that Truman had to make as President was whether to use two atomic bombs against Japan to hasten the end of WWII. Ferrell and other historians have made a very convincing argument to support Truman's decision-making process to use nuclear weapons to end the war. The Japanese military, who effectively controlled their government, were fanatics in their prosecution of the war. The Japanese people had suffered through numerous fire bombings of their cities in the months leading up to the end of the war, in which hundreds of thousands of their citizens were killed. In addition, the military had lost many battles and virtually all of its island holdings in the Pacific, and yet the government was strengthening its homeland forces and preparing for invasion instead of seriously considering surrender. Ferrell, relying on information gathered by Edward J. Drea, who wrote about the American military intelligence estimate gathered in July of 1945 mainly through the deciphering of Japanese radio traffic, showed that up to 600,000 Japanese were being prepared to fight in the event of an American invasion. Even this estimate turned out to be too low, since after the war American intelligence learned that the Japanese actually had some 900,000 prepared to fight against the invasion. American military estimates of the cost of life in the event of an invasion of the Japanese home islands were at best sketchy, and many historians who have written against the use of atomic weapons have used the unreliability of the estimates as one of their examples why Truman was wrong to use the nuclear option. However, Thomas B. Allen and Norman Polmar in their book, Codename Downfall, which detailed the plan to invade Japan, wrote that Truman was presented with an estimate that showed that there could be 238,000 American casualties and possibly the same number of Japanese casualties. This information coupled with the very real evidence of how tenaciously the Japanese people had fought was no myth, and convinced Truman that dropping the bombs on Japan to end the war was the right decision. One only had to look at the horrific casualty figures for American battles on Iwo Jima and Okinawa to name a few in order to understand just how fiercely the Japanese were capable of fighting. Ferrell aptly showed that Truman's decision has come under criticism throughout the years partly because of how he had stridently defended it and was so dismissive of the critics of his decision. "The president's critics, one suspects, were ready to accuse him because they did not admire other things he did or approved. They were critical because of his well-known decisiveness, which sometimes seemed offhanded" (214).
Truman, almost by necessity and circumstance, was forced to alter America's foreign policy of isolationism to one of internationalism. Truman realized the Korean War left him in a predicament. If he did not defend South Korea in the wake of North Korea's attack, he then would acquiescence to the Communist North Koreans, and ultimately the Russians. By not defending South Korea, American prestige in Asia and the world would undoubtedly would be tarnished. Yet, if he did attack, he risked a world war with the Chinese and the Russians, and ultimately a nuclear war. In light of the Truman doctrine, and America's stance on communism, Truman decided to defend South Korea. It was a widely unpopular war, which ended in a stalemate. Yet, Ferrell entertains a notion that America did not become the world superpower after WW II, but rather during the Korean War because America intervened to defend a non-communist nation, in essence, America became the police and protection force for weaker non-communist countries in the face of communist aggression. Many historians would agree that the year 1945 and the history after irreversibly changed the world. The cold war, America's role in world affairs, and the question of nuclear weapons all contributed.
Truman initially set about reorganizing the bureaucracy, conducting a complete overhaul of cabinet and staff. In addition to creating the Budget Bureau and the National Security Council, he created the Council of Economic Advisers, which he staffed it with both conservatives and liberals and regarded it as an advisory committee. Ferrell positively describes Truman's intellect, honesty, and integrity throughout the book but one of the places where it shines most brightly is in his civil rights efforts, which is rarely given the credit it deserves in historical accounts. Ferrell examines possible reasons behind Truman's change of heart on civil rights and concludes that much of his perspective came from his principled sense of fairness and his belief that the duty of the office of the President was to represent all Americans. The Truman-appointed Civil Rights Commission presented a frank report, entitled To Secure These Rights, with a ten-point agenda of civil rights reforms. Lacking congressional support, he turned to the power of executive orders to start the desegregation of the armed forces.
His second administration was marred by scandals, including the Hoey Investigation, the Reconstruction Finance Corporation, and the Bureau of Internal Revenue illegal activity, for which the president was criticized for failing to take appropriate action. Another one of Truman's domestic challenges, which cost him politically, was labor strikes. To avoid a steelworker strike, Truman invoked what he believed to be the inherent powers of the president to seize control of the mills and was rebuffed by the Supreme Court. As the 1952 election loomed, Truman bristled that the emerging Democratic candidate, Adlai Stevenson, was distancing himself from Truman's administration. Although they reconciled and Truman even assisted with campaign speeches, it was to little avail. Eisenhower won 55 percent of the popular vote and Truman finished out his lame duck presidency.
In his post-presidency years, Truman returned to Independence and his quiet life. He solicited donations to build a presidential library, which he donated to the federal government, a convention which later presidents have followed. Likewise, he refused endorsements and placement in corporate payrolls because he believed that accepting financial opportunities would diminish the integrity of the office of President. As a result, Harry and Bess Truman lived out the remainder of their lives without the safety of financial savings. He established a precise daily routine at his library, which included writing copious amount of letters and receiving many visitors. Ever the politician, he remained connected with Washington life and accepted invitations to the White House in both the Eisenhower and Kennedy administrations. In his final years, bothered with health problems, he took refuge in music and books. He died the day after Christmas, 1972 and was buried at his presidential library in Independence, with all the pomp and circumstance fitting a former President.

Thus, Ferrell does a very convincing job of making one believe just how important and interesting it is to study Truman, especially since he was so very different from the presidents who had come before and after him.

Recommended reading for anyone interested in American history, foreign policy, Cold War history.

This book is a must for any Tiger Alum with a small child.
It teaches them early about Mizzou's heritage and traditions.

It is well illustrated and just an overall good book for a future Tiger.

Heresy, Culture, and Religion in Early Modern Italy: Contexts and Contestations is an anthology of scholarly essays by learned authors examining religious reform movements on the Italian peninsula during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Individual works examine "The Turbulent Life of the Florentine Community in Venice", "Making Heresy Marginal in Modena", "Legal Remedies for Forced Monachization in Early Modern Italy", and much more. An index for quick reference rounds out this thoughtful and multidimensional scrutiny of a critical turning point in Christianity's historical evolution.

This mystery thriller is filled with so much mystery that one is completely mesmerized with the different happenings of Amy's life. To add so much interest to a story and keep the initial mystery ongoning is certainly a true talent from Truman Godwin.

In High Anxiety: Masculinity In Crisis In Early Modern France Kathleen P. Long (Associate Professor of French, Cornell University) provides the reader with a deftly edited selection of scholarly essays by learned authors focusing on sixteenth century France and the institution of masculinity. Documented in early literary criticism of author Louise Labe, medical treatises, fairy tales, court memoirs, poetry, theater, popular pamphlets of the day and more, the contributors offer a broad cross-section of material showing that anxiety concerning the status of men was widespread at the time, resulting in numerous attempts to bolster masculine codes of civility, honor, and patriarchy resulted. A singularly fascinating look at sixteenth-century French society, High Anxiety is an invaluable and seminal contribution to French literary and cultural history supplemental reading lists and academic reference collections.

1. Before the King Follet sermon, Lorenzo Snow understood "As man is God once was. As God now is man may become." 1 John 3:1-2 "Beloved, now are we the sons of God, an it doth not yet appear what we shall be: but we know that, when he shall appear, we shall be like him; for we shall see him as he is."

2. In 1844, the prophet Joseph Smith arose and said with power, "God was once a man as we are now."

3. Blasphemy is illogical, malicious, and erroneous. The religionist argued that "God is immaterial, incorporeal, beyond space, beyond time, unchanging, and unembodied". Such a God is incomprehensible, unapproachable, and mythical; a non-anthropological being of no substance and most probable unable to communication with understanding and empathy to us.

4. The mysterious God is without substance and therefore unknowable. However, our very existence contradicts an unknowable God because "Why did God create us?" The religionist claims God create us for his own pleasure and by his inscrutable will to have creatures to honor and worship him, for our own happiness. But in the eyes of the religionist it is impossible to say God need to create us because God has no needs. God is all-powerful and all knowing and has anticipatory wisdom and knew exactly what he was about. Why since God could have created co-creators, did he choose to make us creatures? God's very nature request that he should have peers and worthy of our love.

5. The Messiah and heirship: "You are possessor of all things; for all things are subject unto you, both in heaven and on the earth, the life and the light, the Spirit and power, sent forth by the will of the Father through Jesus Christ." D&C 50:27 The day shall come when you shall comprehend even God, being quickened in him and by him (D&C 88:49). If your eye be single to my glory, your whole bodies shall be filled with light, and there shall be no darkness in you; and that body which is filled with light comprehendeth all things. (D&C 88:67). He hath made us kings and priest unto God and his father. (Rev 1:6)

6. Pride is a vice. If we can strip ourselves of pride, everything becomes better: pride of Church status, pride of self-righteousness, and pride of aspiration. "In as much as ye have done it unto the lest of my brethren" has real significance, if we are devoid of pride. We can love our brother, suffer with him and understand his weaknesses; and together overcome the world. Man must see himself as less than the dust of the earth and consider himself a fool before God, only then will we stop hating our brother.

7. Godliness can't be conferred and it must be acquired.

8. The nearer one comes to living celestial law the greater the opposition.

9. Freedom is worth sacrifices

10. Learning is but a recollection. All things are spiritual. The mind is spiritual. If Christ knew before hand his mission, so did we. Life can only come from life. That is an eternal law. Ordinances trigger our infinite memories. Ordinances have been hidden but the Lord has "renewed and confirmed" them in our day, D&C 84:48. "And without the ordinances thereof, and the authority of the priesthood, the power of godliness is not manifest unto men in the flesh." D&C 84:20-21 Ordinances are a form of prayer of the highest kind, form with power. Our lives are a sacrament unto the lord. We are the temples of God, a connection to all of his creations.

11. Everyone has ups and downs in life.

12. Christ paid for sin. The penitent will not be turned away. Christ reconciles use with Justice by granting us mercy.

13. "All things which have been given of God from the beginning of the world, unto man, are the typifying of him. (2 Nephi 11:4) Zion's camp was a test like unto Abraham's test of obedience. Abraham loved the Lord and his sacrifice of Isaac, his birthright son, was in similitude of the God and his begotton son". Some say this was a terrible way to test a man. We must be chastened and tried even as Abraham. (D&C 101:4) Joseph Smith taught, God will wrench your very heartstrings and if you can not stand it then you are not fit for the kingdom of God. Why the test? Abraham need to learn something about Abraham. He learned that he loved God unconditionally, and God blessed him unconditionally. God required Abraham to prove his love to him, in the midst of his sacrifice. If God could have found a more challenge feat for Abraham to prove his love, he would have done it.

14. Abraham was called the friend of God.