Middle East Books

As long as men and women strive to civilize their society the problem of tolerance will remain, because the urge toward intolerance will not go away. The achievement of Dr. Cohen-Almagor's work is that it adds to our knowledge and awareness of this central problem of politics. His arguments are made in the context of classical liberal thought, of practical politics, and of jurisprudence.

A rare blend of philosophical skill & political sensitivity, of detached analytical and critical attitude and deep ethical concern and commitment to liberal democracy.

Raphael Cohen-Almagor maps the course of the struggle against Meir Kahane in the Israeli courts and legislature. But he places it firmly in the context of the traditional controversy over the limits of toleration, providing us with a rigorous examination of the damage principle as it applies to speech and expression. He forces us to face the question why, if we refuse to tolerate the damage done by thefts, assault, fraud or murder, we should tolerate the potential damage that can be brought about by aggressive or violent speech. His work blends together political philosophy, contemporary history, and constitutional theory. It deserves the close attention of students of all three disciplines. But it should fascinate and provoke also all those who wish to confront what is probably the principal dilemma of the modern democratic practice.

This book, although not particularly well written or well researched, does prove how the government of Israel targeted Rabbi Kahane. Both right-wing and left-wing governments violated Israel's own laws in order to try and stop Rabbi Kahane's rising popularity among Israel's young people. While members of the Labor party illegally negotiated with the PLO and have still not been prosecuted, Rabbi Kahane, an Orthodox rabbi, was accused of being a racist .. even though racism was not defined. The real tragedy that the book uncovers is that Rabbi Kahane, was immorally and illegally silenced because no one had answers to the uncomfortable questions that he raised. This book is anti-Kahane. For a more fair look a Rabbi Kahane's impact on Israel readers should look for Jay Shapiro's Meir Kahane: A Litmus Test for Israel's Democracy.

Living in a country like Israel, which is beset by fateful ongoing conflicts from within and without, one is torn between impulses of appeasement and revenge, diplomacy and force, empathy and despair. A particularly difficult dilemma arises when dealing with hate-and-violence rhetoric against the Other - rhetoric which, ipso facto, challenges the selfsame democratic system that allows it to exist in the first place. It is this "catch of democracy" that Raphael Cohen-Almagor examines in The Boundaries of Liberty and Tolerance: the Struggle Against Kahanism in Israel. As a layperson in the disciplines upon which he draws - philosophy, jurisprudence, political science - I approached the book with some trepidation. Much to my relief, though, I found that it to be reader-friendly yet extremely thorough in attempting to delineate the boundaries of liberty and tolerance in a democracy.

From the outset, the decision to allow a racist demagogue like Kahane to run for a seat in the Israeli legislature raised ethical issues of the most troubling kind. The decision to revoke that privilege was no less troubling: as they fought to have Kahanism outlawed, advocates of tolerance and democracy came under bitter attack for defying the very principle which they claimed to support. The book provides a reasoned, thoughtful and comprehensive explanation of the ethical questions underlying this problematic position. And as we know only too well, no country is immune from such questions; i.e. from the emergence of would-be political parties brandishing blatantly racist or xenophobic slogans, or advocating blatantly racist or xenophobic measures. The analysis set forth in the book examines the most sensitive implications of such a development, particularly the need to reconcile the sacrosanct principles of freedom of speech, on the one hand, with the obligation to stem any tangible threat to democracy, on the other. In trying to gain a better understanding of this complex paradox, I found Cohen-Almagor's lucid description of the distinction between freedom of expression, per se, and infringements of the Harm and Offense Principles particularly enlightening.

I too believe, like the author (and indeed, who doesn't?), in the solution outlined in Epilogue - education - as the ultimate means of delegitimizing and eventually eradicating racist politics. And yet, while pursuing the educational route, it also behooves us to continue grappling with the excruciating moral and legal dilemmas which these politics force upon us. I would heartily recommend Cohen-Almagor's book as a quintessential case study, capable of shedding light on one of the most problematic challenges to the democratic system.

This book provides a clear description of the Lebanese situation. Lebanon encompasses intertwined subcultures that underlie its current situation. This book covers all the details that are needed to understand why Lebanon is the way it is.

It is informative and covers the major details. Good book to read!

"Bring down the Walls" is a truly unique contribution to the understanding of the sublime mosaic that is the Middle East. The author delves with expert understanding into the complexities of Lebanon's post-war efforts to renew itself and rejuvuate inter-communal relations. Unlike many other writers who approach Lebanon with a snide cyncism and stereotypical images of religious and political groups, author Dahger treats her subject with a compelling sense of humanity, realism and dignity. Combining her honed journalistic skills with an obvious scholarly aptitude, Dagher offers the reader that rare literary opportunity: to learn and enjoy at the same time. The book is replete with incisive first-hand accounts of dramatic efforts to rebuild the shattered spirit of Lebanon, and in particular that of its ancient Christian community. With equal skill and finesse,the reader is effortlessly transported inside the walls of the Vatican to listen in on the great deliberations of the historic 1995 Synod for Lebanon, or to Damascus and the discussion between the US Secretary of State and the President of Syria over Lebanon's future, or to Pope John Paul II's emotional and triumpiant 1997 visit to Lebanon, listen to the author's words, "The Popemobile dived into the bubbling cauldron of the jubliant crowd. It was strewn with rose petals and rice. His face turned red by the sweltering heat of May and by the emotion,the Supreme Pontiff scanned with tenderness and attention the faces and hands lifted toward him. He opened the window and reached out to a a child." (p.189) Not only is this a book sparkling with an abundance of literary gems, but it is an important and timely contribution to the fundamental issue of nation-building. Pluralism, civic society, the role of the military, consenual democracy and institutional governance are seriously treated within the Lebanese experience, but are clearly applicable to any society cop with religious, ethnic and racial diversity. So at one level, "Bring Down the Walls" is an unsurpassed examination of the recent trails and tribulations of the Christians of Lebanon, particularily the Maronite Catholics, at another level, it suggests a blueprint for Lebanon's spiritual and intercommunal revival, and finally it provides a universal message, through the prism of Lebanon's long ordeal of suffering, that speaks to the values of tolerance, diversity and co-existance. I highly recommend "Bring Down the Walls" as an historical account of significant events hitherto ignored, as a political and social analysis of modern day Eastern Christians and their role in the great issues of the Middle East and Islam, and as a moving and personal tribute to Lebanon, a land of martyrs, a land of heros.

"Bring down the Walls" is a truly unique contribution to the understanding of the sublime mosaic that is the Middle East. The author delves with expert understanding into the complexities of Lebanon's post-war efforts to renew itself and rejuvuate inter-communal relations. Unlike many other writers who approach Lebanon with a snide cyncism and stereotypical images of religious and political groups, author Dahger treats her subject with a compelling sense of humanity, realism and dignity. Combining her honed journalistic skills with an obvious scholarly aptitude, Dagher offers the reader that rare literary opportunity: to learn and enjoy at the same time. The book is replete with incisive first-hand accounts of dramatic efforts to rebuild the shattered spirit of Lebanon, and in particular that of its ancient Christian community. With equal skill and finesse,the reader is effortlessly transported inside the walls of the Vatican to listen in on the great deliberations of the historic 1995 Synod for Lebanon, or to Damascus and the discussion between the US Secretary of State and the President of Syria over Lebanon's future, or to Pope John Paul II's emotional and triumpiant 1997 visit to Lebanon, listen to the author's words, "The Popemobile dived into the bubbling cauldron of the jubliant crowd. It was strewn with rose petals and rice. His face turned red by the sweltering heat of May and by the emotion,the Supreme Pontiff scanned with tenderness and attention the faces and hands lifted toward him. He opened the window and reached out to a a child." (p.189) Not only is this a book sparkling with an abundance of literary gems, but it is an important and timely contribution to the fundamental issue of nation-building. Pluralism, civic society, the role of the military, consenual democracy and institutional governance are seriously treated within the Lebanese experience, but are clearly applicable to any society cop with religious, ethnic and racial diversity. So at one level, "Bring Down the Walls" is an unsurpassed examination of the recent trails and tribulations of the Christians of Lebanon, particularily the Maronite Catholics, at another level, it suggests a blueprint for Lebanon's spiritual and intercommunal revival, and finally it provides a universal message, through the prism of Lebanon's long ordeal of suffering, that speaks to the values of tolerance, diversity and co-existance. I highly recommend "Bring Down the Walls" as an historical account of significant events hitherto ignored, as a political and social analysis of modern day Eastern Christians and their role in the great issues of the Middle East and Islam, and as a moving and personal tribute to Lebanon, a land of martyrs, a land of heros.

To reclaim its legacy as a paragon of plurality, argues a research associate at Georgetown's Center for Muslim-Christian Understanding, Lebanon must first climb out of the morass of "isms" into which it has devolved through decades of civil strife and the meddling of others. Though relatively short, Dagher's book covers a lot of ground. It contains a historical overview of Lebanon's myriad communities as well as an analysis of the development of their mutual distrust. By exposing the nation's self-destructive, inter-communal misconceptions, the author aims to dispel them. Among her allies she numbers no less a figure than Pope John Paul II, whose 1997 visit to Lebanon is stirringly described by Dagher, who shows him standing outside a cathedral (with the sun setting into the Mediterranean as a backdrop) and imploring the country's youth to "bring down the walls erected in the painful past". Those walls, in the author's view, are founded on dogmatic ideologies: sectarianism, Maronitism, fundamentalism, pluralism, and pan-Arabism, to name a few. With unabashed passion, Dagher warns that if Lebanon fails in its multicultural mission, it spells doom not just for a nation uniquely positioned to bridge the gap between Christianity and Islam, but for the entire Levant, which looks to the "country of Cedars" as an oasis in a desert of expanding fanaticism. Her book is a model of engaged journalism, combining thorough research with intensity derived from a personal connection to the subject matter. Quoting numerous Christian and Muslim leaders who stress the importance of preserving diversity, she proves that pluralism is not her ideal alone; it is Lebanon's. Documenting the nation's efforts before and after the civil war to build a model democratic society of diverse sects, she makes a convincing case that the current chronic discord is an aberration. A tougher read for the casual Middle East reader than, say, Thomas Friedman's From Beirut to Jerusalem (1989), but far more penetrating and therefore a must for the expert.

"Bring down the Walls" is a truly unique contribution to the understanding of the sublime mosaic that is the Middle East. The author delves with expert understanding into the complexities of Lebanon's post-war efforts to renew itself and rejuvuate intercommunal relations. Unlike many other writers who approach Lebanon with a snide cyncism and stereotypical images of religious and political groups, author Dahger treats her subject with a compelling sense of humanity, realism and dignity. Combining her honed journalistic skills with an obvious scholarly aptitude, Dagher offers the reader that rare literary opportunity: to learn and enjoy at the same time. The book is replete with incisive first-hand accounts of dramatic efforts to rebuild the shattered spirit of Lebanon, and in particular that of its ancient Christian community. With equal skill and finesse,the reader is effortlessly transported inside the walls of the Vatican to listen in on the great deliberations of the historic 1995 Synod for Lebanon, or to Damascus and the discussion between the US Secretary of State and the President of Syria over Lebanon's future, or to Pope John Paul II's emotional and triumpiant 1997 visit to Lebanon; listen to the author's words, "The Popemobile dived into the bubbling cauldron of the jubliant crowd. It was strewn with rose petals and rice. His face turned red by the sweltering heat of May and by the emotion,the Supreme Pontiff scanned with tenderness and attention the faces and hands lifted toward him. He opened the window and reached out to a a child." (p.189) Not only is this a book sparkling with an abundance of literary gems, but it is an important and timely contribution to the fundamental issue of nation-building. Pluralism, civic society, the role of the military, consenual democracy and institutional governance are seriously treated within the Lebanese experience, but are clearly applicable to any society coping with religious, ethnic and racial diversity. So at one level, "Bring Down the Walls" is an unsurpassed examination of the recent trails and tribulations of the Christians of Lebanon, particularily the Maronite Catholics, at another level, it suggests a blueprint for Lebanon's spiritual and intercommunal revival, and finally it provides a universal message, through the prism of Lebanon's long ordeal of suffering, that speaks to the values of tolerance, diversity and co-existance. I highly recommend "Bring Down the Walls" as an historical account of significant events hitherto ignored, as a political and social analysis of modern day Eastern Christians and their role in the great issues of the Middle East and Islam, and as a moving and personal tribute to Lebanon, a land of martyrs, a land of heros.

CAIRO CATS are street-smart, hold a fine lineage, and are not to be treated the same way as your typical Western cat: that's the message in the blend of history and pet insights of CAIRO CATS: EGYPT'S ENDURING LEGACY, which uses the backdrop of Cairo to explore the cats through verse and prose alike. Lovely photos display the cats against fine Egyptian scenes while descriptions draw readers in. Perfect for any cat lover who wants something a little different.

Diane C. Donovan
California Bookwatch

Cairo Cats is highly professional but down-to-earth, with enchanting images, arresting quotations and an illuminating introduction. It helps us expand our understanding of the world and its creatures. Enough to make a non-cat person like me into a cat lover.

An inspiring book, that captures the true essence of Cairo, one of the world's most incredible cities. The pictures range from amusing, to awe-inspiring to poignant. Cat lovers and anyone with an interest in Egypt will absolutely cherish this one-of-a-kind book.

Poetry by cool cats such as Naomi Shihab Nye and Nizar Qabbani, inscriptions from The Prophecies of Neferti, cat fiqh from Aisha and Imam al-Shafii (is that not delightful?), Persian folk sayings, Turkish proverbs, cat wisdom from Afghanistan, cat notes from Egyptian Nobel Laureate novelist Naguib Mahfouz. Cat calligraphy! "Qitt" with an inky tail!

All arranged amid lush, delightful cat photos: Cat among the Pharoahs, cat goddesses and gods, cat on a Persian rug, cats making careful cat-ablutions, cats on Cairo streetcorners, cat in a coffeeshop, the cat and the copper tray.

What a GEM!

I app-purrrrrr-rove.

Following is a verbatim passage from a recent e-mail message I sent to Cairo Cats mastermind and photographer, Lorraine Chittock. She suggested that I post it on Amazon, which I am happy to do. I actually purchased the earlier edition of Cairo Cats from Amazon, which is quite similar to the new 2006 volume, but not as good, in my opinion. There are some new images in the new edition, the text font and text color are better, and I even think the coloration on the wonderful images is more robust and eye-popping in the new edition. Also, the new edition is printed in Cairo, which adds character and authenticity as far as I'm concerned. The reason I became interested in the Cairo Cats volume was to provide background, reality, and a worldwide viewpoint to a Breed Booth display for a large, well attended international cat show. Our breed, the Somali, claims the North African geographical area and the ancient Egyptian culture as part of its "Creation Mythology". Cairo Cats helps present the Somali legend to the public, and provides context and an enjoyable reference book for the breeders represented by our display.

>These artful, captivating, intriguing images from a distant, exotic
>land will hopefully provide depth and background to our exhibit
>for the 2006 CFA International Show. Your volume illustrates
>a culture with perhaps the world's premier claim to a long and
>sincere Cat Fancy tradition. Both ancient and modern
>manifestations of Egyptian Cat Fancy are beautifully presented.
>Thoughtful readers can meditate on poetic Egyptian quotations
>spanning four millenia. There is much to value and appreciate
>in your Cairo Cats volume, Lorraine. I feel very lucky to be
>able to offer it to a broad audience, some of whom will
>deeply appreciate its rich cross-cultural offering.

This is a lovely and highly informative book. Maria Golia's prose is very readable and equally delightful, her knowledge of Cairo, its people and its history is comprehensive. She loves the city. She doesn't patronize it.

Minor corrections, to an otherwise very accurate book, are on

Page 35, the name of the Egyptian actor Adel IMAM is given as Adel IMAN, twice.

Page 85, the words for 'cemeteries' (plural) and 'dust' (single) in colloquial Egyptian dialect are 'TOE-rub' (the stress on the first syllable) and 'tor-AAb' (the stress is on the second), respectively. It's tempting to argue that they derive from the same three-letter semetic root, but as they stand, they are pronounced differently.

Finally, I want to point out that there is a number of short "Letters from Cairo" (published in 'The New Internationalist') by, and an NPR interview (from early 2003) with M Golia available on the web. All highly recommended.

I learned more from reading this book, over a recent visit, than from living in Cairo for five years and then visiting over a period of twenty. While Max Rodenbeck and others have written decent histories of the city, this is a truly amazing work -- both history and remarkably detailed and with rich philosophical insights not only about the thinking of latter day Cairenes but even about the motivations of the Western tourists who visit Egypt. Golia's writing is funny, her style sweeping, and her conclusions inevitably sensible. Even the photos are good. Buy this book!

I grow up in Cairo. I was suprised how the author learned all of that information that she put in the book. The book provides information that one cannot know unless he/she lives long enough with the Cairenes. The book is very interesting. It descibes many aspects of social life in Cairo. The book discusses details about events, such as marriage, Islam, dating, etc. An early, interesting chapter discusses a brief introduction to the history of Cairo.
I think that this book is for a reader who wanna know some information about the behavior and beliefs of Cairnes. The book is easy-to-read and non-academic.
This book may not be very informative for someone who just get information about traveling in Cairo.

You don't have to love Cairo like I do to love Maria Golia's writing. She writes with engaging warmth, humor, and irony about the city and its remarkable, warm, funny, and ironic inhabitants. I was fortunate to spend an hour chatting with Maria about her book and her life in Egypt on a recent Cairo visit. She's as attractive and engaging in person as her writing is on the page.

Own this book and you'll read it once for its insights into Cairene life and you'll read it again for the lovely writing.

If you know Cairo at all, whether glancingly or in depth, you will be grateful for the richness and detail of Maria Golia's book. No other work on the city captures so much of its unimaginably crowded present. Its past is skillfully woven in, but as Golia notes in her introduction, others have written about Cairo's past. Few outsiders can report so well on the day to day life of this incomprehensibly vast city. True, it's not a tourist's guide, but anyone who loves cities and their history will find this a rewarding text.

A fast reading biography of a truly unusual and remarkable man. I recommend the book highly.

Every year, during May, The United States Military Academy (West Point) has a memorial service commemorating Col. David "Mickey" Marcus. If you are anywhere near West Point, you owe it to yourself to attend the service.

A well written story of one of the most unusual American war heroes as well as a stirring account of the birth of Israel.

I was surprised at how good this book is, and how much work must have gone into writing it. Berkman who for most of his professional life was a screenwriter did a tremendous amount of research to tell this story. As a screenwriter he increases its readability by casting a great deal of it in dialogue, though this raises questions about his 'fictionalizing' at certain points.
Nonetheless there is a strong sense of the overall reliability and authenticity of the narrative. The story is a fascinating one. Marcus was a true hero , a person of tremendous personal courage and ability. He was a fighter and a man of many accomplishments. Born to a poor Jewish family, and orphaned of his father in his early years he worked hard to win entry to West Point where he was intercollegiate welterweight boxing champion. He had a successful Army career including a stretch as head of phystical training for the Army's elite Ranger unit, and was mustered out only to become Corrections Comissioner of the City of New York. But when the Second World War began he returned to the Army .He did important administrative work but eager to contribute to the battle on the ground, parachuted into the Normandy battlefield where his sense of command and battlefield savvy were vital . For his actions he won the Distinguished Service Medal, and the Bronze Star. . At the end of the war he was with Patton's forces and was among those who visited liberated Dachau. The horrors of the concentration camp deeply effected him, and were part of his decision when later called upon by emissaries from Israel, to go and volunteer and help the Jews in their fight for a homeland.
Marcus made important contributions to the disorganized and beleaguered Jewish forces. He aided Ben- Gurion , and argued for the building of conventional forces and not simply guerilla units. He urged thus that the units of the Palmach lose their independent decision- making power and become part of the overall force of the Haganah. Marcus also made a great contribution to the Israeli forces in the battle for Jerusalem by pushing for the building of an alternative route, the Burma road to Jerusalem. It was while doing this that he was killed when a guard mistook him for an enemy soldier.
Marcus was a character of great energy, imagination, and flair. Berkman tells how he too was a person of great humanistic ideals, a fighter for freedom and human dignity.
One other central theme of the story is his relation to his wife Emma who suffered his long absences but remained the anchor of his existence. The book is filled with moving excerpts of his letters to her.
Berkman's tone in this work is upbeat and promotional. He tells the story in an exciting way. Here it is possible to wonder whether he might have done more in exposing the critical opposition to Marcus.
But the book is an overwhelmingly positive and convincing one. In the course of it not only is Marcus' story told, but we have the sense of a different time, a different world and different values. This is most apparent in Marcus description of and feeling about the Israelis he serves with. He finds them to be energetic, idealistic, youthful , innovative , and above all courageous.
Marcus himself came to beleaguered Yishuv, an underdog in its war against five Arab Armies, and made a major contribution to its victory.

An unusual, rather bold title; however, 'Mickey' Marcus was an unusual, incredibly bold man. The author keeps you turning each page with disbelief that this book is covering the shortened lifetime of ONE man! His list of accomplishments would look like a who's who list, only they were all accomplished by ONLY him. No matter how avid a reader, you will find yourself saying "How could one guy pull ALL this off and How come I've never heard of him before" I usually read a biography a day. This is by all means the most unforgettable and without a doubt my highest recommendation for anyone interested in the flame within man. And once you have heard of him (for this is not a book that you could put down without finishing) you will find there are thousands of web pages honoring multitudes of his individual achievements; but, this is THE book about ALL his achievements and his biographer is a GREAT writer allowing us an intimate look at an amazing person.

This book is a fantastic biography of an amazing man. He is a man who should be loved by those who love freedom, and hated by those who despise freedom. This book intimately details the sacrifices of this war hero in both WWII and the Israeli War of Independence. Ted Berkman does a superb job in documenting the feats of this man, enabling David Mickey Marcus to serve as a role model for future generations.

Very good analysis on how/why American Confronts the M.E issues of the last 5 Presidents, give you a whole pictures of how they are related and dragged on to present time...

thoughtfull marvelously readable and timely written withut the angst and i saw it all tone of most of the current crop of personal reflections that masquarade as learned analyses provides important backgroumd context and history that helps to make some sense of the current state of affairs recommended to anyone who really wants to learn more

This book is a history of how the U.S. formulated and executed Middle Eastern Policy over a thirty year period from the Presidency of Jimmy Carter (1978-1982) through that of George W Bush (2000-2008). It also provides a useful, but concise summary of U.S - Middle East relations from the end of WWII to 1978. Essentially it provides an analysis not only of each presidential administration's Middle East Policy, but provides a description of how the policy formation process of each administration actually worked. Not surprisingly it was different for each president.

As the book makes clear, the U.S. has held two remarkably consistent strategic goals for this entire period: the security of the State of Israel; and the security of Middle Eastern oil production. Yet in a volatile region like the Middle East events well beyond U.S. control often erupt to disrupt the most carefully planned policy implementations. Freedman recounts for example how President Carter's tenure was defined by the Iranian Revolution and its subsequent hostage crises, even though Carter really wanted to be remembered for establishing peaceful and enduring relationship between the Israelis and Palestinians. Often the success or failure of U.S. policy in the region was a function of being able to cope with unexpected events or unintended consequences that suddenly threatened one or both of the strategic goals. Reading this book one is struck by how dicey even the best formulated policies are for this region.

Of course Freedman devotes a good deal of attention to the current administration and its involvement in Afghanistan (and Pakistan) and Iraq/Iran. He attempts to trace the thought processes that gradually coalesced into what was known as Operation Iraqi Freedom and its aftermath. In doing so he identifies the emergence of the doctrine of preventive war and concept of a Global War on Terror. He then tries to provide a balanced summary of U.S. operations in Iraq up to the current partially successful surge that has brought a measure of stability to that unhappy country.

In the end he suggests that the U.S. might be well advised to adopt a Middle East Policy similar to that suggested by Ken Pollock in his latest book, "A Path Out of the Desert", which the book reviewer of the UK Magazine, "The Economist" suggested should be read together with the Freedman book. Both by most standards are pretty good books.

Here is the Economist's Review of A Choice of Enemies. Although it spends more space on Kenneth Pollack's A Path Out of the Desert, it also does treat Freedman's book.


The Economist
Books and Arts
America and the Middle East
How they got in, how to get out
Jul 24th 2008
From The Economist print edition

Foresight and hindsight in the world's bad places
A Path Out of the Desert: A Grand Strategy for America in the Middle East
By Kenneth M. Pollack
Random House; 539 pages; $30

A Choice of Enemies: America Confronts the Middle East
By Lawrence Freedman
PublicAffairs; 624 pages; $29.95. Weidenfeld & Nicolson; £20

HOW did America get into its current mess in the Middle East? And how can it get out again? Kenneth Pollack's book is all about the second question but he starts by making a confession relevant to the first. He was a champion of the invasion of Iraq. In 2002, in an influential book entitled "The Threatening Storm", he argued the strategic and moral case for removing Saddam Hussein. Mr Pollack admits now that the intervention a year later was a fiasco, and that after such a disaster the inclination of most Americans is to turn away from the region completely and focus on problems at home. But that is not his view. His latest book is a powerful argument for continued, and perhaps even greater, American involvement in the Middle East.

As befits a former CIA analyst and member of the National Security Council, Mr Pollack builds his case on a hard-headed examination of America's interests in the region. Of these, the most important is oil. If a big percentage of it were suddenly to be removed from the market, the shock of higher prices could on some estimates spark a global recession akin to the Great Depression. American policy, he concludes, should therefore be designed principally to prevent "catastrophic oil disruptions". This means guarding against possibilities such as a revolution in Saudi Arabia or a massive terrorist attack on the oil-supply network.

You might expect a book that starts this way to dwell mainly on how America can maintain military forces in the region. Mr Pollack, however, wants nothing less than "an integrated grand strategy" to secure American interests for the long run. Such a strategy, he admits, may take "many decades", just as it took nearly half a century for America to help Europe and East Asia repair themselves after the second world war. For this grand strategy to work, he says, America will first have to harmonise its separate policies towards Iraq, Iran and Israel. It must also transform the region's politics and economics. That is to say--let no one accuse the chastened Mr Pollack of imperial hubris--America must help along the efforts of the locals, since outsiders "cannot possibly know how to change the society of another people".

But do the people of the Middle East want what America wants for them? Given the growth of political Islam, and the fact that Mr Pollack deems many Arab countries to be on the point of revolution, perhaps not. Nonetheless, a policy of continuing to prop up repressive regimes is like "playing Russian roulette" with foreign policy, as America discovered when the shah's fall turned Iran from staunch friend to implacable foe. Far better, he says, to encourage the region's governments to address popular grievances by embracing political freedom and social equality.

This will not be easy, not least because of the hated Bush administration's insincere or at least incompetent pursuit of this very policy. But Arabs tell pollsters that they want both democracy and Islam, and Mr Pollack reckons these two are compatible. Quoting an Egyptian activist who says that what her countrymen need is a job and a voice, he thinks America must find its path out of the desert by helping all Arabs get both.

A simple summary of Mr Pollack's main ideas does scant justice to this thoughtful and informative book. None of its prescriptions is especially novel. The patient promotion of reform, careful containment of the spillover from Iraq, a policy of carrots and sticks (but no military pre-emption) for Iran, building the sinews of a Palestinian state: to all except isolationists and the few surviving neocons, this has become a fairly conventional prospectus for America's post-Iraq policy in the Middle East. But Mr Pollack binds the strands together deftly and imparts a good deal of learning and wisdom along the way.

Sir Lawrence Freedman is less interested in how America should proceed after Iraq and more in working out how it tied itself in such knots in the first place. As an historian, he is more tolerant than Mr Pollack of George Bush, noting that after September 11th this president faced a challenge more complex in some ways than the one Franklin Roosevelt had to deal with after Pearl Harbour in 1941. Whereas Roosevelt knew who the enemy was and what America would have to do, Mr Bush had to choose and name an enemy in a new sort of war without obvious rules, aims or front-lines. He did so, moreover, in a region where no power had exercised a consistently sure touch, and where America had long been torn between an underlying dissatisfaction with the state of affairs and the traditional instinct of a great power to protect the status quo from aggressive states or radical movements.

It is instructive to read these books together. Sir Lawrence's aim is not to lay out a policy. He has no grand unifying theory of the Middle East. His aim is only to render the "most credible" account possible of momentous events such as the fall of the shah, the three wars in the Persian Gulf, invasion and jihad in Afghanistan, Jimmy Carter's half-success at peacemaking at Camp David in 1978 and Bill Clinton's failure there two decades later. All these and more formed the treacherous backdrop of American interests and alliances against which Mr Bush had to formulate his response to the attacks on the twin towers. Sir Lawrence's subtle narrative is a marvel of concision, even over more than 500 pages. By the end it cannot but make the reader wonder how realistic it is to advocate, as Mr Pollack does, an "integrated grand strategy" capable of being sustained for decades in such a violent and unpredictable part of the world.

To that Mr Pollack has a simple answer, in the form of a question. What is the alternative? Thanks to its energy needs, America is locked into the region for the foreseeable future, even though the future is so hard to foresee in the unhappy Middle East. Since there are no quick fixes, it had better reconcile itself to the long slog. And although unexpected events will continue to knock it off course, it is more likely to succeed if it can cling to at least some general sense of where it is trying to go.

The black and white battle between good and evil is a common element of fantasy. But that's all it is - fantasy. "A Choice of Enemies: America Confronts the Middle East" is an examination of America's involvement in the growing conflicts with the middle east, conflicts which are almost as far from black and white as something can possibly be. Many of America's alleged 'enemies' are not in fact working together, and are just as antagonistic towards each other as they are America. An intriguing look at America, its enemies, and their countless interrelations with one another, "A Choice of Enemies: America Confronts the Middle East" is a top pick for community library current events collections.

During the middle ages the Christian church increased in political power and cultural authority. "The Christian East & The Rise of the Papacy: The Church AD 1071-1453" is the fourth volume of the acclaimed 'The Church in History' series, and covers such topics as the reformation of the papacy, the crusades, scholasticism and its impacts on the Eastern Orthodox church. Also exploring theological and spiritual trends that helped the Byzantine Commonwealth maintain its identity even as the empire itself crumbled. An informed and informative work, "The Christian East & The Rise of the Papacy: The Church AD 1071-1453" is very highly recommended to any Religious Studies shelf, as well as the non-specialist general interest reader who wishes to learn more about the history of the Christian Church.

SVS Press has publishes another invaluable volume for the church historian in "The Christian East and the Rise of the Papacy" by Aresteides Papadakis, since it focuses on the much-neglected area of Byzantium. Papadakis' essential thesis is that the final split between the Roman Catholic and Eastern Orthodox churches did not come about in 1054, with the mutual anathemas, but in 1204, when crusaders sacked Constantinople. The factors that led to this were a stronger papal control over the church, and an imperialism during the crusades, wherein Eastern Christians were the victims more than Muslims were.

In the 11th century, the clergy were appointed by feudal lords in Western Europe, which resulted in all kinds of simony and corruption. "It was undoubtedly lay control of ecclesiastical structure that made possible the purchase or sale of virtually every clerical grade the general rule by the tenth century. Simony became in fact unavoidable once clerical offices began to be treated like secular appointments." (p. 23) Most priests were married, and the church property simply went to their children. Further, the papacy itself was a puppet of the German emperor. A reform movement emerged in response to these abuses, led by Peter Damian and Leo IX. First, they wanted to enforce mandatory celibacy to prevent church property to pass into the hands of the priests' children. Second, they wanted to make the papacy independent of secular political control by electing the popes through conclaves made of cardinals. The College of Cardinals, which survives to this day, was Peter Damian's idea. "Significantly, the belief frequently expressed by medieval authors that the college of cardinals was the pope's supreme advisory body and, as such, was an imitation of the ancient Roman senate, was first articulated by one of the most uncompromising of the early Gregorians, Peter Damian." (p. 35-36) Finally, they wanted to end lay investiture.

In the context of the newly-powerful papacy and a suspicion towards Islam, the crusades were launched. The ostensible purpose of the first crusade was to re-capture Jerusalem from the Muslims and help the Christians of the east. Unfortunately, this is not exactly what happened. The papacy wanted to bring the Eastern Christians under its control, evoking the Donation of Constantine and historically specious arguments. Many in the western church saw the easterners as traitors. After the first crusade, parallel Latin jurisdictions were set up in areas where there were no Latin Christians before. This continued through the crusades in the Middle East (to say nothing of the Northern Crusades). Papadakis does not neglect to note that the idea of violence in the Western church had deep roots. "The theoretical justification for just war or even holy war outlined above- expressed for the first time by Augustine- was to have a lasting influence on the ethic of warfare in Western Christendom...Later papal reformers, insofar as they viewed their opposition to feudal power as a struggle against heretics and schismatics, or even excommunicates, were to find in these ideas a number of useful weapons...The belief that the Church had the power to authorize violence against heretics was in fact expanded to include pagans, as pope Gregory I's encouragement of such activity for the purpose of evangelization in the sixth century illustrates. This principle of forcible conversion may have inspired Charlemagne's later campaigns against the pagan Saxons." (p. 80) Many on both sides, however, still thought that some form of reconciliation was possible.

With the sack of Constantinople in 1204, any hope for re-union was effectively destroyed along with the city. The purpose of Fourth Crusade was to conquer Muslim Jerusalem via an invasion of Egypt. Instead, the crusaders diverted to Constantinople and took the city. The sacking was brutal, even by medieval standards. It did not happen in a vacuum or in a fit of mob rage, however. The constant rhetoric that people were hearing in the west was that the Byzantines were heretics, schismatics, and traitors. "Such observations came to be viewed as Gospel truth by the end of the century. They had become so popular by then that the diversionary assault on Constantinople, when it finally did come, was accepted with little hesitation. The fatal attack was rationalized by everyone involved by the belief that the Byzantines were already heretics. For the fourth crusade apparently the schism had been in existence for some time." (p. 103) Although there were attempts at reconciliation after 1204, in the Councils of Lyons and Florence, they ultimately failed. In addition, though Constantinople was eventually returned to the Byzantine Empire, the sacking of the city so weakened the Empire that they were unable to withstand the Turkish assaults in the 15th century. "Conceivably, the systematic Ottoman occupation of Asia Minor and the Balkans would not have been so effortless had the empire been able to maintain its territorial unity and strength after the fourth crusade." (p. 410) Although the Christians in the Ottoman Empire were allowed to exist and practice their religion, theological/cultural development would come to a halt, and they would be cut off from communication with their Western brethren until the fall of the Ottoman Empire. Highly recommended for students of church history.

The period covered in this book is 1071-1453, the final "decline and fall of the Roman Empire". In 1071, both of the Byzantine Empire's deadliest enemies launched their initial attacks - the Turks at Manzikert and the Italian Normans in Greece. The Norman onslaught was intimately connected with the relationship between eastern and western Christianity and caused such a decline that the Empire could not resist the Turks.
In the West, the Saxon kings of Germany had demanded that the Pope restore Charlemagne's title as "Roman Emperor" and grant it to them. Consequently, these "Holy Roman Emperors" (the title actually originates later) interfered in the papacy in order to maintain their claim to be Roman Emperors, forcing their choice of German prelates on the church. Eventually the German Popes asserted themselves and claimed universal authority over all of Christianity and all Christians. They also established the rule that the Cardinal-Bishops, previously a less powerful set of advisers, would be the sole electors of successive popes.
In the middle of the eleventh century, a papal legation attempted to force the Patriarch of Constantinople to be subject to the Pope. The Eastern Church's position is that the Pope was one of five patriarchs, equal in power and independent, differing only in that the Pope was owed a higher degree of respect since his city was the founding city of the Roman Empire. Further, the government of the Church was instituted by the human race for human needs by the Church Councils and the Pope was not an infallible king. The legate (Cardinal Humbert) excommunicated the Patriarch and several other high officials.
This schism was not recognized as being irreparable at the time, but every attempt at reconciliation ran into Papal demands for submission.
Indeed, a friend of mine who is in the Roman Catholic clergy stated that the Catholic Church would welcome the Orthodox back into union and would only impose the "magisterium" of the Pope "lightly" - the very sticking point of the past millennium.
The Normans used these differences to arouse hatred toward the Empire during the course of the Crusades, eventually resulting in the diversion of the Fourth Crusade into the conquest of Constantinople, a catastrophe from with the Empire never fully recovered. The Fourth Crusade and the treatment of the Eastern Church by its western overlords solidified the schism.
The Crusades were devastating for not only the Orthodox, but also for the Copts (Egypt) and Nestorians (Syria, Persia and farther east) who had been quite numerous and had thrived under Muslim rule. The Crusades established the idea that Christians were the enemy of Islam and so these communities were subjected to severe persecution and were vastly reduced in size and influence.
The one permanent success of the Papacy in the East was the union with the Marionites of Lebanon, who are henceforth loyal Catholics.
The supposedly all powerful Papacy suffered itself from schism, first moving to Avignon, then splitting into two (Avignon and Rome) when the return to Rome was attempted and, finally three (Pisa, whose second and last Pope was John XXIII, whose Papacy was so controversial that the Catholic Church avoided this once popular Papal name for 500 years until a Pope decided to ignore him as an anti-pope and take the name and number for himself) before the split was finally healed. This split and the conciliar movement (Ecumenical Councils as a church "Parliament" to balance the Papal monarch), which was spawned then, were part of the background of the Reformation. Ironically, the theory of Papal absolutism resulted in, first, a separation from the non Latin Church and, second, in a substantial civil war and separation in the Latin Church itself.
The Eastern Church turned more metaphysical during this period. St. Gregory Palamas championed the idea that experience of the divine was possible for human beings. For an excellent discussion see The Mystical Theology of the Eastern Church.
The West went in the opposite direction - Scholasticism, the idea that Theology could be derived from Axioms in the manner of geometry, prevailed.
In addition to the comprehensive coverage of the Greek and Latin Churches, there is fairly good coverage of the Slavic and Armenian Orthodox Churches.
The people at St. Vladimir's Press informed me that this book and Imperial Unity and Christian Divisions: The Church, 450-680 Ad (Church History ; 2) will be reprinted in the winter of 2007-8 and volume 1, part 1 of this series Formation And Struggles and volume 3 Greek East And Latin West: The Church AD 681-1071 (The Church in History) have appeared in the fall of 2007 with the rest of the series to follow.

A clear and well-written history of the major interaction of East and West at the height of the largest and most divisive split in the Church.

Excellently written. Provides a wealth of information on the events surrounding schism of the Papacy and the East.

Aristeides Papadakis' "The Christian East and the Rise of the Papacy" is a fantastic work that deals with the subject of the Roman papacy trying to assert itself and its authority over the whole of Christendom.

The book is exhaustive in detail and meticulously notated. It took me quite some time to read because of the complexities of the subject. However, it is one of the best church history books I've ever read and an absolutely essential read. It tells the story of church history from the Eastern perspective and shows why the Eastern Orthodox Church resisted (and continues to resist) the papal claims of universal authority.

The Eastern Orthodox Church has always been conciliar in nature and refutes the "infallibility" claims of the papacy. He draws on Nicholas Cabasilas' view about the idea of papal infallibity as being a flawed concept. He asserts that the College of Cardinals can't give to the pope that which they don't possess (infallibility) and draws on the eastern view that a group of bishops ordains a bishop and can only invest that person with authority that they themselves possess.

It is an idea that is discussed at length. The book also shows a lot of the internal workings within the Byzantine empire and the Slavic kingdoms and how they dealt individually as well as collectively with the papacy. A truly amazing book that should be read by anyone wanting to see the view of the papacy from an Eastern perspective.

One may derive incredible factual information from Chronicles of the State of Israel" (See Reviews and Commentary). In his fascinating prologue, "For Israel's 50th Anniversary," (which I would consider a wishful prophesy) Gurewich writes:..."The Arab mentality, which has led to enormous massacres among the Arab themselves, will never change, and the cycle of their hatred of Jews, of the State of Israel, and of Christians, will never be broken..."

At a private dinner gathering in Wasington DC, before the 1996 elections in Israel, a few Congressmen, columnists, and members of Knesset listened to a warning from Jacob Gurewich, author of the recent book Chronicles of the State of Israel: "If an Israeli government will not obliterate the overture of dispensing any part of the Land of Israel-dispensing any part of the Land of Israel will obliterate such a government, and there is no doubt in my mind that there will be another war." To many, this echoed the warning of another visionary, the great Ze'ev Jabotinsky, who 77 years ago-well before the Holocaust-proclaimed to the Jews of Europe: "We are standing at the edge of an abyss. I see an avalanche on the horizon rolling toward us. We are facing an elemental cataclysmic calamity of immeasurable consequences and proportion. Either you liquidate the Diaspora or the Diaspora will liquidate you." At this same Washington gathering, Gurewich recited two poems he wrote in 1993 after the signing of the Oslo Accords. The first was "Life of Freedom or Annihilation," calling on the children of Israel to hold on to their hard-won homeland, or face destruction. The second was "They Should Be Put to Trial while They Still Live," demanding that the traitorous architects of the Oslo Accords, Peres and his ilk, be held to account for placing Israel in mortal danger by ceding territory in the heart of Israel to the terrorists who would wipe out the Jewish state altogether. "The Oslo Accords are not the road to peace," Gurewich stated then, they are the highway to terror death and destruction." Unfortunately, five years later, his vision has proven brutally true.

After reading the 60 pages of "Chronicles of the State of Israel", I looked again At the front cover of Gurewich's book. There was a picture of Jabotinsky over a Background of a Star of David and a map of Eretz-Israel on both sides of the Jordan River. I said to myself: "Alas to this orphaned nation that lost such a great leader and visionary like Ze'ev Jabotinsky."

I opened the book, and on the first page read, "The State of Israel was established on the broken necks of the Twelve who were sent to the gallows by the British hangman." So said Professor Joseph Klausner in 1947.

I turned the book over and read Jabotinsky's famous declaration many years before the Holocaust: "We are standing at the edge of an abyss, I see an avalanche on the Horizon rolling toward us. We are facing an elemental cataclysmic calamity of immeasurable consequences and proportions. Either you liquidate the Diaspora or the Diaspora will liquidate you."

I turned the pages of the book, I read in bold letters the words of Moshe Sharett, The second prime minister of Israel and a member of the Labor Party: " I said that I utterly reject Peres and see in his ascendance the most malignant form of political corruption, ... it will be a cause for national mourning and the State of Israel should render Kriah (rendering garments over the dead) if Peres becomes a minister in the government of Israel."

Ester (Cohen) Bar-Natan July 1998, Charlottesville, Virginia

At a private dinner gathering in Wasington DC, before the 1996 elections in Israel, a few Congressmen, columnists, and members of Knesset listened to a warning from Jacob Gurewich, author of the recent book Chronicles of the State of Israel: "If an Israeli government will not obliterate the overture of dispensing any part of the Land of Israel-dispensing any part of the Land of Israel will obliterate such a government, and there is no doubt in my mind that there will be another war." To many, this echoed the warning of another visionary, the great Ze'ev Jabotinsky, who 77 years ago-well before the Holocaust-proclaimed to the Jews of Europe: "We are standing at the edge of an abyss. I see an avalanche on the horizon rolling toward us. We are facing an elemental cataclysmic calamity of immeasurable consequences and proportion. Either you liquidate the Diaspora or the Diaspora will liquidate you." At this same Washington gathering, Gurewich recited two poems he wrote in 1993 after the signing of the Oslo Accords. The first was "Life of Freedom or Annihilation," calling on the children of Israel to hold on to their hard-won homeland, or face destruction. The second was "They Should Be Put to Trial while They Still Live," demanding that the traitorous architects of the Oslo Accords, Peres and his ilk, be held to account for placing Israel in mortal danger by ceding territory in the heart of Israel to the terrorists who would wipe out the Jewish state altogether. "The Oslo Accords are not the road to peace," Gurewich stated then, they are the highway to terror death and destruction." Unfortunately, five years later, his vision has proven brutally true.

Americans, Jews and Gentiles may be shocked and dismayed at the disturbing data brought to the surface by Chronicles of the State of Israel. Many left-oriented American Jews, as well as some U.S. government officials consider Ben-Gurion, the heads of the Jewish Agency and the leftist parties, as fitting leaders during the 40s, and after the establishment of the State of Israel.

On the first page of his book Jacob Gurewich quotes: The state of Israel was established on the broken necks of the twelve who were sent to the gallows by the British hangman. (1947, Professor Joseph Klausner.)

In his book, Gurewich says: Today, in the final analysis, looking at the horrendous Holocaust of European Jews, when an entire generation was wiped out by the German murderers, and the corrupt British Empire blockaded Israel's shores to Jews who escaped certain death in Europe and could not be able to save themselves by reaching Israel, one can declare with certainty that the British and their criminal policies extended the impact of the Holocaust. There is not the shadow of a doubt that their policies were interconnected with the massive genocide and the death camps.

In his prologue, Israel's 50th Anniversary: Gurewich writes: I see leaders and people in the State of Israel establishing a powerful organization that would form a stable government with the objective of preventing any more Holocausts ... a government that encompasses members from all the irrational numerous parties, interfacing with the parties/factions of the Left, Right, Religious, Secular and others...a government that would not cave in to pressures from the outside world...a government that would not keep Saddam Hussein's henchmen in its territory...a government that would not cede one inch of its land...a government that would not hesitate to preempt and/or powerfully retaliate against the Hitlers, the Saddam Hussein's-of today, and the Hitlers of the days to come-because they will come...a government that would secure the present and the future Jewish generations without relying on Messiahs and that no one on this planet shall ever imperil us"...And he concludes: Fanatics, especially those in religious factions will dismiss my idea but they will diminish...yet, the government will shield them, because democracy will be the crux of such a government ...democracy is like love, you should only say it if you mean it and exercise it.

I really enjoyed this book. It was both informative and interesting. I highly recommend it!

I really liked this book. The author gives you information the media ignore. He even tells you what the media are really like. Best of all, the information put forth in the book is right from Scripture. A must-read for all who want to know the truth!

As witnessed on his television program, Mr. Levitt was a master armchair raconteur, (he went to be with the Lord April 19), and more so when sifting through end time puzzles.

"Dateline Jerusalem," therefore supplies the reader a delightful read, especially those akin to Mr. Levitt's theological leanings, though one reviewer has already noted agreeing with Zola greatly while still disagreeing with his most important conclusion, that Jesus is Ha Maschiach.

Perhaps the greatest test of a work is it's staying power, and this work shall be enjoyable however long the Lord should tarry before entering the author's dateline city.

Importantly, positions are firmed in regards to many of the major issues of the day including insights into his testimony, the Jews, the Muslims to name just the first few chapter headings.

An essayist of the first order in an age when that rank is sadly thinning, Mr. Levitt's exit still leaves his projection of wisdom and courage yet needed for this hour.

TL Farley,
author,
When Now Becomes Too Late,
Distant Reaches

When Now Becomes Too Late { Print Edition }

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{ Prophecy : The Rapture in Brief ! }


Distant Reaches { Print Edition }

{ True Life Adventures in Ireland, Boston and on the North Atlantic }

From keen insights into media bias, to refreshing keys to Israel's proper role in world affairs, Dateline Jerusalem is packed with hard-hitting analysis plus new and startling information. What is the Palestinian agenda? Will Israel survive in today's hostile climate? Can America win the war on terror? What End Times events are just around the corner? After giving his testimony in the first chapter, Zola devotes chapters to the Jews, Muslims, Palestinians, the government, media, education, churches, End Times and, finally, questions and answers. Brilliant book - highly recommend it!!

I'm a Polytheist. And the author is a Christian who converted from Judaism. Those are both monotheistic religions (to me, they are both atheistic religions, given that there isn't any difference to me between believing in one God or zero). So why did I read this book? Because the author and I are both Zionists! And I want to see what he has to say.

The first point that Levitt makes is that the Arabs and Jews in the Middle East would all do well if they were to cooperate. I agree. They would.

Now, is the land Arab or Jewish? I'd advise taking note of the fact that when the Levant has been heavily populated, the majority has been Jewish. Levitt says the land was given to the Jews by God. I do not accept that. But I accept the fact that this statement is taken seriously by many Jews! And that means I can understand why Jerusalem has been the Jewish capital, and why many Jews have shown great interest in the region. Levitt continues by saying that Jews have lived in the Levant for 3500 years, well before there were any Muslims anywhere. That's true, but it still is ancient history. He also says that the archaeology of the land is Jewish (all but one Levantine city existed in times when the Jews ruled). And, most important, the Jews won their war for survival in 1967 (and in 1948, I would add).

Now, what about the Muslims? Are they trying to take over America? As a descendant of Muslims, whose side would I be on if they tried it? Well, I'm not too happy about Islamic intolerance and its treatment of women. So it all comes down to whether we non-Muslims are already in a fight, or if we're the ones who are starting a fight.

After 9/11, my guess is that we're already in a fight with at least some Muslims. Levitt agrees, and he gives the incident of the fight over Notre Dame University's attempt to hire Tariq Ramadan as an example.

What about the Levantine Arabs? Are they a famous and ancient people, a nation from eons ago that merely wishes to have a State? Or are they simply people who are trying to attack the Middle East's Jews? I think the latter is the case, and Levitt agrees. It seems that Levitt is making quite a few good points!

What does the author say about Hanan Ashrawi? Well, let's just say that he seems to agree with me about her as well. And Levitt has some useful things to say about media anti-Israeli bias. As well as some problems academia has been having in teaching about Israel.

I'm not all that interested in the religious aspects of this book. However, I can't ignore the fact that many Christians have taken sides. Some favor the Muslims, even to the extent of supporting anti-Christian terror. Some favor the Jews. And the author has some ideas about which group is making more sense.

I think there is plenty that can be learned from Levitt's book. Unfortunately, many of the people who might benefit from it the most are unlikely to have much interest in reading it, let alone in taking anything in it seriously.

I just wanted write this message to tell readers that I read The Diaspora and the Lost Tribes of Israel and I really REALLY enjoyed it. I loved this book! I found it to be absolutely fascinating and totally riveting. I was completely engrossed in this book for the p