Richards Books

(...)

The editor of this edition, C. B. Macpherson, gives a little background and overview in his introduction to this book. He writes that the book "was directed against the principles of Sir Robert Filmer, whose books, asserting the divine authority of kings and denying any right of resistance, were thought by Locke and his fellow Whigs to be too influential among the gentry to be left unchallenged by those who held that resistance to an arbitrary monarch might be justified." (p. viii)
Locke's book served as a philosophical justification for revolting against tyrannical monarchies in the Glorious Revolution and the American Revolution. His book was practically quoted in the Declaration of Independence.

Locke lays out his basis for government on the foundation that people are able to reason. Because of this, people have inherent freedoms or natural rights. Though he believed in reason, Locke was an empiricist, meaning he believed that all knowledge of the world comes from what our senses tell us. The mind starts as a "tabula rasa", latin for an empty slate. As soon as we are born, we immediately begin learning ideas. Thus, all the material for our knowledge of the world comes to us through sensations. Nevertheless, Locke had an unshakable faith in human reason. He believed that people do learn what is right and wrong, regardless of what they choose to do. Locke believed that faith in God, certain moral norms and understanding consequences were inherent in human reason. So, even though people acquire everything they know about the world through the senses, they are able to think for themselves and reason at a higher level about what they learn.

Locke presumed that there are universally recognized principles and that the consequences are practically scientific. He was greatly influenced by Isaac Newton (1647-1727) who wrote The Mathematical Principles of Natural Philosophy. Locke took the ideas that there were "natural laws" in science and tried to extend that to society.

Natural laws, or rights, in Locke's view, are obvious and learned through human reasoning, and apply to everyone. They are also called "self-evident," which appears in The Declaration of Independence. All humans are created equal, and Locke bases this idea on the golden rule, that people are to do to others as they would have others do to them. Natural equality is the basis of the first and most important "natural law" which is to care for one another. (p. 9) Locke believes that with or without government, there were universal natural rights.

Without government, people are unprotected from harm by other people. Where there is no government, people are free to do as they please, even to harm others. In this state, natural laws still apply, such as the right of people to protect themselves and seek reparation for injuries done to them. However, people are naturally inconsistent in executing punishments, because they have a propensity to act out of hate or revenge. Therefore, laws are necessary in a civil society to fairly arbitrate justice. The purpose of creating a civil society is to avoid major conflicts and keep peace.
Thus, civil government is a "contract" between people to regulate their affairs fairly. According to Locke's theories, people enter into a social contract by forming governments that will preserve order.

Locke describes a civil government as being democratic with some checks to ensure that it does not overstep its boundaries, and having both legislative and executive powers. A civil government is democratic or representative, meaning laws are created by the consent of the people through the voice of a majority vote. The legislature should represent the people equally based on population. (Salus populi suprema lex) All people are subject to the law, including the rulers-no one is above the law. Even the legislature needs "standing rules" to keep it from over-stepping its boundaries. Locke advocated the principle of division of powers. Because the legislature only meets at appointed times to create or revise laws, there needs to be an executive power that is constantly enforcing the laws. So Locke describes a division of the legislative and executive powers.

In contrast to what was being claimed by the rulers of the time, Locke taught that the purpose of government is to serve and benefit the people and that it should be controlled by the people for which the government was made. His claim that people have the right to rebel against government was controversial. Second Treatise of Government served as a foundation for future political philosophies.

Compact and inspirational, the author makes his points by way of examples and citations from historians. Passionate about his subject area, he communicates this well and infuses it into his observations and recommendations for writing about historical topics.

While the jury is still out on my first paper to utilize this resource, I already know I am a better writer of history for having utilized this fine resource. Just the idea of grabbing your reader and making him want to read the rest was useful.

In this Bolitho adventure, Post Captain Richard Bolitho is made a Commodore and given a small squadron consisting of three 74-gun ships-of-the-line and a couple of smaller vessels and ordered to the Mediterannean to discover the French Fleet's intentions.

Eventually he is instrumental in getting rear admiral Horatio Nelson's attention, and bringing a full-fledged British Fleet into the Med, leading to the Battle of the Nile.

This story has the usual hard fought sea battles, as well as cutting out action and other forays onto foreign soil, with only minimal love interest this time.

Bolitho is faced with a couple of subordinate captains' jealousy, and in one case hatred, but manages to pull it off anyway.

Alexander Kent has written another winner, and provided us with another great vicarious adventure.

Joseph (Joe) Pierre, USN (Ret)

author of Handguns and Freedom...their care and maintenance
and other books

The suspense in this series is partly the eventual goal and task set to Bolitho and mostly how Bolitho is ever going to solve impossible tactical situations at sea. The usual solution he proposes is a surprise maneuver, but what form will it take this time? Like many of Kent's book titles, "Signal - Close Action!" is a stirring phrase but barely hints at the situations and solutions to be found within. Conversely, his chapter titles too often prefigure the event. As usual it's easy to spot who will be "good" officers and who "bad," so thorough are the differences, but Kent does provide one surprising development. As always, it is absolutely vital to pay closest attention to the sailing directions (wind, tack, etc.) if you want to visualize the sea maneuvers, because Kent won't tell us in lubber's terms. The cover bears an excellent wrap-around picture, "ripped from the living text."

As much as the author excels at technical accuracy, his character development and knowledge of human nature is even stronger. He shows that the politics, gameplaying, and back-stabbing aboard a warship can be every bit as complex as that in a Turkish harem. Yet, there is the underlying sense of the imperative of setting a positive example as an officer, of showing your people that you can truly LEAD as well as you can simply COMMAND their daily lives.

In this volume Bolitho has been promoted to Commodore and given command of a squadron (three seventy-fours, a thirty-two gun frigate, and a sloop of war.) He takes command with orders to find out what Napoleon is up to in the Mediterrean- and then to handle it as best he sees fit. As the majority of the British fleet is tied up on blockade duty in the Atlantic, he will be the sole projection of British naval might this side of Gibraltar. The details of commanding an entire task force instead of a single vessel, as in the earlier volumes, is fascinating in and of itself. Ultimately, Bolitho finds that he must place his command between the Nile and an entire French fleet....

This book is a great resource for the serious student of Chinese philosophy and culture. The essays and readings provide a unique window into Chinese thought. The authors assume that the reader will have a basic familiarity with the overall picture of Chinese history, and provide many details and insights into why history took the course that it did. I found the reading selections, drawn from such documents as the Analects of Confucius or historical documents like Ma tuan-Lin's Introduction to the Survey on the Land Tax, particularly illuminating. To find so many documents such as these presented in English, together with essays that explain their context and importance, is invaluable for the serious Asian studies scholar.