Kennedy Books
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Pretty GoodReview Date: 2007-01-07
why stop at only five stars?Review Date: 2005-08-24
one star is far too muchReview Date: 2003-06-15
the author was surely drunk when he wrote it.
this book is a shame to the legacy of the kennedys.
there are a few photos.
buy abetter book like: rfk and his times....
Great companion volume to Ultimate SacrificeReview Date: 2005-12-23
[...]
The picture on the cover says it allReview Date: 2004-01-28


Loving tribute of a daughter to her motherReview Date: 2008-03-08
Others may disagree as to the selections, though. But it is well known that Jacqueline had a great love and a good taste for literature and the arts at all times. I am wondering, though: Walt Whitman also wrote, "Come up from the fields, Father", an anti-war poem, which apparently was not one of Jacqueline's favorites. Also, she liked Aeschylus and Sophocles, but what about Euripides? Tennyson's ULYSSES has the famous phrase "Come, my friends, tis not too late to seek a newer world" which motivated Robert Kennedy, as is well known. And some of the authors are also my favorites, such as Homer, Shakespeare, Robert Frost, Henry Wadsworth Longfellow, Edgar Allan Poe, Emily Dickinson, and others. But Caroline Kennedy did a masterful job in keeping the memory of her mother alive, and I hope her children will do the same with her. I would like to know what Caroline's favorites are.
Bland! Please don't think poetry is always like this!Review Date: 2008-02-17
This sort of thing drives people away from poetry.
The first 6 1/2 minutes, during which Caroline Kennedy drones on in a monotone are the worst. Uncle Teddy is better, but he can't sustain his energy for the long "Paul Revere's Ride."
This Book Is Treasured by My DaughterReview Date: 2008-01-23
Classy - A Good Book to Have on Your ShelfReview Date: 2006-12-21
Trish New, author of The Thrill of Hope (Amazon.com), Concepts to Ponder; South State Street Journal, Secrets of The Heart; and Memory Flatlined, Journey Beyond Reality.
A Wonderful and Inspiring Compilation of PoemsReview Date: 2005-08-07
This great collection of classic poetry was edited by her daughter, Caroline Kennedy. Caroline wrote a forward and an introduction to each chapter of the poetry and in her writings you achieve a depth of knowledge about Jacqueline Kennedy and an appreciation for what a fine and wonderful person she was.
Apparently it was both a Bouvier and Kennedy tradition to memorize poems and recite them at family gatherings. Many of the poems included are family favorites.
Poets included are (but not limited to): Robert Frost, ee cummings, Longfellow, Whitman, Edna St. Vincent Millay, Robert Louis Stevenson, Alfred Lord Tennyson, John Dunne, Emily Dickinson, Langston Hughes, Chistopher Marlowe, Sir Walter Raleigh, and William Shakespeare.
The book closes with a poem that Jacqueline wrote of her husband, Jack, "Meanwhile in Massachusetts", in October 1953. This poem brought tears to my eyes as I remembered how Jack Kennedy was taken away from us and his family far too soon. The poem is quite evocative of Jack Kennedy and shows how talented Jacqueline Kennedy was - seemingly a genius at everything she did.
As far as the negative reviews of this book that I have seen here, those reviewers should remember the quote: "Blowing another's candle out doesn't make your own any brighter."

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Dorks everywhere, unite!Review Date: 2005-05-17
Absolutely HilariousReview Date: 2005-01-03
A funny memoir and enjoyable readReview Date: 2004-12-12
Making mistakes that often remind me of myself and are often side-splitting yet mind boggling. In a way, you may have a hard time believing someone could fall into the same traps time and again, but it happens. At times one is left to wonder if Dan is suffering from some sort of mild mental disease or retardation, but that is just a sure sign his comedy and style of writing are working! Not to spoil it, but rest assured in the end (nearly) everything works out, and our narrator seems to actual stumble into some good fortune here and there. But getting there is one hell of a trip.
I recommend to all looking for a humorous, if not inspirational, look at life. It only makes you wonder what's coming next! I'll be "first" in line to find out.
This Dan Kennedy Is Not The "Glazer/Kennedy" Dan KennedyReview Date: 2006-09-10
Watch what you buy: There are TWO Dan KennedysReview Date: 2006-05-30
Loser Goes First is funny, surprise, surprise. One would imagine it would have to be after reading the author's stuff on McSweeney's every week or two. I was actually hoping the book would talk a little bit more about how his job there came about, but it was hilarious reading about every other less successful, disasterous trial and tribulation that occured before he got there.


Family ChristmasReview Date: 2008-02-28
Delightful Christmas ReadingReview Date: 2008-02-13
Lovely BookReview Date: 2008-02-13
Not what I expected.Review Date: 2008-02-09
a treasure to ownReview Date: 2008-02-08

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Finally....A Book Worth Reading on the Cuban Missile CrisisReview Date: 2008-08-11
Missing one crucial fact, mentioned in textbooksReview Date: 2007-12-16
However (please correct me if Im wrong), this bookk misses one crucial chapter in the crisis that is curcial to understaing the background to this crisis, and is mentioned in a text book I use to teach this subject. Castro went to the US very early on, seeking US aid and to explian his nationalisation plans. He was quite reasonable- he offered to pay off the companies he took over, and wanted to negotiate, but the US refused. This left him no choice but to lean toward the USSR.
Why is this missing from this text???
Making the world safe for FidelReview Date: 2008-07-02
Fortunately for the world, the instinctive decision making of both Kennedy and Khrushchev were wise enough to avoid a war in the end. While on both sides, particularly the American side, there were militarists arguing for warfare, invasion, nuking and all that, the two leaders never lost control of their governments or their collaboration on resolving it short of war. For both, it was probably their finest hour.
The telling of the "13 days" of the crisis is a little flat in this book, oddly enough. What is more exciting is the whole lengthy build up to that crisis point. The "gamble" was being played by both sides, but Khrushchev's gamble of putting nukes on Cuba and creating a satellite out of that country and its often uncontrollably nationalistic leader was far greater than what Kennedy was trying to do. One could argue that the US could have taken out Castro and gotten away with it up until Bay of Pigs; after that, the stakes increasingly became too high.
You see through this book the kind of pressure Khrushchev's style of world communist leadership was putting on the West. Yet, Castro tested just how aggressive Khrushchev was willing to be. By 1960, the Soviet Revolutionaries were getting on in years and were no longer so impetuous and daring. They wanted a little safer Mano a Mano with the US. Castro doesn't do very well in this book, although he was kind of taken advantage of by the Soviets. Still, at the height of the crisis, he was the one egging on the Soviets to pull the trigger and nuke the Yanquis. Fortunately, Castro's behavior not only did not sway Khrushchev but also convinced him that the nukes should not stay in Cuba in part because he could not trust Castro's judgment.
The irony is that in a sense, Castro got what he wanted: a guarantee that the US would not invade Cuba. Khrushchev's gamble and negotiating made it safe for his regime to continue, which it has done for nearly half a century.
Most Detailed account of Cuban-Missile CrisisReview Date: 2006-10-16
The authors masterfully handle Soviet archives, and American sources, but the authors somewhat clumsily rifle through Cuban historiography. The opening chapters, however, do correctly portray Castro's budding relationship with the Soviet Union, and his diminishing alliance with the United States. And the failed Bay of Pigs operation coupled with Kennedy's campaign promise to "not be soft" on Cuba, did indeed solidify Castro's motivation to ally with the Soviets. In contrast, one of the chief frailties of the work lies with the somewhat unclear portrayal of Castro's image and relationship with key confidants. Granted, the authors lacked access to Cuban archives, but the absence of corroboration leaves room for question. For instance, the authors portray Castro as having a "privileged background" in his early years and offer little evidence to substantiate this claim. This description of Castro, however, contradicts most scholarship on the dictator's earlier years. Ernesto Betancourt, Washington Representative to Castro in the late 50's, noted that Castro was "one of the illegitimate children of the house servant sired by his father." Betancourt further noted that Castro was embarrassed about his childhood and disillusioned by not being allowed to utilize the "facilities established for American staffers at the United Fruit Club." The club, which in part was established by the profits of his father's sugar plantation, created a wedge of indifference between the young Castro and the Americans. According to Betancourt, the aforementioned facts led to the complex that feeds Castro's "inferiority against the Cuban upper classes . . . [and] . . . the United States in general." The author's portrayal of Castro's image as a young man was incomplete and somewhat misleading. With a minor lapse in scholarship, the authors quickly change academic gears and advance a sound narrative on the Soviet historiography of the crisis.
Utilizing a trove of recently accessible Soviet archives, the Harvard scholars introduce new behind- the- scene details of how the crisis unfolded. The Soviets, of course, capitalized on America's failed overthrow of Cuba. Khrushchev estimated that the deployment of nuclear warheads ninety miles from America's coastline would tip the strategic nuclear balance in the Soviet's favor and would support the Cuban revolution. Moreover, he projected that the deployment of warheads could be kept secret until it was too late for the U.S. to act. This, of course, was an error in judgment - as U-2 reconnaissance planes quickly determined the presence of missiles in Cuba. Formerly, scholars ascribed to the belief that hard-liners in the Kremlin forced, or highly encouraged, Khrushchev to place Soviet warheads on the island nation. However, the evidence presented by the authors discounts this premise - and strongly suggests that Khrushchev's acted alone in this decision.
After the American discovery of warheads in Cuba in October of 1962, the two superpowers engaged in active diplomatic negotiations. In previous histories of the crisis, it was thought that only official and public channels were utilized for communications between the countries. Utilizing a partially transcribed collection of the Kennedy ExCom (Executive Committee) tapes, we learn for the first time about a small network of back channel communications - which proved to be vital in the continuing negotiations for peaceful resolution to the crisis. For instance, Aleksandr Alekseev, the Soviet Ambassador to Havana, provided an informal communication channel between the Cubans and Soviets. Similarly, Georgi Bolshakov a Soviet Intelligence officer, relayed messages between the Soviets and Americans via Robert Kennedy and American journalist Frank Holeman.
Ironically, the authors reveal that Kennedy provided private concessions to the Kremlin via Bolshakov during the critical thirteen days of the crisis. Most importantly, Kennedy agreed to remove the American Jupiter missiles from Turkey - a revelation that was not publicized to the media.
Interestingly, only bilateral sources, namely known intelligence officers and journalists, were noted in this work. The authors, however, fail to mention the GRU spy, Oleg Penkovsky, who allegedly provided the CIA with detailed information on the Soviet missile capabilities and locations at the time. In The Spy Who Saved the World, Penkovsky was given credit for relaying crucial intelligence reports to the Kennedy Administration, which allegedly contributed to his decision for a quarantine of the Soviet naval fleet. It remains unclear why Fursenko and Naftali omitted this fact; perhaps they had no detailed evidence that the U.S had legitimate clandestine sources. Of course, de-classified intelligence archives from both the CIA and KGB may have been sanitized; and therefore, may have limited the author's ability to understand and synthesize intelligence sources. Whatever the case, the Penkovsky exclusion limits the intelligence scholarship of the missile crisis. One question the authors may have raised, was whether Kennedy fully utilized intelligence provided by unilateral human sources, such as Penkovsky, during the crisis?
Thankfully for mankind, the careful deliberations between Kennedy and Khrushchev resulted in a peaceful compromise that averted a thermo-nuclear war. The authors concluded that after the missile crisis "Khrushchev and Kennedy were now willing to take risks for better relations." Their efforts established a détente between the two superpowers - but one that was brief. Unfortunately, the short-lived prospect faded after the November 1963 Kennedy assassination and the October 1964 coup that removed Khrushchev from power.
One hell of a Gamble is a tremendously detailed work that exceeds previous scholarship on the post-WWII crisis. The authors offer compelling evidence that the crisis came closer to spinning out of control than once thought. We discover that Castro, Khrushchev, and Kennedy were "ultimately driven by a sense of what was best for themselves, and for their people." Moreover, the authors convincingly demonstrate that Cuba became the pivotal pawn in the Cold War chess match between the Soviets and the Americans. So persuasive was their story, that film director Ronald Donaldson used the context of their work for the film Thirteen Days - which depicted the crucial two weeks of the missile crises. Although an unexceptional account of the crisis on the American and Cuban fronts, the authors do offer an authoritative interpretation on Soviet historiography during the 1962 crisis. Cold War scholars should pay careful attention to this work, which highlights some of the missing details of an especially tense period during the Cold War.
The Cuban Missile Crisis' Origins, Events, and DecisionsReview Date: 2005-09-19
The book then continues, following Castro's ascension to power, his increasing fear of US-backed invasion, and his greater and greater demands for increased Soviet protection. Surpisingly, the Soviets initially had as little interest in Castro's Cuba as Washington. However, the Cold War was on, and Kruschev was eager to project Soviet influence at the expense of Mao's communist China. And what better way to assert Soviet prestige than by establishing a Soviet communist beachhead just off America's shores.
As the US stepped up its belated and ineffectual covert operations aimed at destabilizing and eventually toppling the Castro regime, Castro sought ever more Soviet economic, and especially military, assistance. One of the Soviet's first major successes was in implementing the block surveillance program. Arms shipments became greater, more frequent, and more obvious. However, Soviet-Castro relations became endangered by one of Castro's rebellious communist lieutenants, and the Soviets were stymied by their deficiency in ICBMs. Thus, Kruschev made the fateful and audacious decision to deploy Soviet medium and intermediate range nuclear missiles and bombers in Cuba.
Much of the rest of the story is well-known. American U2 reconnaisance flights over Cuba reveal the construction of Soviet missile and bomber bases. Kennedy goes on national TV to alert the US public to the crisis and gain support for potential military action. Behind the scenes, a deal is desperately sought to end the crisis. Ultimately, Kruschev publicly agrees to remove nukes from Cuba, while Kennedy privately agrees to reciprocate in removing American missiles from Turkey.
The book reveals a great deal about how strongly individual personalities affect history and national leadership. It also demonstrates how completely inept and unrealistic the CIA's operations were in Cuba. There were a few times during Castro's rise to power that the US had a chance of courting him; however, their own ignorance of Cuba's internal politics assured they would never capitalize on it. From my standpoint, the entire crisis could have been easily avoided by resolute leadership in the White House - either make Castro an ally, oust him when he was still weak, or guarantee that Cuba will not be military threatened by the US. The fault lies with both Eisenhower and Kennedy for their weak and vacillating policies towards Castro.

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HomecomingReview Date: 2008-03-02
Patriotism, not mindlessnessReview Date: 2007-04-21
Excellent Book!Review Date: 2007-01-11
Wonderful history referenceReview Date: 2006-11-04
Her Mother Would Be Pleased!Review Date: 2005-12-05

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Excellent record of 60's style as seen thru the eyes of JOReview Date: 2003-11-09
Forgetting the AccessoriesReview Date: 2006-11-17
A LEGEND!Review Date: 2006-01-13
the clothes of camelotReview Date: 2005-05-26
Chic at its best!Review Date: 2002-12-03

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Rooted in religionReview Date: 2001-07-24
Mr. Sidoranko's treatment of Kennedy is stellar, fresh, and thankfully does not succumb to the heroizing syndrome that we can so easily criticize in other Kennedy accounts and authors.
This book, refraining from distracting hyperbole, maintains a compassionate leaning-towards but fair-minded, even sometimes, somewhat dispassionate tone.
Sidoranko's convincingly sustained argument for Robert Kennedy's spiritual/religious dynamic will make a useful contribution to further examination of an extremely important politician and historical figure of ever-increasing national interest and debate.
InspiringReview Date: 2001-07-13
ProvocativeReview Date: 2001-06-26
Very good reading.
Big disappointmentReview Date: 2002-09-13
I was really disappointed! First, the book is even slimmer than it looks because there are several pages of photographs in there. There are also some really glaring errors of grammar, punctuation, and even fact in this book. One that comes immediately to mind: in the bibliography, Sidorenko indicates he relied on Jeff Shesol's "Mutual Contempt," which is listed as being published in 1977. Jeff Shesol wasn't even in in high school in 1977 (his book was actually published in 1997). The writing style is clunky. Take this example from page 130: "Time sobered heads inebriated by shock. Robert Kennedy began a process that took about six days. Most meetings the president did not attend. Security required that all seem normal at the White House." Inebriated by shock? WHAT process? I thought the subject was RFK, not the president.
Actually, I blame the editors & publisher far more than the author. This book is part of some series called "Lives & Legacies," but there's no explanation of what the series is all about, and if this is how the whole series is edited, I wouldn't buy another book in it at all. In fact, I'd avoid any books put out by this seemingly bush-league publisher.
It takes an outsider....Review Date: 2001-06-29
Was Kennedy a chameleon using change simply to feed his personal ambitions?
Or wasn't it more to the point that growth was a constant theme in Kennedy's life--"a steady evolution and not based on epiphanic interruptions"?
Author Konstantine Sedorenko is very convincing when he says Faith was "neither politics nor pandering" for Robert Kennedy and that his spiritual and religious training kept him from embracing only worldly ambitions.
True, ambition brought him to the edge, but, as the author smartly shows, worldly purpose fused with religious imperatives and values in Bobby's case, and the final leap into national politics, the political and social issues of his day, and finally, the presidential pool "came from his deep moral essence."
Is worldly purpose necessarily at odds with religious and moral values or principals and standards? Bobby Kennedy's history and story, if one stands back and attempts to view objectively--as perhaps only an outsider can--would indicate quite the opposite.
Kennedy's legacy indeed, to quote Sedorenko, "set the stage whereby future politicians could lead with no less conviction and hope."
Finally, one thing that definitely can be said about Robert F. Kennedy: he never pulled any punches--not with his cohorts and not with the American public. Neither does Sedorenko in this dynamic portrait of a most complex man--one who could and firmly did--take a moral stance in a time when America needed "more than the advice cold war tacticians could supply."

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No other book on sales will ever be neededReview Date: 2008-05-26
I am fan of Mr. Kennedy books I admit that, but if you will try to read at least any of his books - I started with No B.S. Time Management for Entrepreneurs (No B.S. Series) - you will also become a long term fan of this author.
It's title is exactly what the book does - there is no BS advices, techniques & suggestions.
There is no usual "think outside the box, think positive, do your best and result will come inevitably" book.
There is a CONCRETE steps. There is EXACT advices. There are REAL world examples
Author says it's from his OWN carrier, unlike some new authors, especially in internet marketing topics, who's profession are author, and this is how he earn.
Here is a words from real word entrepreneur, who was selling himself.
If you take just 1 - I repeat only 1 advice what he calls - LET THEM SPEAK FOR YOU, I suppose sales will be lifted a lots and lots of times
I HIGHLY recommend this book to everyone who's mind is open to this fantastic, inspiring, fresh and invaluable book.
If you are not interested in taking action, choose another sales book to read.Review Date: 2008-04-26
If you have never heard of Dan Kennedy and his No BS series of books, then you don't know what you are missing. Dan is a true salesman. Whether in print, copy, informercials or speaking he is always selling. And what's wrong with that? Some reviewers criticize that the books sounds like an informercial. That is what Kennedy does, he sells!
One of the key insights of the book is to never settle for second best, and always look to get the maximum returns for your efforts. You do this by holding yourself, your sales teams and your marketing 100% accountable for results. No ifs, ands, buts or excuses.
The book is broken up into six parts.
1. 15 Strategies for exceptional succes.
2. How to stop prospecting once and for all.
3. A No BS Start-to-Finish structure for the sale.
4. Dumb and Dumber: Things That Sabotage Sales Success.
5. My Biggest Secret To Exceptional Results In Selling.
6. Sales Tools and Technology.
There is also a "Bonus" Kennedy book reprinted in the back, "How To Read Anyone's Mind".
Highly recommended, but if you are not going to try some of the tactics and put them to use, then you may want to look elsewhere for something you are more comfortable with.
Cheers!
Best Practical Sales Book Ever Written Review Date: 2008-03-08
Kennedy is King MarketingReview Date: 2007-12-05
Dan The ManReview Date: 2007-10-01
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A gift to my friendReview Date: 2008-07-25
books from the same authors.
History Joins Humanity in Legendary 1960 Election ChronicleReview Date: 2008-07-04
Theodore H. White's influential bestseller, "The Making of the President 1960," not only chronicles the primaries, speeches, strategy sessions, debates, and final tallies, but was largely where 1960's election, and its victor, began owning their singular places in U.S. history.
Beginning fittingly at campaign's end with Kennedy's stressful, exhilarating victory night, the book unfolds candidate strategies from primary to convention to the weeks between Bill Mazeroski's World Series-ending home run and that November 7. White is novelist, journalist and historian chronicling the Democratic party torch passing from hero Adlai Stevenson (a reluctant if overpoweringly influential candidate) to Kennedy at the Los Angeles convention. With unprecedented access to President Kennedy, campaign manager Bobby Kennedy (provocatively described as a Catholic "Boston Puritan"), and their brain trusts, White sketches the candidate's vigor, intellect, and humor making him cultural equal to era icons Franklin Roosevelt and Elvis Presley.
Without nearly the access to the then-vice president or his staff (part of Nixon's hostility to press which reached dizzying heights a decade later) White's views on Nixon are observational, quotes from formally prepared speeches or advisors speaking off-record. Eisenhower's Republican torch becomes a hot potato jumping from New York governor Nelson Rockefeller to industry captains supporting the party to what White describes as Nixon's mix of stubbornness (with a 50-state strategy), bad luck, bad TV imagery, and a touch of greed. This led Nixon to make decisions perceived strategically right over those morally right (both candidates' reaction to Dr. Martin Luther King's Georgia imprisonment weeks before the election being a watershed example.)
But for its merits in describing Kennedy and Nixon's exhausting marathon to the Oval Office (and hardships of accompanying staffers and even reporters), White's most valuable chapter for today's reader is "Retrospect on Yesterday's Future." Any political science or sociology student must read White's chronicle of 1960's changing demographics: contrasts between black/white, urban/suburban, regional/ethnic ("red" and "blue" state values are spot-on described without color) and, most notably, Catholic/Protestant. (Kennedy's famous speech to the Greater Houston Ministerial Association, taking his religious and presidential responsibilities head-on, is reprinted as an appendix.)
White gives this humanity and immediacy making particular episodes (Nixon's Atlanta rally, Hubert Humphrey's long bus ride in Wisconsin and his awkward TV telethon, Kennedy's final speech as candidate in Connecticut) seem fresh and evocative of their time. White shows 1960 as slamming shut the "simpler time" many envision the 1950s to be. This not only stems because of the horrible tragedies awaiting both men, but Big Media's ever-larger bytes and swallows of political discussion and drama.
Anyone wanting to understand modern American politics, strategiesm and motivations in place even to this year's election must start here. "The Making of the President 1960" should be required for any voter helping to make one in 2008 and beyond.
They Don't Make Them Like This AnymoreReview Date: 2008-01-13
Given the current political process, some of the 1960 action seems quite distant. First, several candidates were aiming for a convention strategy, completely ignoring the primaries that were then far less important. Second, at one point the book mentions eight minute statements given by Kennedy and Nixon during one of their debates. Nowadays, we are lucky if a debate statement on the most important national issue lasts for more than two minutes.
The book's publication in 1961 also makes it interesting, as it leaves the reader at the threshold of the Kennedy presidency but is completely unaware of the events to follow. Not only does this include the assassination of two Kennedy brothers, but also the election of Richard Nixon to the presidency in 1968.
I have also read the Making of the Presidency 1964, but not the two successive volumes. I highly recommend this and the follow-up.
Interesting, well written history of a milestone electionReview Date: 2007-08-28
I also enjoyed Mr. White's interesting analysis of American culture and society, circa 1960. He takes readers through a colorful discussion of trends and changes that have occurred and connects them with the political scene. This definitely puts the unfolding of the campaign and election into a greater perspective.
I have read a number of criticisms that Mr. White was unduly biased toward John F. Kennedy in this book. I do not see this as being accurate - he does not present Kennedy as some sort of secular saint. Moreover, (and I am no great admirer of Kennedy), Kennedy did have a great deal of charisma that lent itself to positive press coverage. In a later book, Mr. White takes a similar tack toward Ronald Reagan. Mr. White does show some empathy toward Richard Nixon, though he rightly criticizes him for not making better use of President Eisenhower's immense popularity and goodwill with the American people. Nixon, of course, will ultimately win a Presidential contest, though under a different set of circumstances.
Interestingly, I don't think that either Kennedy or Nixon would have won their respective party's Presidential nomination in the current political climate. This is because both men were, at heart, center-leaning pragmatists, not given to being in lockstep with the ideological orthodoxy that exists today in both parties.
On a critical note, Mr. White does not mention the controversial election returns that took place in Chicago and Texas, or about the dubious (to put it nicely) dealings of Joseph P. Kennedy, who took an active role in the campaign, despite an appearance of aloofness. I think that Mr. White should have included this, and that doing so would not have harmed the book.
A well-paced bookReview Date: 2007-08-12
I especially liked reading the book because it was about John F. Kennedy and Richard Nixon and written from a perspective that is hard to find: before JFK was shot and Nixon resigned. Instead the book treats them just as two young pols, eager to ascend to the highest office.
Additionally, many of the positions of the Democrats and Republicans, as well as response by the American people seems unchanged despite the past nearly 50 years. Looking at the parties as they began to form their present state provides insight into how our political scene today developed.
All in all, I recommend this book to anyone who's interested either in Nixon, Kennedy, or presidential campaigning in general. They'll find it almost humorous in how some descriptions written in 1961 still apply in 2007, and how most tactics are still being used.
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