Becker Books

This book explains the effects of alcohol and drug use in a format that is easy to understand. The author uses his own experiences (from being a professional athlete to nightclub manager)to show how alcohol and drugs can turn your life upside-down in a blink of an eye, and it can happen to anyone. He does this by talking to the reader, not above them. He explains one step at a time how he got involved in this lifestyle and what he did to get his life back. As an employee in the law enforcement field, I believe it would be beneficial for adults and teenagers to read this book. It would let them know that NO ONE is exempt for alcohol and drugs, not even professional athletes. An impotant message of this book is "You can choose to do whatever you want, but you can't choose the consequence" If more people realized this, they may think more often before they act.

Having thrilled to the writings of Ernest Becker for years (especially "The Birth and Death of Meaning," Second Edition; "The Denial of Death," and "Escape from Evil"), it was heartening to eventually discover the Ernest Becker Foundation (EBF). To connect with the EBF is to connect with a diverse network of scholars, practitioners, and others who value and utilize Becker's profound synthesis of what it means to be human - that is, a self-conscious animal that knows it will die. To connect with the EBF is to also connect with Daniel Liechty, foremost expert on Ernest Becker and author of numerous books and articles incorporating Becker's ideas.

In "Death and Denial: Interdisciplinary Perspectives on the Legacy of Ernest Becker," Liechty brings twenty-five of those diverse scholars and practitioners under the conceptual umbrella of Generative Death Anxiety (GDA), a theory which "suggests that at the deepest level, human behavior is motivated by the unavoidable need to shield oneself from consciousness of human mortality." Liechty's superb introduction provides an overview of GDA as an "organizing principle for the social sciences and humanities," including where Becker's work fits within the context of other psychological theorists, and where GDA fits as a competing depth-psychological theory - duly noting how Terror Management theorists are putting that part of GDA amenable to empirical laboratory investigation to the test (see Chapter 1). Liechty then introduces the chapters and contributors to follow, appropriately divided into five categories: psychological reflections, psychotherapeutic reflections, social scientific reflections, philosophical reflections, and religious reflections.

This volume is a "must read" for any serious student of Ernest Becker or those inclined to dig deep into the fundamental nature of our species and the challenges we face. As a non-academic type, I did find some chapters to be a tad too scholarly and esoteric - for my tastes, anyway. But there were plenty of others I could really sink my teeth into, like the beautiful summary of terror management theory and current research (Greenberg, Pyszczynski, and Solomon, Chapter 1), forgiveness and connecting with others in real ways beyond "heroic illusions" (Halling, Chapter 3), a call for medicine and psychiatry to understand the dynamics of neurosis and existential anxiety and appreciate the upsides of living with less denial and illusion (Elgee, Chapter 13), our existential vulnerability to toxic leaders and finding the courage to move beyond their simple answers to grapple with anxiety and the search for meaning (Lipman-Blumen, Chapter 15), and the processes by which we transform our enemies into enemies of God, thus making warfare "applied theology" and a battle against good and evil (Keen, Chapter 21). There are others, and these are just examples of the rich, thought provoking contributions collected in this work. For Becker aficionados and kindred souls, there's something here for everyone, and thus, I would recommend it without qualification.

This was a required reading for a graduate humanities class. Carl Becker expertly researched the events leading up to the birth of the Declaration. Carl L. Becker's research on the philosophical influences on the Declaration of Independence is some of the best scholarship on the subject. Becker notes that a by product of the Enlightenment is that "In the eighteenth century as never before, `Nature' had stepped in between man and God; so that there was no longer any way to know God's will except by discovering the `laws' of nature." Not only are the force of the ideas, such as pleas to natural law important, but also how the words sounded to the ear would become equally important for the Declaration to move people to rebellion.

John Locke, Algernon Sidney, and Charles de Montesquieu helped form Jefferson's political and philosophical ideas towards government, public service, and leadership. The Declaration is replete with the Natural Law philosophy of John Locke (1632-1704). David Lundberg and Henry F. May conducted a study of the 92 existing library records from before the revolution, to determine which authors colonists were reading. Their research found that John Locke was by far the most read philosopher in their study. Becker postulated that Locke's ideas had made a significant impression on Jefferson, since he found that the general tenor and phraseology of the Declaration closely followed key sentences from Locke's Second Treatise of Government. Jefferson must have read Locke's work several times to be able to borrow so liberally from them, and to be able to mirror his language so accurately. To illustrate the point, the following is an example of Locke's writing showing just how closely some of the phrases match from his Second Treatise of Government, and the Declaration of Independence.

The state of nature has a law of nature to govern it, which obliges
every one; and reason, which is that law, teaches all mankind who
will consult it that, being all equal and independent, no one ought
to harm another in his life, health, liberty, or possessions; for men
being all workmanship of one omnipotent and infinitely wise Maker.

Jefferson's original draft reads.

We hold these truths to be sacred & undeniable; that all men are
created equal & independent; that from that equal creation they
derive in rights inherent & inalienable among which are the
preservation of life, & liberty, & the pursuit of happiness.

The "self evident truths" of the Natural Law philosophy espoused by Locke and enumerated in the Preamble of the Declaration, and found that both, essentially, declared that no person should be subordinated to another because of birth or class standing. In addition, people choose to leave the state of nature on their own free will and consent to be governed by a government of their choosing. Locke's specific concern is, "Men being, as has been said, by nature, all free, equal and independent, no one can be put out of his estate, and subjugated to the political power of another, without his own consent." Algernon Sidney (1623-1683), a contemporary of Locke's and a political theorist who Jefferson reads, writes in his book, Discourses Concerning Government, "That man is actually free; that he cannot justly be deprived of that liberty without cause, and that he doth not resign it, or any part of it, unless it be in consideration of a greater good." The Declaration's wording is, "that to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed." These "self evident truths," that government is by consent of the governed, is the beginning of a political reasoning that all British subjects on both sides of the Atlantic came to understand was their right after the "Glorious Revolution" of 1688 in Britain, which was the inspiration for Locke's political philosophy.
The other reason for Jefferson to turn to Locke's writings, is his well-known ideas among the colonists regarding the rights and duties of citizens to overthrow an existing government when it ceases to provide for the proper welfare of its citizens. Locke, near the end of his treatise writes:
But if a long train of abuses, prevarications, and artifices, all
tending the same way, make the design visible to the people,
and they cannot but feel what they lie under and see whither
they are going, it is not to be wondered that they should then
rouse themselves and endeavor to put the rule into such hands
which may secure to them the ends for which government was
at first erected.


Jefferson, in the second paragraph of the Preamble to the Declaration takes Locke's words and constructs them thusly:
But when a long train of abuses & usurpations, begun at a
distinguished period, & pursuing invariably the same object,
evinces a design to reduce them under absolute Despotism, it
is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such government &
to provide new guards for their future security.

To prove to the world that rebellion was finally justifiable within the framework of Natural Law, Jefferson included a list of twenty-seven "abuses and usurpations" by the king in the Declaration.
The list of abuses by King George III, are an integral part of the Declaration, which proves that the king has, "in direct object the establishment of an absolute Tyranny over the States." Becker wrote that the list not only delineates the continued abuses by the king against the colonists, but it also "comprises a list of American political commitments." The next few sentences are a few examples of the twenty-seven charges leveled against the king, and the political commitments that the delegates enacted during their tenure in the Continental Congress. The king was accused of impeding and disrupting the legislative process, and in some cases, dissolving them in the first six charges. These charges are especially important to the colonists, considering their penchant for legislative authority above any other branch of government. The eighth and ninth accusations charge the king with not protecting the judiciary from the interference by the executive branch of government. This idea of a separate judicial branch of government was an idea that was picked up from the French philosopher, Charles de Montesquieu (1689-1755), and would be incorporated in the U. S. Constitution. The king was accused of forcing the colonists to quarter British soldiers in their homes and with disbanding the local militias. Both of these acts were so egregious to the colonists, that they would not soon be forgotten, and a prohibition on quartering soldiers and supporting the militias would become a part of the U. S. Constitution. One can easily see that reading through the list of grievances reveals that it also reads like a bill of rights, which the Continental Congress is declaring to the patriots as values that it will protect. The Declaration also takes umbrage with the king for disregarding the years of legal pleas made to him by the colonists to prevent this long train of abuses from causing such drastic actions as breaking away from the mother country. Becker astutely notes that nowhere in the Declaration is the word Parliament mentioned. All of the grievances listed are blamed on the king, even though they refer to laws enacted by Parliament. This important omission proves that the colonists were never given representation in Parliament. They created their own legislatures in the colonies, since they believed it was the natural right of any group of British subjects under British law to do so. Therefore, on July 4, 1776, after adopting the Declaration unanimously, congress resolves that the title read "The unanimous declaration of the thirteen United States of America," and that every member of Congress sign it. Thus, this summary or compact of the eighteenth century American political mind and Enlightenment ideals burst into the world screaming for attention.

As a graduate student in philosophy and history, I heartily recommend this timeless classic to anyone who is interested in political philosophy, and history.

This was a required reading for a graduate humanities class. Carl Becker expertly researched the events leading up to the birth of the Declaration. Carl L. Becker's research on the philosophical influences on the Declaration of Independence is some of the best scholarship on the subject. Becker notes that a by product of the Enlightenment is that "In the eighteenth century as never before, `Nature' had stepped in between man and God; so that there was no longer any way to know God's will except by discovering the `laws' of nature." Not only are the force of the ideas, such as pleas to natural law important, but also how the words sounded to the ear would become equally important for the Declaration to move people to rebellion.

John Locke, Algernon Sidney, and Charles de Montesquieu helped form Jefferson's political and philosophical ideas towards government, public service, and leadership. The Declaration is replete with the Natural Law philosophy of John Locke (1632-1704). David Lundberg and Henry F. May conducted a study of the 92 existing library records from before the revolution, to determine which authors colonists were reading. Their research found that John Locke was by far the most read philosopher in their study. Becker postulated that Locke's ideas had made a significant impression on Jefferson, since he found that the general tenor and phraseology of the Declaration closely followed key sentences from Locke's Second Treatise of Government. Jefferson must have read Locke's work several times to be able to borrow so liberally from them, and to be able to mirror his language so accurately. To illustrate the point, the following is an example of Locke's writing showing just how closely some of the phrases match from his Second Treatise of Government, and the Declaration of Independence.

The state of nature has a law of nature to govern it, which obliges
every one; and reason, which is that law, teaches all mankind who
will consult it that, being all equal and independent, no one ought
to harm another in his life, health, liberty, or possessions; for men
being all workmanship of one omnipotent and infinitely wise Maker.

Jefferson's original draft reads.

We hold these truths to be sacred & undeniable; that all men are
created equal & independent; that from that equal creation they
derive in rights inherent & inalienable among which are the
preservation of life, & liberty, & the pursuit of happiness.

The "self evident truths" of the Natural Law philosophy espoused by Locke and enumerated in the Preamble of the Declaration, and found that both, essentially, declared that no person should be subordinated to another because of birth or class standing. In addition, people choose to leave the state of nature on their own free will and consent to be governed by a government of their choosing. Locke's specific concern is, "Men being, as has been said, by nature, all free, equal and independent, no one can be put out of his estate, and subjugated to the political power of another, without his own consent." Algernon Sidney (1623-1683), a contemporary of Locke's and a political theorist who Jefferson reads, writes in his book, Discourses Concerning Government, "That man is actually free; that he cannot justly be deprived of that liberty without cause, and that he doth not resign it, or any part of it, unless it be in consideration of a greater good." The Declaration's wording is, "that to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed." These "self evident truths," that government is by consent of the governed, is the beginning of a political reasoning that all British subjects on both sides of the Atlantic came to understand was their right after the "Glorious Revolution" of 1688 in Britain, which was the inspiration for Locke's political philosophy.
The other reason for Jefferson to turn to Locke's writings, is his well-known ideas among the colonists regarding the rights and duties of citizens to overthrow an existing government when it ceases to provide for the proper welfare of its citizens. Locke, near the end of his treatise writes:
But if a long train of abuses, prevarications, and artifices, all
tending the same way, make the design visible to the people,
and they cannot but feel what they lie under and see whither
they are going, it is not to be wondered that they should then
rouse themselves and endeavor to put the rule into such hands
which may secure to them the ends for which government was
at first erected.


Jefferson, in the second paragraph of the Preamble to the Declaration takes Locke's words and constructs them thusly:
But when a long train of abuses & usurpations, begun at a
distinguished period, & pursuing invariably the same object,
evinces a design to reduce them under absolute Despotism, it
is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such government &
to provide new guards for their future security.

To prove to the world that rebellion was finally justifiable within the framework of Natural Law, Jefferson included a list of twenty-seven "abuses and usurpations" by the king in the Declaration.
The list of abuses by King George III, are an integral part of the Declaration, which proves that the king has, "in direct object the establishment of an absolute Tyranny over the States." Becker wrote that the list not only delineates the continued abuses by the king against the colonists, but it also "comprises a list of American political commitments." The next few sentences are a few examples of the twenty-seven charges leveled against the king, and the political commitments that the delegates enacted during their tenure in the Continental Congress. The king was accused of impeding and disrupting the legislative process, and in some cases, dissolving them in the first six charges. These charges are especially important to the colonists, considering their penchant for legislative authority above any other branch of government. The eighth and ninth accusations charge the king with not protecting the judiciary from the interference by the executive branch of government. This idea of a separate judicial branch of government was an idea that was picked up from the French philosopher, Charles de Montesquieu (1689-1755), and would be incorporated in the U. S. Constitution. The king was accused of forcing the colonists to quarter British soldiers in their homes and with disbanding the local militias. Both of these acts were so egregious to the colonists, that they would not soon be forgotten, and a prohibition on quartering soldiers and supporting the militias would become a part of the U. S. Constitution. One can easily see that reading through the list of grievances reveals that it also reads like a bill of rights, which the Continental Congress is declaring to the patriots as values that it will protect. The Declaration also takes umbrage with the king for disregarding the years of legal pleas made to him by the colonists to prevent this long train of abuses from causing such drastic actions as breaking away from the mother country. Becker astutely notes that nowhere in the Declaration is the word Parliament mentioned. All of the grievances listed are blamed on the king, even though they refer to laws enacted by Parliament. This important omission proves that the colonists were never given representation in Parliament. They created their own legislatures in the colonies, since they believed it was the natural right of any group of British subjects under British law to do so. Therefore, on July 4, 1776, after adopting the Declaration unanimously, congress resolves that the title read "The unanimous declaration of the thirteen United States of America," and that every member of Congress sign it. Thus, this summary or compact of the eighteenth century American political mind and Enlightenment ideals burst into the world screaming for attention.

As a graduate student in philosophy and history, I heartily recommend this timeless classic to anyone who is interested in political philosophy, and history.

This was a required reading for a graduate humanities class. Carl Becker expertly researched the events leading up to the birth of the Declaration. Carl L. Becker's research on the philosophical influences on the Declaration of Independence is some of the best scholarship on the subject. Becker notes that a by product of the Enlightenment is that "In the eighteenth century as never before, `Nature' had stepped in between man and God; so that there was no longer any way to know God's will except by discovering the `laws' of nature." Not only are the force of the ideas, such as pleas to natural law important, but also how the words sounded to the ear would become equally important for the Declaration to move people to rebellion.

John Locke, Algernon Sidney, and Charles de Montesquieu helped form Jefferson's political and philosophical ideas towards government, public service, and leadership. The Declaration is replete with the Natural Law philosophy of John Locke (1632-1704). David Lundberg and Henry F. May conducted a study of the 92 existing library records from before the revolution, to determine which authors colonists were reading. Their research found that John Locke was by far the most read philosopher in their study. Becker postulated that Locke's ideas had made a significant impression on Jefferson, since he found that the general tenor and phraseology of the Declaration closely followed key sentences from Locke's Second Treatise of Government. Jefferson must have read Locke's work several times to be able to borrow so liberally from them, and to be able to mirror his language so accurately. To illustrate the point, the following is an example of Locke's writing showing just how closely some of the phrases match from his Second Treatise of Government, and the Declaration of Independence.

The state of nature has a law of nature to govern it, which obliges
every one; and reason, which is that law, teaches all mankind who
will consult it that, being all equal and independent, no one ought
to harm another in his life, health, liberty, or possessions; for men
being all workmanship of one omnipotent and infinitely wise Maker.

Jefferson's original draft reads.

We hold these truths to be sacred & undeniable; that all men are
created equal & independent; that from that equal creation they
derive in rights inherent & inalienable among which are the
preservation of life, & liberty, & the pursuit of happiness.

The "self evident truths" of the Natural Law philosophy espoused by Locke and enumerated in the Preamble of the Declaration, and found that both, essentially, declared that no person should be subordinated to another because of birth or class standing. In addition, people choose to leave the state of nature on their own free will and consent to be governed by a government of their choosing. Locke's specific concern is, "Men being, as has been said, by nature, all free, equal and independent, no one can be put out of his estate, and subjugated to the political power of another, without his own consent." Algernon Sidney (1623-1683), a contemporary of Locke's and a political theorist who Jefferson reads, writes in his book, Discourses Concerning Government, "That man is actually free; that he cannot justly be deprived of that liberty without cause, and that he doth not resign it, or any part of it, unless it be in consideration of a greater good." The Declaration's wording is, "that to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed." These "self evident truths," that government is by consent of the governed, is the beginning of a political reasoning that all British subjects on both sides of the Atlantic came to understand was their right after the "Glorious Revolution" of 1688 in Britain, which was the inspiration for Locke's political philosophy.
The other reason for Jefferson to turn to Locke's writings, is his well-known ideas among the colonists regarding the rights and duties of citizens to overthrow an existing government when it ceases to provide for the proper welfare of its citizens. Locke, near the end of his treatise writes:
But if a long train of abuses, prevarications, and artifices, all
tending the same way, make the design visible to the people,
and they cannot but feel what they lie under and see whither
they are going, it is not to be wondered that they should then
rouse themselves and endeavor to put the rule into such hands
which may secure to them the ends for which government was
at first erected.


Jefferson, in the second paragraph of the Preamble to the Declaration takes Locke's words and constructs them thusly:
But when a long train of abuses & usurpations, begun at a
distinguished period, & pursuing invariably the same object,
evinces a design to reduce them under absolute Despotism, it
is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such government &
to provide new guards for their future security.

To prove to the world that rebellion was finally justifiable within the framework of Natural Law, Jefferson included a list of twenty-seven "abuses and usurpations" by the king in the Declaration.
The list of abuses by King George III, are an integral part of the Declaration, which proves that the king has, "in direct object the establishment of an absolute Tyranny over the States." Becker wrote that the list not only delineates the continued abuses by the king against the colonists, but it also "comprises a list of American political commitments." The next few sentences are a few examples of the twenty-seven charges leveled against the king, and the political commitments that the delegates enacted during their tenure in the Continental Congress. The king was accused of impeding and disrupting the legislative process, and in some cases, dissolving them in the first six charges. These charges are especially important to the colonists, considering their penchant for legislative authority above any other branch of government. The eighth and ninth accusations charge the king with not protecting the judiciary from the interference by the executive branch of government. This idea of a separate judicial branch of government was an idea that was picked up from the French philosopher, Charles de Montesquieu (1689-1755), and would be incorporated in the U. S. Constitution. The king was accused of forcing the colonists to quarter British soldiers in their homes and with disbanding the local militias. Both of these acts were so egregious to the colonists, that they would not soon be forgotten, and a prohibition on quartering soldiers and supporting the militias would become a part of the U. S. Constitution. One can easily see that reading through the list of grievances reveals that it also reads like a bill of rights, which the Continental Congress is declaring to the patriots as values that it will protect. The Declaration also takes umbrage with the king for disregarding the years of legal pleas made to him by the colonists to prevent this long train of abuses from causing such drastic actions as breaking away from the mother country. Becker astutely notes that nowhere in the Declaration is the word Parliament mentioned. All of the grievances listed are blamed on the king, even though they refer to laws enacted by Parliament. This important omission proves that the colonists were never given representation in Parliament. They created their own legislatures in the colonies, since they believed it was the natural right of any group of British subjects under British law to do so. Therefore, on July 4, 1776, after adopting the Declaration unanimously, congress resolves that the title read "The unanimous declaration of the thirteen United States of America," and that every member of Congress sign it. Thus, this summary or compact of the eighteenth century American political mind and Enlightenment ideals burst into the world screaming for attention.

As a graduate student in philosophy and history, I heartily recommend this timeless classic to anyone who is interested in political philosophy, and history.

A thoughtful, intelligent analysis of Becker's work. Very well done

With plenty of examples from numerous cultures, Becker brings home the point that cultural expectations shape the spiritual experience, rather than the music itself. The music CD that comes with the book provides actual examples from various folk traditions. My only complaint was that I didn't have the Wikipedia handy when I was reading the book, so I often did not know what part of the world the various tribes being discussed were from. If you don't know the names of lots of tribal societies, have some kind of reference material available.

In 10+ years of teaching sociology of deviance and social control, I have not found a theory-and-research course reader that surpasses this one. The first section follows a helpful format of classic-theory-article followed by theory-in-use research article for all of the major deviance theories (except constructionism, a flaw). The remainder of the book includes interesting theory and research articles, some classic and many contemporary, organized by themes such as institutional settings, managing deviant identities, etc. It is one of the few books in this field to use an analytical approach to social behavior consistently while avoiding the typical deviantizing approach (as in books that include a chapter on crime, one on mental illness, one on drug use, etc.). I used it and liked it for two or three years. Sadly, though, it has gone out of print and can no longer by ordered as a course book. It's too bad--updated with a new edition, this could be even better.

DIGITAL PHOTOGRAPHY
Fast Bytes Series
AUTHOR: Nina Martini
PUBLISHER: DataBecker
REVIEWED BY: Barbara Rhoades

BOOK REVIEW: A small book but packed with so much information it is hard to know where to begin. Digital Photography begins by explaining data storage and transferring images. It goes on to explain color optimizing, printing and making a CD. There are notes and tips in yellow boxes through out the book to help the reader along.

To do all this, Digital Photography uses several programs such as:
1. ACDSee - [URL]
2. Paint Shop Pro - [URL]
3. Ulead Cool 360 - [URL]
4. Windows Movie Maker - this program comes in Windows ME and XP
5. Photo Flicks - [URL]
6. HTML Editor or Note Pad - comes with most systems
7. Outlook Express - or any email program

Digital Photography will walk you through the basics of all these programs. There are many other programs like these available but these trial versions will give you the basic principles of digital photography. Digital Photography will tell you how to use your camera and computer together to produce great pictures and even how to save it on CD or email them to share with others. For the small price tag of [price], you won't be disappointed with all the information you will have.

Great book, great condition. This was a newer edition than what my Instructor was aware of. Works for class, thanks for the quick turn around time too.