Parties Books

Yet another library book that we got out so many times for my son, that we decided to buy it. Philemon Sturges is one of my son's favourite authors. Fully recommend this book. It is one of the less wearisome books to read over and over. Should have bought the hard cover instead!!

This is a great present for children (up to about 7 years old) who love pirates. The rhyming story is simple and fun. It follows the rhyme-scheme of "This Little Piggy." The artwork is terrific. The pictures are paper cutouts, expertly designed. Parents will enjoy rereading this one to their young mateys. On each new reading, parents and children will discover more hidden treasures in the artwork.

Thomas E. Dewey, the epitome of Manhattan Avenue politics to conservative Republicans, was himself born and bred further west than the venerable Robert Taft himself. A product of Owosso, Michigan, Dewey attended the University of Michigan, studying literature and law, all the while pursuing a career as a professional singer. It was music that brought him to New York, one of many surprises unveiled in Richard Norton Smith's biography of one of America's most prolific political campaigners.

Dewey was a capable enough performer that in 1924 he was booked for a solo performance in the cultural heart of America. In the audience was the noted music critic Deems Taylor. Taylor commented upon what he perceived as Dewey's contrived emotional stage effects, but this flaw was dwarfed by a more essential one: suffering from laryngitis, Dewey's voice totally shut down halfway through the program. A thoroughly mortified Dewey was forced to take stock of his career, and as a second choice he decided to pursue a law degree. Columbia University of the 1920's enjoyed a plethora of great legal minds, and even the frustrated singer came to develop a passion for law and the potential theatrics of the courtroom.

Dewey's rapid ascent through the law profession was abetted by two factors: his labors on behalf of New York City's struggling Republican party, and the patronage of George Z. Medalie, who would become Dewey's legal and political rabbi. Medalie, a major character in this treatment, enjoyed a thriving private law practice, but he was drafted for one of the city's frequent, and usually unsuccessful, forays against organized crime, which literally held New York in a stranglehold in the 1920's and 1930's. Medalie, who had once consulted for Dewey's firm, brought this "prodigy" into his investigations of the seamy criminal underbelly of New York including, as it turned out, the disappearance of Judge Crater.

Not even Medalie could have imagined what kind of courtroom tiger he had unleashed. It was to Dewey's advantage that few intrepid souls wanted to tackle the dangers of addressing organized crime, particularly when corruption pervaded the police department and the courts. Dewey became New York City's district attorney in 1935, prosecuting famous gangsters, politicians, and public figures with a take no prisoners approach. Smith describes several of the most famous investigations in considerable detail, but it is Dewey's style that is most intriguing: a workaholic perfectionist whose "when in Rome" style and prosecutorial armtwisting were not for the prudish. Dewey's face became one of the most recognizable in America-through newspapers, newsreels, and a series of Hollywood B-movies in which Dewey lookalike actors reenacted the more famous of his investigations.

After the substantive defeats of Hoover in 1932 and Landon in 1936 many Republican voters in the 1940 primaries turned to the fresh aggressive look of Dewey. By May 1 Dewey stood at the head of the pack, but May 1940 proved to be his undoing. Smith observes that it was not a Republican challenger who derailed Dewey's victory train, but Hitler himself. After the disaster of Dunkirk, Dewey became "the first American casualty of the Second World War," as one wag put it at the time. As the war came visibly closer to American life, Dewey's youth and limited international experience became glaring obstacles to his White House hopes. Defeated for the nomination by Wendell Wilkie, Dewey captured the New York state house in 1942. A genuinely compassionate man, Dewey's lengthy tenure as governor was marked by fiscal conservatism and social reform. His vision was remarkable: he predicted the postwar housing shortage and developed a state surplus for postwar needs. He saw the fiscal possibilities of a better highway system and sowed the seeds for what would become the interstate highway system by his advocacy of the New York State Thruway, which now bears his name.

Had Dewey's ambition been quenched in Albany, he would probably be remembered as one of the most effective state leaders of the century. Regrettably for his posterity, it is his unsuccessful runs for the presidency in 1944 and particularly 1948, when he "snatched defeat from the jaws of victory," that most Americans associate with Dewey. Smith does not psychoanalyze the 1948 event, as many historians do, nor does he demonize Truman, whom he credits with conducting a masterful if brutal campaign. Smith concedes that Dewey's 1948 campaign was too ethereal, but in the final analysis Dewey was a victim of himself. Like Nixon, he was not a natural gladhander, and his perfectionism in crafting his speeches not only resulted in a wooden product but devoured time better spent in personal appearances.

Smith describes Dewey's personal life as that of, well, a rich suburban Republican. Early in his career Dewey made the acquaintance of journalist Lowell Thomas, who gradually drew him into the social circle of Quaker Hill, an exclusive mountain community near Pawling, New York, north of the city. Dewey remained a presence in Republican circles until his sudden death by heart attack in 1971. He labored to keep his party moderate, campaigning vigorously for Eisenhower and against the Taft wing. Smith brings to light several interesting anecdotes of Dewey's later years. In 1970 a coterie of leading congressional Republicans, deeply concerned about the style and direction of the Nixon White House [read Haldeman and Ehrlichman], nominated their former party leader to speak privately with the president. Dewey apparently agreed to approach Nixon, but his sudden death intervened. Smith also records that the widowed Dewey courted Kitty Carlisle Hart [then a panelist on the popular TV program "To Tell The Truth"] and asked her to marry him. [The question was still under negotiation at the time of his death.] On the last day of his life, in Miami, he played golf with Carl Yastrzemski. His final regrets, it appears, had less to do with presidential campaigns and more to do with his belief that he had worked too hard and played too little.

Thomas E. Dewey, unfortunately, is probably best remembered by most Americans as the little fellow who lost the 1948 Presidential election to Harry S. Truman in one of the greatest upsets in American history. But thanks to the work of Richard Norton Smith, we can now see Dewey for what he really was - a crusading, crime-busting district attorney; perhaps the best governor New York State ever had; and the man who "modernized" the Republican Party and allowed it to survive through the Depression years and the 1940's. Dewey came from a small town in Michigan, and his rise to fame and fortune came remarkably fast. A compulsive workaholic and "neat freak", Dewey graduated from the University of Michigan and Columbia University Law School in the 1920's. He briefly considered a career as a singer - he had an award-winning baritone voice and liked to sing Broadway tunes in his bathtub - but decided that the law would be a more stable and suitable career. He married an actress, settled in New York City (although he never really liked New York, and bought a large farm 70 miles north of Manhattan in the late thirties and happily became a weekend farmer). In 1933 Dewey, only 29, became the assistant DA and helped to send several gangsters to prison. In 1935 he was elected District Attorney for New York City, and he soon achieved national fame as the "gangbuster" - the honest lawyer who sent dozens of famous mafia leaders to jail. His most famous target was "Lucky" Luciano, the mafia boss of all New York and who was even more powerful than Al Capone. Dewey's conviction of Luciano made him a national hero and propelled him into presidential politics at the incredible age of 38. Hollywood even made movies about him. In 1940 he ran for the Republican presidential nomination and nearly won, despite his youth and inexperience. In 1942 he was elected governor of New York. During his twelve years as governor he passed the first state civil rights laws in America, lowered taxes AND cut a budget deficit in half, and founded the State University of New York. He also rooted out political crooks and ran a remarkably honest administration. In 1944 he ran for President and came closer to defeating Franklin D. Roosevelt than any of his four opponents. Dewey's great moment was supposed to have been in 1948, when he was considered to be a sure bet to defeat President Harry S. Truman and restore the Republicans to the White House. All the polls showed Dewey winning easily, and Dewey refused to even mention Truman's name - even as Truman insulted and ridiculed him in speech after speech. This was a costly mistake - Truman won a narrow victory in one of the great political upsets of all time. At the age of 46, Dewey was a "has-been". Smith does a wonderful job of explaining why, despite Dewey's honesty, intelligence, and obvious leadership skills he was never able to win the White House. Partly this was due to Dewey's personality - many people felt him to be cold and calculating, a short man with a bad temper and an arrogant attitude towards others. Smith fills this biography with plenty of delicious quotes (Dewey's secretary - "He was as cold as a February icicle"), and he also offers a superb history of the Republican Party in its lean years between the 1920's and the Eisenhower Fifties. Although Dewey will probably always be remembered more for his 1948 upset than for his substantial achievements, Smith's biography will at least ensure that those who read this book will come away with a much better appreciation for the man and for what he accomplished. A terrific book!

Most review books waste the student's time with a lot of factual information which is certainly in whatever textbook the student is using, and then many exams that students practice.

Michael Henry does it differently. The factual information that is reviewed uses graphic organizers and charts, so that students see it in context. A student who reviews using a graphic organizer on various "rebellions" not only reviews some facts, but does so in a way that would prepare him or her to answer an essay question requiring the comparison of rebellions. (Recently asked on the exam, as a matter of fact). So using this book helps a student in two ways: if a multiple-choice question came up, or if the fact, event, or person could be useful in an FRQ.

I also like the way multiple-choice questions are interspersed throughout the book, so as the student reviews he/she has the chance to see what questions might come up. This encourages a review that might go on for an hour a day over a month, rather than the much less useful last minute all-night cram.

Last year a student said, "This book made so much clear to me that wasn't before!" That may not say much good about my teaching, but it certainly says something about the book.

This is an outstanding tool for AP US History test review. The book is broken down into "threads" that show correlations between historical events. For instance, there are threads for Civil Rights Leaders, Compromises in US History, Wars, etc- tons of them. While there are all sorts of review books out on the market, this is the only book I have seen that breaks history down in that manner. In addition to the threads, there are also two full-length practice tests. You can get these in any review book, but paired together with the first section makes this probably THE most valuable review material I have purchased. While students could definitely benefit from this book, I think it is more geared towards teachers who would use these items to review with their students.

My kindergartner loves this book. We read it every night. She is learning basic addition without even realizing it. I also love that the animals are mostly from Australia including dingos, kangaroos and platypuses.

A great book to pass down or share with friends.

Charming story with wonderful illustrations. My son loves to count the "too many things to do" items on each page. We also learn about the fun animals of Australia and how they surprise their friend Kangaroo on his birthday.

This book is good for the reader and everyone else in the room. 2000 questions is enough question to have your own fun trivia games with friends or anyone.

Having this book at my party made all the difference. my friends just love the excitement and the suspension that comes with the questions. I highly recommend it.

Chester details the various ways leftist (non-capitalist) parties have tried to gain political power through the USA political process. He demonstrates that the high water mark politically occurred for leftists during the Eugene Debs' presidential campaigns. As a candidate for the Socialist Party, Debs' campaigns not only garnered a substantial number of votes, but they also catapulted Socialist Party candidates into office from various local, statewide and congressional races.

Not content to build on these victories, many leftists turned to founding, joining or endorsing various reformist-capitalist parties based mostly on the Labor Party movements in Europe. The hopes and ambitions motivating their shift are quite familiar:

· The fear that leftist party politics would steal the margin of victory from more progressive candidates and, thereby, give the elections to more traditional or elite constituent candidates.

· The hope that successful USA labor-based politics would create the political and cultural environment in which leftist parties and their candidates could succeed.

· The desire by some leftists to trade their endorsement of labor-based candidates for a share of political power should the labor-based candidates succeed.

Chester demonstrates persuasively that labor-based politics didn't succeed and leftist politics suffered from its compromises and stratagems. Chester's prediction that future leftist politics in the USA can expect similar results when it makes similar compromises proves prescient. The Green Party's 2004 "safe-states" presidential campaign weakened it politically and did not give John Kerry the margin of victory. (Chester might not agree with this analogy since he rightly considers the Green Party to be a reformist-capitalist party.)

Yet Chester doesn't adequately address another specter haunting the prospects for political power for leftist parties: viz., the legacy of successful slander of leftist political values made culture-wide by the red-scare and cold war propaganda campaigns. Of course, this concern doesn't fall within the purview of his historical subject matter, but it is a rather large variable that simply cannot be overlooked in assessing the merit of leftists participating in the two-party system or in reformist-capitalist third parties.

Although I have this reservation about Chester's analysis, I am giving his work a five-star rating because Chester has written a one of the most well-written, thought-provoking political works I've read and, my reservation notwithstanding, Chester could easily be correct.

According to 'orthodox' Marxism, as capitalism developed workers would become conscious of their class and flock to the socialist parties that represented their interests. This hasn't exactly happened in the United States. The failure of socialist parties in the US to quickly gain the allegiance of the majority of workers led many American leftists to advocate the creation of a non-socialist "Labor Party" that they hoped would attract mass support. Ideally this labor party would be formed around unions, like the British Labour Party. Once it had become a major party by advocating mild reforms, it was assumed that its policies would inexorably -- indeed, inevitably -- be driven to true socialism by the internal dynamics of capitalism.

More bluntly stated, socialist supporters of labor parties aimed to quickly gain power by temporarily abandoning, or at least moderating, their actual politics.

In "True Mission", socialist Eric Chester forcefully argues that this is the wrong approach to take. He analyzes various attempts to create labor parties over the last 120 years to show that they have all failed completely, and that their failure is not difficult to understand. The progressive parties or organizations hailed as labor parties (or potential precursors to labor parties) were typically unwilling to break with the two-party system. Instead they tended to view themselves as pressure groups trying to promote progressive elements in the Democratic (or even Republican) Party. Additionally, they often coalesced around celebrity candidates such as Henry George, Robert La Follette, Henry Wallace and Ralph Nader, who had little interest in the parties themselves and did little if anything to support them or assist independent politics in general following their electoral defeat.

"True Mission" is very clearly argued and organized, and written in a style that is accessible, though somewhat dry and academic. Chester focuses mainly on the period from Henry George's run for president in 1886 until the late 1930s, which saw the effective end of significant left-wing challenges to the two-party system. A final chapter skips to Ralph Nader's 2000 run for President, which Chester argues exhibited many of the same weaknesses as the earlier labor parties. Also included are extensive notes and documentation, a glossary of important people and organizations, a useful bibliography and slim index.

Chester traces the occasional creation and quick collapse of labor parties and progressive parties such as United Labor Party of 1886 and American Labor Party of 1936, focusing on socialist support for them. He argues that it should have been clear to these socialists, had they not been blinded by their dogmatic orthodoxy, that they were pursuing entirely the wrong course. Not only were Socialists typically unwelcome in these labor parties, but the parties' continued ties to the two-party system, support for Democratic and Republican candidates, and dependence on charismatic but uncommitted celebrities all provided ample evidence that they were not going to be around for long, and weren't going to accomplish much if anything during their brief existences. Chester is especially critical of many of the "moderate" leaders of the Socialist Party of America (SPA), who were almost comically eager to submerge the SPA into any reform party they could find, despite the SPA's relative electoral success and rank-and-file opposition to such mergers.

So what is to be done? According to Chester, socialists need to abandon the scam of watering down their principles in order to increase their mainstream appeal. Instead we should return to the tactics pursued during the heyday of the SPA and championed by its left wing, standing up as independent democratic socialists and offering no apologies. "The true mission of a socialist party is not to rapidly achieve electoral success. Taking this as a goal can only point toward a morass of opportunistic compromises. Instead, socialists need to present a clearly defined radical perspective, to raise the demand for fundamental reforms that stretch the boundaries of the existing system, and to articulate a coherent vision of a new and egalitarian society" (209).

Well, "True Mission" convinced me; I'm signing up.

Contents:
1. Introduction
2. Engels and the Henry George Campaign of 1886: "Historic" Development or Blind Alley
3. The Political Party of the Working Class: The Socialist Party and the Labor Party Question
4. The Conference for Progressive Political Action: Labor Party or Pressure Group
5. The Octogenarian Snail: The La Follette Campaign of 1924
6. The Labor Party Question in the 1930s: Trotsky, Thomas and La Guardia
7. Labor Party or Green Party: The Nader Campaign of 2000
8. Conclusions: The Socialist Alternative

(Then again, I wrote it.) Seeing that there were no reviews yet for Turkey Ball, I wanted to let readers know that this review area on Amazon is not just referred to by fellow customers, but by authors, also, who love to see your feedback. Please do enter your comments. And by the way, isn't that Liz Conrad GREAT!
Thanks,
David

Well, I didn't write it, but I can say that my son has "gobbled it up" quite happily. Lotta cute touches in the illustrations, fun gobble-based words to play around with (and make up new ones with the kids), and frankly, it's nice to see turkeys having fun for a change (particularly this time of year!).

I'm not certain how else to say it except directly: it seems clear that Professor Pederson, author of the editorial review, simply failed to read Disch's book. The book was conceived well before Ventura's victory and written before the election of 2000, and its greatest strength is that it takes PRECISELY the historical view that Prof. Pederson calls for. This is NOT a case study of the TCANP, but an erudite, sophisticated and always approachable study of the practice, theory, and HISTORY of the American party "system." Disch takes her analsysis back to 19th century electoral poltics to show how the practice of fusion thrived and how fusion was outlawed through political maneuvering--not by some sort of historical inevitability. Her critique of the two-party system rests on her analysis of a lengthy history of party scholarship, not a "utopian" leanings or general "dissatisfaction." Pederson's review fails to even describe fusion--the common practice in the late nineteenth century of multiple parties nominating the same candidate--even though fusion is central to Disch's argument. He also fails to mention that Disch's critique of the two-party system centers on her brilliant ability to demonstrate how arbitrary and historically produced--how very much not a "system"--is the current configuration of party politics. Instead, Pederson tells us that the two-party system is a "bedrock" of American democracy. Well, almost every page in Disch's book patiently demonstrates for its readers the falsity of that claim. This book should quite simply be required reading for students of American politics and political theory. It makes a perfect complement to an intro course in either field, while at more advanced levels it contributes to advanced party scholarship and the debates over social constructivism. Moreover, the book should be highly recommended reading not just for folks outside of those fields, but for American citizens generally.

Students of American government (especially undergraduates) usually encounter the two-party system as a given: inevitable, immutable, American-as-apple-pie. This book does an outstanding job of showing how the system we currently have is the product of a series of political choices and circumstances, even beyond the impact of single-member districts and winner-take-all elections most commonly recognized in political science. The book uses the case of electoral fusion as a central focus, but the value of the book is broader than that. It shows, in very scholarly fashion, how the rules, ideology and political culture of our current system was created, and thus destroys the illusion that what we have now is inevitable and eternal. While the book isn't exactly "light" reading (Disch's training as a political theorist is obvious, and it serves the book well), it is very well-written. It will be most accessible to those readers with a bit of political science background.

Jeff's done an exemplary job with this work. A fantastic hard cover, coffee table style book. Very in-depth, wonderfull photos. As a collector of this militaria for many years, this work is a huge help. There's simply nothing better to aid in identifying & understanding the nuances of the rank system or providing the detail that Jeff has supplied here. This is one of those 'must have' reference works for any serious collector of German militaria. Well Done!!!

The photos are large and clear. The details are profuse. I used this as reference for a political illustration where pinpoint accuracy was paramount. This book filled the bill. I realize the applications for such a text are limited. However when you need the information you need it. I would recommend this book unequivocally to anyone who needs this specific information. It is informative and very well formatted.

How would you like your children to have a _memorable_ birthday party, one where giant mechanized rodents weren't screaming at the tops of their lungs? A party where you're not being nickel and dimed to death for more money to play the games? And do I _need_ to mention the food?

Help is here if you live the the Baltimore Maryland area. For instance, there is the Cloisters Children's Museum, a beautiful stone castle in Brooklandville, Maryland. If you have a winter child's birthday party scheduled there, you can even have a roaring fire inthe fireplace. Try _that_at MacDonalds.

Or maybe your child is a baseball fan - you can check out the Babe Ruth Birthplace and Baseball Center. Of course, it has all sorts of info on the Babe as well as other aspects of baseball history. This could be a good place to take your softball team for the end of season party.

Perhaps you are looking for a special place to get married in the Maryland area, You could check out Brice House, in Annapolis Maryland. It's a beautiful mansion for that special day. Or maybe you'd like something that has a view - you could tie the knot at the Glass Pavillion at Johns Hopkins University.

These places and many more are covered in this detailed book that offers addresses and phone numbers as well as prices and photos of the locations. If you want to plan an even in the Baltimore Maryland area or perhaps check out what this wonderful area has to offer, this is the book for you.

I have read Ford's other book, Unique Meeting Places in the Greater Washington Area, and this book serves as a great compliment to those wanting more options. It is just as detailed, well organized, and helpful, with the added bonus of containing lesser-known sites that may be perfect for your special event!