Events Books

This book pretty much just made me mad. The terrorist group M-19 attempted to take government workers hostage in order to get political consideration. The first time(s) is worked. The "macho" new President decided not to negotiate and a large number (unknown) of the hostages were killed. From the few witnesses left, the terrorists killed some soldiers, but no hostages. The un-identified bodies were buried and had acid poured on their graves to prevent later identification. Fortunately for the Government, an earthquake provided hundreds more bodies to dump over the killed hostages further hindering later identification.

Bottom line, I ain't ever going to Columbia and thank GOD they don't run our police forces. The President allowed the military to kill all of the terrorists and all of the hostages that couldn't get away from the army.

The author is a good investigator and writer. She's also VERY lucky to be here.

"The Palace of Justice" is a brutal story of life in Colombia. Carrigan is a tier-one journalist who lived in Colombia and used many first hand accounts to expose the flaws in the government's coverup.

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This is an utterly brilliant book.
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Ana Carrigan provides a meticulously researched and detailed
account of a climactic event in the ongoing Colombian violence.
The significance of this saga is not in its direct effects but
the insight into the workings and priorities of the Colombian
government and military revealed to us by this moment of crisis.
The author gives the critical background to the saga and covers
in detail the political maneuvering and subsequent
Orwellian "official explanation" of what really happened.
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Read this book. If it's out-of-print, harangue the publisher.

This book is truly the most complete investigation on those two intense and definitive days in recent Colombian history. Told with gripping narrative, it is hard to put down: it took me only three days to read. As a Colombian, for me it is also a source of profound sadness, because the book, through its tale, illustrates all the workings of colombian politics, with all its lies, manipulations, self-interests, and lack of any decent statemanship and generosity. Except for a few personalities, all the actors in this drama show an inmense human mediocrity, from the president of the nation on down. Also, it shows the brutality of an armed force that has always been distinguished by its corruption and incompetence in the field of battle. This book should be mandatory reading for anybody interested in Colombian politics, history and society.

A very enjoyable book about a very bloody and unfortunate event in Colombia`s recent history. As a Colombian I can vouch for the accuracy of the events the author describes. I want to congratulate the author and at the same time recommend this book to everyone.

Throughout the ages the "paranoid style" has been used to arouse public indignation and to attack established institutions and/or entrenched traditions that have grown ineffectual. Usually, the darkest and most abhorrent aspects of the accuser's personality are projected onto the hated enemy. Moreover, the true menace is sometimes seen as a malaise that lurks in a nation's midst rather than as something that exists outside its borders. And these chimeras tend to be the shadow projections of the idealistic personality (that is deeply concerned with the moral decay of the society around them) rather than realistic assessments of the true dangers that exist in the objective world. It gives the paranoid the illusion of control since there is little or nothing they can do about world opinion outside his or her borders, although they often imagine this to be so. As a consequence, many foreign policy initiatives are doomed to failure because a distorted picture of the world is being refracted through what amounts to a narrow, insular prism. That is, instead of viewing startling political developments throughout the world as complex historical processes that are unfolding for entirely legitimate reasons they might be seen as betrayals or acts of deliberate defiance. Especially when the vital interests of the observer are threatened.

Then too, Americans have often seen any failure as the work of people within our own government who allowed such things to happen. For if some of our own people are to blame for our weakness, then we do not have to deny "the myth of American Omnipotence."

This is an ideal time to read Hofstadter's book. It was written in the 1950s and 60s, so you get an excellent feel for postwar America (after the bomb) and the advent of the Cold War. Hofstadter's account of the McCarthy Era and Barry Goldwater's presidential campaign (of 1964) is quite instructive. An astute reader will notice many parallels with today. But he also discusses earlier periods of our history when the paranoid style was in its infancy, and yet was destined to become the genesis of the "liberal-conservative" split that is with us to this day.

One fascinating period was the 1890s, the era of Populist William Jennings Bryan and the "Free Silver Movement," which went down in defeat to William McKinley in the presidential election of 1896. Prior to McKinley's victory there was also public outrage over Spain's oppression of Cuba. And although McKinley did not advocate war with Spain, nor did Republican business leaders that had financed his campaign, he was swept into the Spanish-American War by the spirit of the times. Having filled up the continent with Westward expansion and the dream of "Manifest Destiny," many Americans felt a sudden lack of opportunity and purpose. But after Admiral Dewey's sudden victory in Manila Bay Americans began to grapple with their "Duty and Destiny" in an increasingly imperialistic world that they thought was filled with decadent and dangerous foreign powers.

There is no way to summarize the exquisite detail in Hofstadter's book. One must read it and ponder its many lessons. For the sum of its parts are greater than the whole. Good history always makes us realize that there really is nothing new under the sun, and yet, there most certainly IS! Mark Twain said it best when he joked: "History doesn't repeat itself, but it rhymes."

Though wacky folks here and there may be offended by Hofstadter, social and political scientists recognize this work as the perennial analysis of American paranoia as a social phenomenon.

Granted that Prof. Hofstadter's evaluation of the "pseudo-conservatism" of the Goldwater campaign is rather patronizing, and that, too optimistically, he predicted that the paranoid style was condemned to permanent minority status. Otherwise, the book is a prescient and devastating analysis of the breathless mindset on display, mainly from the Right, over the last ten years or so. Just last November right-wing commentators as bright and well-educated as George F. Will were fulminating against Gore's "slow-motion coup" in Florida, and lesser conservatives were passing the word that President Clinton was about to seize dictatorial powers. The fact that the most conservative president since Reagan--maybe since the Roaring 20s--is currently sitting in the Oval Office, courtesy of a hypocritical decision by a quintet of conservative Supreme Court justices, means nothing to the conservatives immersed in the paranoid style. THEY didn't subvert the system; they saved the U.S. from the liberals, the liberals, the liberals.

Back in 1964, Prof. Hofstadter noted that people who think like this tend to imitate the massive conspiracies they imagine threatening themselves. Writing in an era that still resembled the stereotypical 1950s more than the stereotypical 1960s, Hofstadter did not forsee the current power of the paranoid style. But the title essay of his book nails it right to the wall. Reading it, I feared for my country.

This book is as relevant now as it was when it was first written. An excellent blend of accuracy and eloquence.

During the fifties, and up to the time of his death in the sixties, Richard Hofstadter was one of America's most renowned historians with two Pulitzer Prizes to his credit. He was at his intellectual peak when, as one of America's eminent authorities of his country's political ideologies, he tackled the developing phenomenon of the early sixties' right wing extremism under the guise of conservatism. He differentiates between the traditional American conservatism espoused by the likes of President Herbert Hoover and Senator Robert Taft alongside the venom of Robert Welch's John Birch Society, in which, as the group's idea man, Welch referred to Dwight D. Eisenhower as a "dedicated and conscious agent of the Communist conspiracy."

Hoftstadter delineates how fringe rightist elements took over the Republican Party and rallied behind the banner of Arizona's Senator Barry M. Goldwater, resulting in one of the party's most calamitous losses in the 1964 presidential election against incumbent Democratic president, Lyndon B. Johnson.

The work has a timely ring as an historical analytical measuring rod in comprehending the activities of current right wing movements, such as the Christian Right behind the banners of Jerry Falwell and Pat Robertson and its link to the militant anti-abortion movement, alongside earlier rightist political philosophies and their vigorous adherents such as Welch and television commentator Dan Smoot.

World War II is often cited as a prime example of how empire can be benevolent and even necessary. Spritzler's argues this assumes nation-states are sovereign actors and the final arbitrators of politics. His thesis is that when WWII is viewed through a class lens, there is ample evidence to show that those in power used nationalism and even cooperated with other elites across national lines in order to suppress worker movements for true democracy.

For those already familiar with radical traditions of internationalism this should be no surprise. Yet Spritzler provides a wealth of well researched historical facts that you won't find in government sanctioned textbooks (US, China, or otherwise) or on the history channel. From Ford and Firestone selling supplies to the Nazis (with FDR covering up) to blatant Allied suppression of grassroots resistance movements (Italy, Greece, Germany and elsewhere) to inspiring accounts of Japanese and Chinese worker solidarity, Spritzler provides ammunition for gunning down many of the status-quo reinforcing myths of WWII.

Browsing the bookstore, first, I just liked the cover and the title, "The People as Enemy"-- caught my attention!!

Then, expecting to be bored with WWII history, etc. etc. what I found out (couldn't put the book down!)..was all this hidden agenda stuff that went on, which we never knew about, were never directly told, but.. clearly from this author's extensive research and investigation... was beyond a shred of doubt,going on.

The book is easy to read, even for someone who is not a history buff per se-- but who has an active and inquiring mind.

Thank you, John Spritzler, for hugely shedding light on this misconception of the "good war," and for letting us know the real motives behind it. It's almost hard to believe, but with all your direct references and direct quotes, it's impossible to not believe. Ya mean, it wasn't so "good" after all!? Who woulda thunk it.....

And thank you for making such obvious, in the end, brilliant comparisons to the "good war" (Bush's) we just fought.

I urge everyone who can, to read this book!

John Spritzler's The People As Enemy: The Leaders' Hidden Agenda in World War II is a powerful, necessary, and inspiring book. Read it and you will never see World War II in the same way. More to the point, you will never see contemporary capitalist society in the same way. Spritzler explodes the myth of "the good war" by taking apart, piece by careful piece, much of the structure of lies and myths designed to buttress capitalist rule and exposes the system in its ugliness and ultimate weakness.

Spritzler shows too that there is a powerful counter-force to capitalism at work in society: working men and women fighting everywhere for a better world, a force so threatening that the most powerful elites on earth waged a world war to extinguish it. This counter-force was not defeated on the field of battle in World War II so much as misled and betrayed by Communist leaders in a little-known history from which we have not yet recovered. The People as Enemy is a giant step toward understanding and breaking free of that history.

There are three key myths about WWII which this book lays bare: that the war was caused by conflicts between nations; that the top priority of the Allied leaders in the war was to defeat the Fascists; and that Allied bombing of civilians was part of the effort to defeat the Fascists.

World War II was a desperate means of social control undertaken by the elites of the warring nations as the only alternative to working class revolution. In four of the countries which Spritzler examines-Germany, Japan, Great Britain, and the U.S.-government leaders were driven to war not chiefly by fear of other countries but by fear of their own people. The ruling elites of these countries went to war because they saw no other way to stay in power.

The book has profound implications beyond World War II. Echoes of the past in the present and specifically a consciousness of the Iraq war are never distant in this book. It suggests that the real force driving the history of the twentieth century was working class struggle for a new world and ruling class efforts to contain it. The rhythm of the century was revolution and counterrevolution-a rhythm in which we are still caught. Seldom has a work of history been more acutely relevant to understanding our present and our possible futures.

The book is going to be very offensive reading material. However it is very carefully researched and recasts the narrative of WW2 in an original way. The unseen hand of Krupp, IG Farben, Ford, GM IBM etc and their mysterious relationships during the war have remained unfathomable until now. The book puts the strands into a coherant package. Why do ordinary farm boys and factory workers die in modern wars instead of powerful business and political leaders?

It's not easy to believe a few people are so greedy and powerful that American soldiers can be sent to war without any real debate by either party, to make powerful and wealthy people even more powerful and wealthy. Can anyone really be that corrupt?

A few weeks ago, a 22-year old Marine Sgt. named Kirk Strasesskie jumped into a canal south of Baghdad when a helicopter hit the water. Kirk drowned trying to save his Marine friends. His friends back home in Beaver Dam, Wisconsin said he could barely swim. In high school, Strasesskie had played sports and spent much of his free time with kids who struggled with their learning disabilities. His dad, an Army veteran, questioned whether the Iraq War was just and why his son should have been there at all?

Kirk Strasesskie's always going to be a hero for me, just like my Army uncle who fought in WWII in New Guinea and those Marines at Iwo Jima and those paratroopers at Bastogne and Chosin. Heroes all, just like my auto worker friends who battle each day and night against their Vietnam experience. Their lives are such a contrast with those boundlessly powerful, elite, selfish few who so easily send them into our constant wars.

I lump them all together today, those heroic figures whose lives were risked or ended fighting for their friends in wars that all were so unnecessary except for WWII - the "good war" of course.

But, as it turns out, while WWII saw heroic soldiers dying on South Pacific beaches and in the frozen foxholes at the Bulge, the most powerful people in our country did business with the Nazis and Fascists making enormous profits on the deaths of 50 million people and laying the groundwork for post war elite control. It was not such a "good war" after all.

After reading John Spritzler's "The People as Enemy" I am as angry about the unjustness of WWII as I ever was about Vietnam or as I am about Iraq. Every library in every VFW and American Legion Hall should stock this book and make it required reading for members. Anyone interested or active in the Peace Movement should read this book to understand who really causes and profits from war.

Every American of conscience should read this book then stand up and demand that never again should our government be allowed to send our brothers and sisters and sons and daughters off to wars that are meant to defeat the values of democracy and solidarity and make the rich richer.

Mathews weaves the histroy of the California initiative process with the rise of Arnold. It's not a page turner, but it's fun to read about the personalities and quirks of the political "leaders" in California.

THE PEOPLE'S MACHINE: ARNOLD SCHWARZENEGGER AND THE RISE OF BLOCKBUSTER DEMOCRACY could have been featured in our Politics section but is reviewed here for its far-reaching interest to general biography readers as well. Author Joe Mathews is the reporter who covered Schwarzenegger for the Los Angeles Times, so he's well steeped in the background of a famous actor who became the governor of the nation's largest state. But this covers more than his rise to power: it surveys his political struggles within the system and the new type of system he made from his celebrity image and contacts. An excellent blend of in-depth analysis and biographical information results.

When a Holywood icon merges with California style democracy, something new emerges - a governorship with the people instead of for the people. Joe Mathews offers a fascinating review of a learning process by one of the globes most prominent actorts, Arnold Schwarzenegger. This extremly well-written book is less a reference to Schwarzeneggers movies than an account of what it needs to become a leader beyond tv-ads, polling tests and confrontative politics. Direct Democracy looks like becoming the next big thing - not only in America's most populous state.

This book is a fascinating look at a different type of politician. Far from being simply a movie star now "playing" Governor, Mathews' book demonstrates that Schwarzenegger gets involved in the details of public policy to an extent much greater than one would expect. It also is apparent that Schwarzenneger is actually interested in trying to solve some of the state's long term problems, rather than simply staking out positions for political advantage. This book is a must read for anyone who wants to understand recent California political history (assuming it can be understood!)

I won't spend a lot of space going over the same ground as the two capsule reviews, but suffice to say that Los Angeles Times writer Joe Mathews has done an extraordinary job examining Schwarzenegger and how he came to be governor of California, in terms of both the man's strengths and weaknesses. While making the typical mistakes one expects of someone "new" to California politics (though he met Howard Jarvis and closely followed the machinations involved with Prop 13 many years earlier in the late 1970s), Schwarzenegger comes off smarter than one might expect.

Mathews' paralleling Arnold's business accumen and showmanship and to Hiram Johnson's much earlier version of direct democracy makes for a fascinating (and I agree page turning) read on the Governator, a Republican by party affiliation, but hardly in lock step with the GOP leadership.

Joe Mathews has managed to keep whatever personal feelings he has about Schwarzenegger in a file drawer somewhere, and takes an honest look the campaign and beyond with wit, vigor and good old-fashioned in-depth investigative coverage. In the end, whatever popularity Schwarzenegger maintains with California voters has been earned through trial and error, and hard work, as has everything he's attained all his life.

The author's purpose was to reduce to a minimum individual opinions by a statistical approach that converted differing ideas on the part of so-called experts to a decimal conclusion. These results were compared with other presidents examined in an attempt to determine who among them were best qualified for the highest position of the land. They were also compared to the average American. My rating of just four stars is based on the description of the method used that took up a considerable part of the first part of the book. As essential as it probably was, I found myself bored by what to me is less than an interesting discipline. At the same time I agreed with their conclusions, although I do not believe that a single discipline standing alone is sufficient adequately to assign qualities to particular presidents. I was truly enlightened by what I discovered from the method used, and must admit that the characterization formed by the connection of the dots, so to speak, concurred with many of my own opinions based upon the discipline of History alone. I question whether the technique can actually foretell how well a candidtate will perform if elected as president. It would be helpful, I think, if the test were applied to Vice Presidential hopefuls because there are several significant instances where a Vice President assumed the office of President without being elected. In the most recent election, I felt those chosen to perform as Vice President was vital to my decision, and honestly placed my vote in jeopardy. By the same token, after seeing the performance results as indicated by the author's technique, I am of the conclusion that whoever is elected, or who assumes the presidency, will not necessarily result detrimentally to our nation. Nevertheless, the evidence drawn from the author's endeavor might give the electorate the means to better decide who should be selected based on more than emotion alone. There is no doubt that the work, audacious as it seems, will be of interest to all who read it. It would be well worth the time.

In my opinion, this is a landmark book. The first to evaluate the presidents' personalities in a scientific way. I will refer to it again and again. Parts of it are dense, especially the first part where they describe the methods used but it's well worth the read. Each chapter begins with a brief biography of the president profiled. If you have read other books on the presidents you may disagree with some of the things you read in this book. But regardless of that, this is a great book for comparing the presidents with one another and understanding their similarities and differences. It's a good starting point for further reading. I highly recommend it.

This charming, entertaining book will appeal to readers with interests in politics, American history, or personality. The authors persuaded numerous historical experts to rate each of the U.S. presidents on personality questionnaires. The ratings were then pooled and used to "profile" each president on such qualities as Character, Assertiveness, and Extraversion. Some of the results are about what one would expect (Abraham Lincoln was tender-hearted and exceptionally concerned about the well-being of less-fortunate people) but others are more thought-provoking (recent U.S. presidents seem to be more extraverted and perhaps less intellectual than their predecessors). The personality profile for each major president is accompanied by a brief and colorful biography. I had difficulty putting the book down, as I learned intriguing new facts about such colorful presidents as Theodore Roosevelt, Thomas Jefferson, and Andrew Jackson. This book is not only a great deal of fun but may also be useful to teachers of U.S. history, as well as instructors who want to introduce their students to modern personality theory and what psychologists call the "Big Five" personality traits. A sampling of the book's findings (and enlightening profiles of the 2004 presidential candidates George W. Bush and John Kerry) can be found on a website established by the book's authors at http://www.personalityinhistory.com/Default.asp

Personality, Character, and Leadership in the White House: Psychologists Assess the Presidents by Steven Rubenzer and Thomas Faschingbauer is unusual in that it combines a number of ingredients (an interesting subject, solid science and a good read) in a way that one seldom sees in a non-fiction book and does it successfully. This is a book that will interest history buffs and mental health professionals equally. In Personality, Character and Leadership in the White House, the authors have used a well know psychological test of normal personality dynamics which can be completed by individuals who know a living or deceased subject well. Rubenzer and Faschingbauer assembled groups of historians who were very familiar with particular presidents and had them complete the test on American presidents based on their knowledge of their personalities and behavior. The results provide insights into the qualities that make a good (or bad) president as well as how these leaders differ from the general population. The book is straightforwardand the authors do not inject their personal political beliefs into the mix. In addition, it is well written and jargon/psychobabble free. I highly recommend this book to both professionals and general readers who want to know more about what motivates our presidents, past and present

I found Personality, Character, & Leadership in the White Housse to be a very thoughtful, creative work that clearly has no equal in what it attempts to do. I have 12 years of graduate work in mostly Political Science, Psychology, Statistics and Public Administration and an extensive research library dealing with topics related to to study of Presidential Leadership. Given this background I believe I am qualified to say that there is no book like this. A great deal of work went into it and it takes the study of Presidential Leadership to a level no other study has reached. Clearly it is one that should be considered for use in many Political Science courses and perhaps in some other fields as well. It is hoped it will stimulate serious discussion of just how much we can learn about the strengths and limitations of using scientific personality research and quesstionnaires to evaluate political leadership at the highest level of the U. S. government. It also is a delight to read. I highly recommend it to anyone interested in the areas its title mentions. I know it will be a great help in my own research and should be for others too. I also beliieve the general thoughtful concerned citizen will find much food for thought in it.

Very well-written book. It could use more historical information about the topic addressed. For example, the early Pledge of Allegiance was the origin of the stiff-arm salute. The Pledge was written (1892) by Francis Bellamy, cousin to an infamous author of the time, Edward Bellamy, and they were both self-proclaimed socialists in the Nationalism movement and promoted military socialism. They wanted government to take over all schools and impose robotic chanting to flags. The Pledge was the origin of the salute of the National Socialist German Workers Party. American socialists (Edward Bellamy teamed with the Theosophical Society) also bear some blame for German socialism's notorious flag symbol, which evolved into overlapping S-letters for socialism under the National Socialist German Workers Party. The Pledge's early salute was not an ancient Roman salute, and the 'ancient Roman salute' myth came from the Pledge Of Allegiance. It is amazing that books don't examine the issue of whether the pledge should be dropped entirely, especially for young children in government schools. The socialist dogma led to the socialist Wholecost: 60 million dead under the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics; 50 million under the Peoples' Republic of China; 20 million under the National Socialist German Workers Party. It might be the most tragic part of world history.

This picture book has very colorful photos of our country and our fellow citizens. The pages are spread by the breaks in text that we know from reciting the pledge orally at school. Children are from different races. Scenes from all over America and even an astronaut on the moon holding the American flag are depicted.

In the back there are small photos that were depicted in the book with explanations about where they are and other factual information to explain the contents of the photographs. The entire pledge is rewritten in the back pages and an explanation of who wrote it, why, and when. The meaning of why we recite the pledge is given. Facts about the American flag's changes over the years and facts about the proper way to display a flag, and on what days, are included.

A beautiful book with great information that every child should be exposed to.

This bright and colorful book is a great way to introduce your young American reader to the Pledge of Allegiance. The clauses of the Pledge are presented one to each two pages - printed large and accompanied by several large and highly entertaining pictures that accompany the thought behind the words. Great!

After the Pledge, there are pages explaining it line-by-line, and then some great information on the American flag. This is a very nice book, one that you will be proud to share with your young reader. My family highly recommends it to yours!

My students are immigrants or children of immigrants learning English. They have to say the pledge every day but may get the words wrong and certainly don't comprehend it. This book takes out some of the guess work and helps them understand what is going on and what people are saying. It brings them comfort and relief.

This book is beautifully illustrated with photographs that are sure to spark discussion. The text (the Pledge of Allegiance) is broken into meaningful phrases that make the reader reflect on the words that we sometimes rush through or take for granted. I highly recommend purchasing the big book version for lower grade classroom use. A gem!

Very clear and concise analysis and overview of International Political Studies.

Of course neo-conservatives and the pro-war left will chant at me that the world has changed since the US/UK entente acted bilaterally and did not approach the UN for a second resolution on Iraq. Save your breath! I've heard it all before...

When the dust settles and there is a world realignment, the realist tendencies of states will again rise to dominate IR. You can even quote me on it.

I'm sure the framers of NAFTA and the FTAA had just these ideas in mind. Students of IPE: take notes!

This is an extremely pertinent book for the next millenium. It is also quite popular in policy circles inside the Beltway. It is an indeispensible text for all Americans concerned with the future of international trade and the ongoing pathologies of our current trade regimes and the power relations they sustain to the detriment of the vast majority of human beings and the planet. It is thorough and scholarly throughout. While it is best read with a cup of Joe on a rainy day, it is worth the time and pays rereading many times over in light of current events. It's only shortcoming is it's neglect of the ecological dimensions of international trade and politics, nevertheless, it is a book for all who care about the human future.

Robert Gilpin's work is excellent addition to the study of political economics, albeit one that is starting to show its age 20 years after being written. This notwithstanding, the theoretical components of the book are mostly still valid and have been built upon by Gilpin in further works. As a matter of historical record and of economic history, it makes fascinating reading and it is especially interesting to consider the author's speculation as to the future of American hegemony prior to the fall of the Soviet Union. Obviously many of the authors fears were ill-founded, but it is interesting to note how different it could have all been. Additionally, many of the examples used, primarily dealing with the economic ascendancy of Japan, could today almost be replaced with China. It will be interesting to see whether this time it is the end of US hegemony or whether history will repeat itself.

Overall well worth the read.

Robert Gilpin's in-depth coverage of the multi-faceted world of political economy comes to fruition in tedium in the pages of this book. There is not a single author who puts together a traditional or classical view of the enviornment, international relations, economic policy, and strategy in such a comprehensive manner. Gilpin shows his true scholarly intellect of those before him and provides encouragement for those to follow.

Of course, this is perhaps the foremost book on political theory of the last fifty years - basically required reading for anyone with claims to being a political philosopher or interpreter. It is an examination of the nature of political thinking and its connectedness and importance with regard to economics, religion, and the broader society from the time of Plato to the Bush II administration.

This expanded version of the book consists of seventeen somewhat independent chapters devoted to leading political thinkers, such as Plato, Machiavelli, Hobbes, Marx, Nietzsche, and to such concepts as liberalism, community, democracy, and totalitarianism. Given the nature of the subjects the reading is slow going, though quite informative. There does seem to be a certain amount of needless repetition, even within chapters, and the overall affect is more one of fragmentation than of a unifying thread. For most, undoubtedly multiple readings would be required for full assimilation.

There will be no attempt here to offer any sort of critique of the substance of the book - a large project to be sure. There is an interesting chapter that dissects the political writings of John Rawls, the leading political theorist of the late twentieth century. The impact of Superpower and corporate dominance on the possibilities for democratic action in the current era is explored. It is clear that the notion of what is political is ever-changing and is not without its complexities.

This eminently readable work can be picked up and put down as time permits--no small virtue in a busy time, and essential for a proper education in political ideas that still very much shape our world. Without making many explicit comparisons or contrasts, Wolin somehow manages to suggest numerous points of intersection between our political dilemmas today and those that beset people thousands of years ago. This is an erudite, witty, accessible book. It should be required reading for all Americans--especially for those of us who like to shoot our mouths off about liberals, conservatives, and other such oddities in the common bestiary. I wouldn't let my copy go for five times what I paid for it.

This book is so rich and it is about so many things that it is difficult to praise in a brief blurb, but suffice it to say that it presents the development of political thinking since Plato to Roman political thought in the age of the Empire to the rise of the Catholic Church to the Reformation, to the reawakening of Classical theory in Machiavelli and onward to the development of modern ideas of the state, of order and security, representation of the polity, democracy, and authoritarianism. Each chapter is written like an individual essay, but with a depth unmatched my most other books on the subject. Perhaps Q. Skinner's development of western political thought is an approximation.

This book is not just a brief summary of the major figures and ideas; it is a discursis of THE tradition, THE language, THE development of theories AND praxis of human beings applying reason to organize themselves into groups for better protection against scarcity and death. Sexy, hmm?!

It would be interesting to read an equivalent book on the Eastern political tradition, as China is not covered here.

But otherwise, I cannot praise this book more highly. It is one to reread every year or so. When you have some free time that is. And after you reread Hamlet. Or maybe you're better off rereading Robinson Crusoe. Same question, different answer, anyhow.

This is an exemplary work that engages the entire history of political thought in the Western tradition. Wolin has added four significant chapters to the original 1960 book and one addresses postmodernism looking at the Nietzschean background to our epoch. For any one doing serious scholarly work in political thoery, philosophy, critical theory, history this book is a necessary possession. For the rest, probably the best general work of Western political thought available.

That there are people waiting to buy our used copies of this book is a testiment in itself: this is simply a classic of political thought, one which has enriched political theorizing and instructed many a pupil in our traditions over the years. However, Wolin is working on a new edition which will (according to him), "repair" an "error" in this text, whatever it is.

I decided to read The Politics of American Religious Identity after reading a recommendation of it by Elder Oaks in his interview for the PBS documentary The Mormons (http://www.lds.org/ldsnewsroom/v/index.jsp?vgnextoid=f11cb868474e3110VgnVCM100000176f620aRCRD&vgnextchannel=9ae411154963d010VgnVCM1000004e94610aRCRD).

Flake's book is a fantastic read of a very fascinating period in Church history. I was struck by her account of how the Church's leadership's understanding of what it meant to be "Mormon" and the Church's core beliefs in the nature of God, priesthood authority, and revelation really came into focus during this time. In her description of these events--from the view of what I assume is a non-Mormon scholar--one can see the divine hand of revelation as God worked through President Joseph F. Smith and the Quorum of the Twelve to refine the Church and its people.

That said, it is a wonderful piece of scholarship and a enjoyable read.

Highly recommended.

This is an excellent book by an expert historian on the events that began the integration of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints into American life. Kathleen Flake discusses in detail the three-year-long hearings to determine if Senator and LDS Apostle Reed Smoot should retain his senate seat.

This book is not only about Reed Smoot, but also about then Church President and Prophet Joseph F. Smith. Perhaps Smith is the most interesting person in the book. His 5-day testimony before the Senate committee shows the quandary of demonstrating that the church was no longer teaching polygamy without alienating church members who were then praciticing that doctrine, which many believed to be the crowning revelation of church founder Joseph Smith, Jr. Perhaps today's faithful may be surprised that the LDS presidency and quorum of the twelve performed plural marriages after the 1890 Manifesto. (An apologetic treatment of this era is located on the FAIR LDS web site under the title "Polygamy, Prophets, and Prevarication.") Despite his careful statements as a witness (to the point of deception), Smith satisfies no one: not the senate, not the American public, and not the Church membership.

The 1900-era LDS church is also an interesting element in this book. The tension between the pioneer generations and their offspring over polygamy and the 1890 Manifesto fits the enduring theme of generational conflict, but also the ability of the LDS church to evolve in response to changing societal conditions.

Joseph F. Smith ultimately led the church through the transition away from polygamy and into American Life by focusing on the First Vision of the church's founder, the Prophet Joseph (who was Joseph F. Smith's Uncle.) To understand why this was effective you will have to read the book. Flake's discussion of Joseph F. Smith's eventual success in this regard is insightful and was a new wrinkle to me. Not only did Joseph F. Smith lead the church away from polygamy but he also revitalized the church's European missions, changed the policy of the "gathering to Zion" into one of building an international church; and encouraged church members to reject their isolationism and engage with their fellow Americans. Joseph F. Smith's support of Smoot's senatorial service while Smoot retained his role as Apostle proves to be a stroke of genius and ranks as perhaps Joseph F. Smith's most daring and visionary act as the President of the LDS church.

Reed Smoot is shown to be a remarkable individual. His senate career was almost 30 years long and in that time he became one of the most powerful senators and an adviser to three presidents, all the while serving in the highest quorum of the LDS church. I would have welcomed more biographical information about Smoot. Indeed this is the one shortcoming of the book.

With regard to religious bigotry in America, this book is poignant. With the candidacy of Mitt Romney, a faithful Mormon, we see the same accusations that were raised 100 years ago against Smoot: Questions of allegiance to the United States, dark implications about sacred LDS temple ordinances, suggestions that the LDS church is a subversive organization that aims to undermine the U.S. government.

It is not surprising that these repeatedly discredited accusations are once again being made by Protestant Churches and individuals. Flake shows that the Smoot Hearings were initiated, articulated, and sponsored by the Protestant churches and leading ministers of the day. Such is the state we once again find ourselves in 2007.

The drive to unseat Smoot ultimately failed for a number of reasons, including a natural inclination of Americans to allow freedom of religion, a movement away from Polygamy by the LDS church (after which the accusations against Smoot changed to questioning his loyalty to the nation), and also by Smoot's engaging personality and exemplary service as a senator.

I would like to believe we have come a long way as a tolerant nation in the past 100 years. However, it appears that we have not.

I've grown up in the LDS church, served a mission, am married in the temple, but I never really knew much about church history past 1847 and the arrival of the saints in the Salt Lake valley. I've started to become more interested in how the isolated Rocky Mountain church has grown into the worldwide organization that it is. At the same time, I'm also interested in politics, having studied law. This book was a real eye-opener for me. I found the explanation about the church deciding to reach back east across the Rockies to find acceptance to be very interesting. I also learned a great deal about Joseph F. Smith. He realized that the controversy surrounding polygamy was so great that it was taking away from the mission of the church to continue to proselytise and grow the kingdom.

It was also interesting to see how members of the United States Senate were actually arguing that Mormons didn't deserve the basic rights of citizenship that we take for granted today. Even in today's heightened sensitivity to different religions of the world, I don't think anyone would suggest that non-Christians duly elected to public office should not be seated in the office to which they were elected. Yet many believed that Reed Smoot should have been ineligible to serve because he was Mormon. Ultimately he was seated due more to political pragmatism rather than because of a true belief in the First Amendment.

Kathleen Flake does an excellent job of presenting all sides of the issues, and provides a large amount of sources in the endnotes. I would definitely recommend this book to all members of the LDS church to help understand how today's worldwide church grew from that small group of "peculiar people" in 19th century Utah.

This is a superbly written book, and one of the few works of professional, objective history that examines 20th century Mormonism. Flake's central thesis is that pressure from the US Government in the form of the Smoot hearings forced the church to abandon polygamy once and for all. Faced with the loss of its most cogent identity marker, the Mormon hierarchy needed to find a way for the Latter-day Saints to distinguish themselves from other denominations. They did so by emphasizing the restoration message contained within Joseph Smith's 1838 account of his first vision. By pointing to the vision's statement that Mormonism was a unique restoration of primitive Christianity, the Saints were able to set aside the practice that had made them unique up to that point: polygamy. Flake's arguments are basically sound, but somewhat overstated. For instance, the first vision had been used for this purpose since at least the 1880s, and she selectively sorts through the existing scholarship on the vision to skirt this fact. She also places too much emphasis on the symbolic importance of the centennial of Joseph Smith's birth and the monument that commemorates it. Nevertheless, this book easily joins the pantheon of "must read" books in Mormon history, and no student of the early 20th century church can fail to grapple with Flake's conclusions. An excellent and highly recommended work.

This is a superb book.

The book brings history to life as it clearly and cleverly recounts a demanding and difficult time in Mormon and US history. It weaves together the social, political, and spiritual themes in an easy to read and engaging way. It offers remarkable insights on how religion and politics co-mingle. It brings to life Senator Smoot and his demanding role as senator and religious leader. It offers insights into the operations of the Mormon church as it dealt with a sensitive and important issue. It offers insights into the political process at the turn of the Century and how political processes are shaped by individuals. Dr. Flake has a unique ability to bring history to life and to help us learn from this history. This book is academically credible and yet easy to access.

I couldn't put this book down! The Politics of Deceit challenged my thinking on many levels. Though I am a regular voter, I often feel a sense of disconnect from the political process. By deftly blending the ideas from a variety of philosophers with his own anecdotal evidence to form a coherent argument for what he calls "freedom-to-experience", Smith has motivated me to engage in a more meaningful political dialogue with neighbors and friends. This intellectually stimulating book has reawakened my desire to explore more fully this grand experiment of democracy -- not as a bystander, but as a full participant.

While this book is titled "The Politics of Deceit: Saving Freedom and Democracy from Extinction" it is, above all, about freedom.

Smith breaks freedom into two primary categories. Freedom to will, he says, imposes restraints on others. Freedom to experience is a more extensive kind of freedom that, while limited at the boundary where others' liberties are encroached upon, also calls for responsibility to find common ground within our various differences.

From his experience in political campaigns he shows how political advertising is calculated for maximum psychological effect and that even those who are aware of its manipulation are not immune from its persuasion. If you remember, for example, a childhood memory of holding Bugs Bunny's hand at Disneyland then you'll be interested to read the chapter on televised ads.

Smith answers the question of "What is to be done" and foresees the internet and the emerging social media web sites such as web logs (blogs) as a means of democratizing the political process by encouraging broader participation.

I recommend this book for those who want to understand the deceitful manipulations of the political machine from a political insider who has a profound command of varied philosophical and scientific perspectives.

For the past several years, I have been disenchanted with the business of politics. The dishonesty, insincerity, and condescension was maddening and insulting. After reading this book, I understand why. According to Smith, we have been robbed of an authentic public sphere. Politics of Deceit delves into the roots of our democracy and defines what freedom means for us all. Smith has done his homework, as he refers to many of our greatest thinkers to back his own ideas. Smith says, it is necessary to redefine freedom because the politics of deceit demoralizes us all by substituting false idols for human freedom, by driving too many from the public sphere, and by creating a virtual polis inhabitied by oppressors who masquerade as liberators. In tackling the subjects of political advertising, news media, and voter suppression, Smith's credibility shines because of his obvious first hand knowledge. He has several practical solutions which give me hope that, if followed, I can make a difference.

Writers like Molly Ivins and Al Franken make us laugh and sometimes angry at how the conservatives maintain so much control in America. Glenn Smith makes us think -- about how we truly got here and how to get out. Smith shows how modern campaign practices -- the politics of deceit from the title -- corrode the system and rob us of our freedoms. To overcome the far right, Smith says progressives should quit trying to fight a war under rules written by the right. Instead, we should turn to the Net and grassroots organizing to reach out to the millions of non-voting Americans who can ultimately turn the tide. In the end, we must embrace the idea that none of us is truly free as long as one of us is not.

Smith is a troubadour of collectivist jingoism. A superior writer he employs the spectrum of propagandist tricks. From the non sequitur juxtaposition of the lynching fest (in the democratically run) old south with the unverified claims of "disenfranchisement" in the 2000 election to the skillfully employed passive voice -- the active voice requires a (falsifiable) subject -- to the howler that MoveOn.org is a grass roots organization he spins a bag of wild hairs from a crackpot old goat into a yarn thats convincing and elegant.

His flawless, graceful composition gives the perpetually banal socialist litany a lyric voice.

If only he used his powers for good instead of evil.

p.s. He took the time to proof read my review and email to me his delight in having a rightwing nutjob review his book. You're welcome.