Events Books

I found this book to be well documented...not so with many of the "tell all" books written today. Every American should read and react to this material. We are a nation that was built on the spirit of freedom and a national heritage of faith in God and should let no one usurp this privilege. The recent falsehood of global warming is just another attempt to lower our standard of living to Europe's to bring us in line for a World Government.

Here you go! If you crave the enticing secrecy of the New World Order and all its entanglements - - - let the pages flow. For here Mr. Wardner gives excellent back-up material, historical facts, and a terrific chapter on a coming `media blackout' which I found superbly accurate.

This is a MUST READ for those who are still perplexed as to the simplicity & redundantcy of our current media broadcasting industry.

I knew much of the information in this book before I read it, however, the depth and documentation this writer has presented are very thorough and believeable. This should be required reading my all Americans. Perhaps then enough will wake up and "throw the bastards" out of office. The scope of the book is long and large...too much to ignore and VERY credible. This makes it to my top ten list of "best reads". I thank the author for the time and dedication it took to write this.

I have to find it odd that no one has reviewed this book after 9/11. I can only imagine that it has sold like hotcakes since then... although it does seem rather difficult to find nowadays...

No other book that I have read comes even close to this straight forward book ! It is a MUST READ FOR EVERY TRUE AMERICAN ! It will shock you, educate you, and wake you up fast ! I have read it several times, and it's a book that will never get out of date ! It took a lot of guts to write this book ! I'm so thankful that this author had so much courage. We all should ! IF you really want your eyes opened, read this little book ! This is not a child's book, so I don't know why it's listed as such.

Gumbel has run over the history of American electoral fraud, starting as early as 1788 and running through extensive discussions of the 2000 and 2004 elections.

On the way we learn about a number of fascinating scandals of the past, now largely forgotten, along with some that haven't been, such as the famous Tammany Hall gang that dominated New York City for a decade. Gumbel shows that, while big-city corruption got the publicity, elections in many rural areas were equally dirty. He also show how periodic concerns over ballot box stuffing have resulted in a numbr of reforms that, by making voting harder, have effectively lowered participation, which was once at around 80% of eligible voters, and now is sometimes below 50%. For instance, the secret ballot, by replacing earlier party-distributed ballots that had shown, by color and logos, which party they represented, had the quite intentional effect of disenfranchising many illiterate immigrants and former slaves. The practice of denying the vote to convicted felons even after completion of their sentence was invented entirely to prevent former slaves from voting, and is used to disenfranchise blacks to this day, as notably happened in Florida 2000.

Gumbel's discussion of the Florida crisis is useful, although I thought a little too hard on Gore. His discussion of Ohio 2004, which he feels was clearly a legitimate victory, although he does show the strong evidence of illegitimate means used to suppress the Kerry vote, is obviously unconvincing for many of his readers here. (It's interesting to note that, although the book really works not to be a partisan tract, the reviewers on Amazon seem to be overwhelmingly Democrats.)

The extensive discussion in this book of touch screen voting shows clearly how flawed the technology is in current form. He also adds a fascinating historical perspective by showing how past changes, earlier voting machines and punch card ballots, were promoted in their time as technological wonders which would eliminate corruption and make voting easier.

One thing that is very convincing indeed in this section is the discussion of how professional election administrators have repeatedly ignored, downplayed, or just flat lied about the flaws in technology they have committed taxpayer money to, both with e-voting and with previous technologies. I used to think that the professionals who explained how my fears of touch screen voting were groundless probably knew what they were talking about, since they worked with the systems so closely. I won't ever trust those quotes again after reading this book.

Gumbel's discussion of touch screen voting in other countries is also interesting, both for how he shows that such advanced nations as Venezuela do far better than the US at holding clean and reliable elections, as well as some anecdotes showing that American voting equipment companies have just as doubtful a record overseas as they do at home. This section will give you the mild relief of knowing that the way they're screwing up our elections is (probably) more a matter of corporate greed and incompetence than a deep conspiracy to install permanent right-wing government by fixing elections.

Steal This Vote is a fascinating book whose interesting premise is unfortunately marred by a boring and choppy writing style. Gumbel's accusations, arguments and images are stirring and rather frightening; the fact that elections have been stolen for the last two hundred years isn't exactly encouraging to those supporting election reform. He paints a very clear picture of each point in election-stealing history, from the early days of the Republic to Chicago's Daley machine to the 2000 and 2004 debacles. Each shocking detail comes out fast and harsh, which is alarming (as it should be) for the first few chapters, but then soon becomes repetitive and tiring. That doesn't keep the whole story from enlightening the reader, however. Even if I struggled to get through this book, I learned the history of elections in this country and how they are taken for granted and are almost never clean. And though I am constantly distressed by the American population's election habits, Gumbel's suggestions for reform are reasonable goals for which I will fight to the end. With some more editing, perhaps a new edition of this book could be more easily read, and I think it should be read. This population is too ignorant of its system's workings; if the people knew that their perfect democracy is not so perfect, there would be hell to pay, and then there may at last be change.

One would have thought that of all the boring topics that an author could select, the mechanics and history of the secret ballot in the world's pre-eminent democracy should have been close to the top. But far from it, Mr Gumbel has documented and told a quite extraordinary and at times amazing tale. Whether he is right in every detail I have no idea but either way it ought to have every US citizen asking some very tough questions. Politics can be a venal game but surely the actual electoral process itself ought to be above question. Sadly it seems in the USA it's not.

I was really impressed with this book. This is an incredibly important topic, and the author is so immensely knowledgeable, and his handling of the material is so comprehensive and fair, that by the end, I felt closer to grasping what's been going on with American politics than ever before. It turned my perception of the whole voting process in America completely around (I really never suspected it was THIS bad). If you have any interest at all in politics (and if you don't, well, you might be past saving), you should read this, and pass it along, and talk about it. It's an eye-opener. And so entertaining! I laughed out loud several times, and throughout, I felt that the author was presenting really substantial, weighty information in an appealing, witty style. (It's a fun book to cart around, too -- about 15 people stopped me and asked me about the book after glimpsing the title.)

The election travesties of 2000 and 2004 left me angry and disgusted. I'm still angry and disgusted about those events and their conduct, but after reading Gumbel's book, I've softened my impressions a bit and redirected the focus of my ire and disgust. It's clear to me now that no American political party has ever seriously objected to election theft as long as the result was victory. Since achieving honest elections has never been an honest goal (except temporarily for the losers), a party in power has never had genuine interest in realizing honest results! So, here we are.
I shouldn't be surprised at all that, but Gumbel's detail, clarity and focus make me wonder why I'm so late coming to the full realization table.
Gumbel provides clear insight. Nevertheless, the reader is left to judge for himself what all this says about the alleged state of democracy in the U.S.A., past and present.

John Lewis Gaddis is probably the foremost historian of the Cold War.

Strategies of Containment provides a complete basic overview of the subject of U.S. foreign policy during the Cold War. It is specifically a history of the U.S.'s containment policy toward the Soviet Union and the Communist-bloc and its evolution over time.

It begins with U.S. diplomat George Kennan's famous memomorandum or "long telegram" from the Soviet Union which provided the guide for interpreting the intentions of the Soviet that was used by the State Department and the Executive Branch in formulating U.S. foreign policy towards the Soviet Union and the Communist-bloc nations - especially during the early stages of the Cold War. If a U.S. foreign service officer or other U.S. official wanted to understand the Soviet Union's foreign policy or history and the considerations which would impact the Soviet leadership's behavior - he or she was directed to read it.

The initial assessment by Kennan and his subsequent use of the term "containment" in a Foreign Affairs magazine for the first time, was controversial and volumes have been written on what he meant.

His approach basically was to advise against a wholesale reordering of the world order based on U.S. values which would cause consternation in the Soviet leadership and trigger Soviet defensive diplomatic (and potentially more drastic measures) in opposing the new international framework.

Kennan wanted diversity in the international system, to allow the Soviet Union to participate within it, and not undermine or be alienated from it, and thus transformed by it over time. The history of the Soviet Union's participation in the UN and its institutions confirms his analysis.

Kennan initially argued for a particularist approach as opposed to a universalist approach. He also argued for strong point as opposed to wide-scale perimeter opposition to expanding Soviet spheres of influence.

Kennan's writings set the stage for an interpretation of Soviet behavior and intentions. He studied Soviet and Russian history and knew that the Soviet Union would seek to build buffer zones between it and any potential adversary. The Napolean invasion, Germany's invasion, etc. as well as the Crimean War, and the Russo-Japanes War of 1905, and the U.S. and European intervention in the Russian civil war, all shaped the Soviet leadership's thinking.

Kennan wanted to restore a balance of power at the interface between the East and West in the European theater as well as in Asia, but without contesting every Soviet move for influence along its borders and without alienating the Soviet Union from the new international order.

Truman subsequently instituted a policy review process that led to NSC-68 which expressly stated that the U.S. policy was to promote U.S. values of freedom and human dignity. Containment then moved into the shape of a perimeter-type defensive strategy in which Soviet moves on its periphery for political and military influence was to be contested.

The book then describes U.S. national security policy and how U.S. containment evolved over time into Eisenhower's "New Look" policy in which no further Soviet expansion of its power into other nations was to be uncontested and then later into "flexible response" under Kennedy and Johnson and then detente under Kissinger.

The book is an excellent introduction to the Cold War, the U.S. policy of containment and its evolution.

This book show us the strategies of Containment in the Cold War Era; an important beginning had been made with the Truman Doctrine and the Containment thesis, which established a defensive position holding back Soviet expansionism.
In 1947 the US had an exclusive monopoly on the ultimate weapon, the atomic weapon, and this monopoly should be used -the bomb "makes politically possible....the domination of the world by a single sufficiently large state". The architect of containment was George Frost Kennan, best known as "the father of containment" and as a key figure in the emergence of the Cold War.
He later wrote standard histories of the relations between Russia and the Western powers. The NSC-68, the most important of all Cold War documents, was "a plan of military rearment and development is at present going forward". It's the central document of the Cold War that transformed containment into a global crusade. Approved by Harry Truman in April 1950, it still lacked Congressional funding and support, and Truman was too weak a president to push it throught in the absence of a major crisis.
It would have been interesting if the author of the book had also used an approach from the Soviet point of view, as well as one in the West and the United States. In addition, Henry Kissinger has been widely studied and detailed, but it seems that is not mentioned in the book the figure of the first Secretary of State of the Nixon presidency, William Rodgers.

Strategies of Containment, by John Lewis Gaddis, is a description of the evolving strategy of containment that was the basis of US policy toward the Soviet Union from 1946 through 1989. Gaddis traces the concept of containment from its inception by George F. Kennan through the modifications applied by five administrations and assesses the strengths, weaknesses, and effectiveness of each version. This book is more than another chronology of the cold war; it provides deep insights into strategic thinking and is essential reading for any serious student of the cold war. Here's a brief summary:

Kennan's Original Doctrine of Containment

* Identify and defend vital interests based on the centers of industrial strength - Britain, Western Europe, Japan -don't try to defend the entire world.
* Use all instruments of power: economic, diplomatic, political, and cultural power as well as military power. Rebuilding the economic vitality of the above areas is a high priority.
* Seek to divide the communist world. Our primary adversary is the Soviet Union. Other communist countries, if not actively supporting Soviet policy, may be led to serve as quasi-allies by depriving the Soviets of their support.
* General war with the Soviets is unlikely, so we can afford to take risks. We can limit our defense spending and not try to defend the world. A point defense of our vital interests is probably adequate.
* Define threats in light of US vital interests, not in terms of Soviet capabilities

Truman and NSC-68

* The policies articulated in NSC-68 moved toward a perimeter defense covering the entire world rather than a point defense of vital interests.
* Primary emphasis was switched to military power and to the entire spectrum of war
* US interests were redefined in response to perceived threats (anything that is threatened must be an interest).
* US strategy became based on a symmetric response to threats - responding in the same time, place, and with the same means as the adversary (e.g., the Korean War).

Eisenhower, Dulles, and the New Look

* Eisenhower's guiding philosophy was that defense is not just defeating the enemy - it is the preservation of our economic and political systems.
* Spending too much on defense could destroy these systems by leading to either inflation or the imposition of autocratic controls. He reduced the defense budget by 33% from Truman's last year and held it at about that level for eight years.
* Alliances relied on allies for ground forces with the US providing Air and Naval support.
* The nuclear threat became the cornerstone of deterrence across the spectrum of conflict - with goal of avoiding war - in belief that any war was all too likely to escalate to nuclear.
* Asymmetric response to threats - response need not be in same place or using same methods as Soviet threat
* Anti-colonial Conundrum: The communists are fomenting wars of national liberation while the US is trying to rebuild Europe (the colonial powers). If the US backs decolonization, it undermines the European allies it is trying to rebuild. If the US backs the colonial powers, it loses any chance of support from the colonies. The Soviets really put us in a no-win position on this issue.

Kennedy, Johnson, and Flexible Response

* Kennedy and Johnson return to NSC-68 reasoning by lowering threat of nuclear response and replaced it with flexible response, requiring a direct, symmetric response to threats - a respond in same time and place using the same means.
* These administrations applied a circular logic: Threats create interests which demand responses which require capabilities even where no interest previously had been identified. This was articulated in the "bear any burden, pay any price" rhetoric.
* This strategy necessitated greater reliance on military response versus economic, political, etc which increased demands on the defense budget.
* Kennedy abandoned Eisenhower's commitment to a balanced budget and relied on Keynesian fiscal policy to stimulate the economy. Spending was predicated on the potential of the economy rather than its actual performance. Lack of budgetary constraints led to inability to prioritize, to distinguish the essential from the peripheral, the feasible from the infeasible which encouraged more "bear any burden, pay and price' reasoning because it wasn't real money.
* Flexible response led to graduated escalation in Viet Nam which became "never enough to defeat the enemy, just enough to prolong the war". Stakes were repeatedly raised to prevent the humiliation of a defeat but this only made the eventual defeat more humiliating.
* Calibrated escalation yielded the initiative to the enemy - allowed him to define the terms of conflict. Deterrence can be made effective only if the adversary can be made to doubt that he can retain control of the situation. Taking the nuclear option away encouraged adversaries to call our bluff.

Nixon, Kissinger and Détente

* Nixon and Kissinger moved the US government from a bi-polar to a multi-polar world view by positing the existence of five significant power centers: US, USSR, Western Europe, China, and Japan. They recognized that these five power centers were far from equal. Only the US and USSR were superpowers able to exert substantial influence via military, economic, political, or diplomatic means. This strategy was a return to the balance of power envisioned by Kennan.
* In the military arena, they focused on sufficiency rather than superiority over the Soviet Union and sought to persuade Brezhnev that a similar policy would be in his country's best interest as well. Sufficiency won the logical argument over superiority because the latter invariably provoked the other side into matching every military advance, producing and endless and unwinnable arms race.
* Conceptually, Kissinger and Nixon changed the country's strategic definition of US interests and threats to those interests. For most of the interval between Kennan and Nixon-Kissinger, the US strategic view had started with the USSR, its capabilities and intentions, then identified the impact these capabilities could have. These impacts became viewed as threats and US interests were defined as anything thus threatened. Nixon and Kissinger reversed the logical flow, much as Kennan did, starting with the identification of US interests, independent of any adversary. They then identified as an adversary an entity with capability and intent to harm these interests.
* Again returning to Kennan's approach, Nixon-Kissinger sought to use negotiations to influence Soviet behavior. They took a long-term approach to negotiations, discarding the tendency of previous administrations from Roosevelt on to use negotiations and agreements with the Soviets for domestic political purposes. They discarded the approach of seeking agreements on specific areas where they could be reached and adopted a strategy of linkage - maintaining that Soviet unwillingness to negotiate in good faith on military and strategic issues of importance to the US would result in US refusal to accommodate Soviet desires for economic and trade relations and recognition of the post war division of Europe.
* The next step in the Nixon-Kissinger strategy was to seek an accommodation with China to reduce US-Chinese tensions and, thereby, free China to take a more assertive stance in its own dealings with the USSR. This was a return to Kennan's goal of dividing communism and redefined our prime enemy as the Soviet Union

Reagan

Reagan continued the return to Kennan's original concept of containment:
* Adopt an asymmetric strategy - don't let the enemy determine the time, place, and terms of conflict
* Apply economic, political, diplomatic, and moral power more than military power. A prime example was his Berlin speech: "Mr. Gorbachev! Tear down this wall!" He put the Soviets in the same kind of no-win position that they had inflicted on Eisenhower over colonialism in the 1950s by setting the Eastern Europeans at odds with the Kremlin.
* He recognized that Soviet system was bankrupt financially, intellectually, morally and turned up the pressure until it collapsed.
* Reagan was also lucky. Kennan had hoped to transform the Soviet Union with the help of a new generation of Russian leaders. Gorbachev turned out to be the leader Kennan had hoped for. He and Reagan together ended the cold war and transformed the Soviet Union from a totalitarian system to one that might have evolved into a more liberal one had the 1991 coup d'état not destroyed it first.

Now in a revised edition, Strategies Of Containment: A Critical Appraisal Of American National Security Policy During The Cold War is a revised and expanded edition of Bancroft Prize winner and Cold War expert John Lewis Gaddis' classic on understanding the history of containment as a policy, its role in bringing the Cold War to an end, and its possible value or pitfalls in the future. Originally published during the Regan presidency when the Soviet Union was still a superpower, Strategies Of Containment includes a greatly expanded chapter on Reagan, Gorbachev, and the completion of containment, as well as a new epilogue. A welcome scrutiny of history with the advantage of post-Cold War hindsight.

This book is still useful even 20 years after publication. Gaddis view US policy toward the USSR as a pendulum that swings between"symmetrical" and "asymmetrical" approaches. The periods are split into: Kennan's original containment, NSC-68, Eisenhower's "New Look", JFK and Nixon's détente. There is a coda covering Carter, but it is less helpful.

The symmetrical approach confronts the USSR wherever the USSR chooses to probe. In this approach, wherever the Soviets seek to advance is, by their very actions, a US interest. In contrast, the asymmetrical view seeks to identify those areas that are inherently vital US interests and protect those.

The first seeks to build a fence (containment) around the Soviets. The second approach builds its fences around US interests and lets the USSR do what it wants - within reason - elsewhere. Heck, why let them do that? The answer is "means." Gaddis stresses the point that US means are not unlimited. The US must balance means and ends and this leads to the pendulum swings.

The reasons I do not give the book the last star are: It does not cover the Carter-Reagan-Bush era and Smith over draws the magnitude of the swings. The book makes it sound like there were tremendous differences between the various administrations and does not pay enough attention to the essential consistency of US Cold War strategy. Smith acknowledges this in a retrospective on his own book available at the Hoover Institute web site.

Take a look at the cover photo of this book, and the inside content becomes apparent. You can see people, who are now branded as terrorists, were, at one time, chief guests in the White House.

This book carries some of Eqbal Ahmad's writings and transcripts of lectures on various international conflicts including US-Afghanistan and India-Pakistan. This book does a good job of exposing US Govt's hypocrisy and its unilateral goal of furthering only its own interests at the expense of everything and everyone in this world. It also tells you why and how the Afghanistan and Iraq conflicts erupted, and why they have only worsened ever since they began. There's a brief discussion on the Kashmir issue as well. I wish it carried more details. Overall, this book presents to its readers a brief but accurate insight into the most prominent present day international conflicts.

Do not think that if you are not interested in international politics, you may find this book boring. Due to its concise nature, this book is very much readable and comprehensible to all. I say it is a "must-have" for every American, because it will tell them what their politicians haven't. US is the only country that, since its birth, has been at war every single day of the year at some place on this earth. It is mind-boggling to imagine what kind of wealth its people would have amassed if the same trillions of dollars that have been cumulatively spent on mindless killing of people and building nuclear weapons that will never be used, had been just distributed in cash to its citizens. It is no wonder that Eqbal Ahmad's words carried a great deal of truth. Why else would the CIA send its operatives to his house at night to threaten him if he didn't shut up? Eqbal was however up to the challenge, and told them to pack-off immediately since he was acting only in accordance with the US constitution, which says - "No taxation without representation". He said that since his views were not represented by the policies of the US Govt even though he paid taxes, he had every right to protest.

That was Mr Eqbal Ahmad, a foremost authority on international conflicts, alongside, I would say, Noam Chomsky. Do not miss this book. It is worth a thousand times its cover price. After reading this book, I can assure, you will be only egged on to read his other detailed books.

Now, if this only came with crayons and pictures to color in, it might attract the attention of those who really need a crash course in terrorism. To the point, devine intervention happens to other people, but the self-righteousness of powerful America is what makes it so hypocritical. Unfortunately, I expect this primer to be as relevant for decades to come, so let's hope it doesn't go out of print.

Wonderful prescient, but all too brief. Serves as a good introduction to the ideas of the dear departed Ahmad who would be a valuable contributor to the worldwide debate on what exactly consititutes terrorism. The way he shows that the term "terrorism" is construed to eliminate any links to state-sponsored violence and torture demands our attention and respect. This is a courageous and intelligent book.

From the perspective of someone from South Asia (Ahamd was from Pakistan), this book looks deeper at this thing called terrorism.

There are several aspects to the official approach to terrorism. First, terrorists change. Yesterday's terrorist is today's freedom fighter, and vice versa. Second, there seems to be no such thing as an "official" definition of terrorism. Explanations are designed to arouse our emotions, instead of stimulating our intelligence. Third, government officials may not be able to define terrorism, but they know that it must be stamped out worldwide.

Fourth, it's supposedly possible to tell the difference between a terrorist and a freedom fighter. Fifth, the official approach ignores the causes of terrorism. Cause? What cause? Sixth, the moral revulsion against terrorism needs to be selective. Terror from disapproved groups needs to be strongly condemned, but terror from allies or approved groups can be ignored.

Why do groups commit terrorist acts? Getting their grievances heard through regular channels hasn't worked, so, to them, terrorism is the only way to be heard. Terrorism is an expression of anger and helplessness, and also a sense of betrayal. Through the spread of modern technology and communications, terror has become globalized. Everyone is a target.

The author recommends several approaches for America. Stop with the double standards. Don't condone some terrorism, and condemn others. In the present situation, such an approach will not work. Also, America should actually consider the causes of terrorism. It's a political problem; seek a political solution. The author also recommends reinforcing the framework of international law. Try going through the International Court of Justice.

This is an excellent book. It's short, and written from a non-American perspective. It does a fine job looking at the background behind terrorism, and it's well worth reading.

This book affirms that American foreign allies are classified on whether their own goals converge or diverge from our own.

During the 1970's and 1980's we had partnered with Saddam, deciding that he was a 'brutal dictator' only when his objectives no longer echoed American public policy priorities.

Similarly, the people whom the State department now identifies as being 'dangerous' were at one point benign or even considered beneficial---because they had then supported our world view. It is critical and sobering to wonder who is organizing outside of today's policymaker scrutiny.

Regardless of the administration, such relationships of convenience are THE rule in international relations. America talks a good deal about wanting to respect human rights, but the real world often facilitates less stringency.

I completely enjoyed reading this book. The author does an excellent job of writing about real events and what he learned from each one. As a fellow firefighter, I have to say that I've been through a lot of the same experiences and have come to some of the same conclusions. You may find some of the philosophical discussions distracting, but they are presented well and are integral to the book. I would recommend this book for any firefighter or firefighter family!

This is a good book on Volunteer Firefighters. My husband chuckled everytime he read an anecdote that reminded him of his volunteer fire department over the last 25 years.

This is a great book, I live about 15 miles from his volunteer Fire house, and I am a volunteer fire fighter myself. I just became a volunteer about 2 months ago, and so far my fire house and his seem very a like. This book, lets the world know what goes on in a small town volunteer fire departments like my own. Perfect book, describes everything in great detail, and is a great read, I could not put it down.

I highly recommend Dr. Frank's book as it shows us so adroitly how each of us can gain wisdom and love for our fellow man through service to our community. It is also a great tribute to the firefighters and EMTs across the country who keep us safe every day and night (with no holidays off). I would expect that the average firefighter, if there is such a thing, is not likely to write a book about his experiences. Dr. Frank, an outsider like ourselves when he joins their ranks, carries us into their world and helps us see what these amazing people do and why they do it.

As an attorney who first became a volunteer firefighter at the tender age of 45, I found this book to be a great read. I have used it as a way to try to explain to others (my family, mostly) why someone my age would become a volunteer. I found the book to be well written, enlightening, and best of all, funny. I highly recommend it.

I voted for this guy twice. This book makes me stop and wonder why ? Far be it for me to slam the president of the USA - BUT - this book makes you wonder if he has all the facuties necessary to be president of the local YMCA. It will make you think hard about the next election

Good Buy

Z

Utter Incompetents, $24.95 Amazon.com, runs three hundred pages. This hardback from Thomas Oliphant is about government and politics, more specifically the Bush Administration and its many failings; a woeful energy policy, the bungled response to Hurricane Katrina, the Iraq War, and the Republican loss of Congress. Oliphant's book is especially potent when investigating the legacy George W. Bush leaves behind.

The book examines the firings of twelve Republican US Attorneys - a political flap attributed to a memo generated by Karl Rove in 2004. These strategic, politically-motivated DOJ firings cost Gonzales his position as Attorney General. Oliphant then reaches back to explain how Bush came to be elected, how he chose his Veep, and the tremendous corporate influence on Bush's Cabinet.

The crux of Oliphant's book is this - George W. Bush's Administration and a Republican-led Congress have damaged the conservative cause. Oliphant intimates Bush blew it when it came to John DiIulio and his `faith based' initiatives. Furthermore, everything Bush has touched has turned into major catastrophe; his presidency is a textbook case of narrow political success squandered by massive governmental failure.

Energy policy was Bush's supposed strength, but his record ranged from dereliction, to inattention, to special interest favoritism. His inaugural year created a price-gouging mess that rages unabated, and electrical brownouts and triple-rate price hikes that occurred in California were the result of fraud and price/supply manipulation. Two-term Presidents are both effective and responsive, or failures; Bush is the latter.

Reforms for the health care system as proposed by President Bush have been astonishingly unrealistic, and only Americans with large incomes would benefit. Representative Rahm Emanuel derided Bush's initiatives for their "absence of appeal to ordinary Americans for whom up-front payments for personal insurance would be an extreme hardship," and stated that Bush "does nothing to expand the number of insured."

Inattention to global warming has also made Bush look weak. The American public has realized that Bush used his presidential power to serve the needs of special interest groups (for example, coal-fired power plants) instead of shoring up conservative environmental principles, and they disapprove of his political subterfuge in these areas. Bush also hobbled the FDA through cronyism and mismanagement.

Despite pledges to funnel $1.7 billion annually to poverty related organizations operated by churches, less than $1 billion was being distributed through religious organizations at the end of Bush's first term. The money given to `faith based' initiatives, however, failed to offset the increase in poverty that occurred throughout Bush's first term. Bush also squandered choice opportunities for comprehensive immigration reform.

In botching the economy and ignoring kitchen table issues, Bush created conditions that lost the G.O.P. control of Congress in 2006. Between 2001 and 2006, corporate profits in the U.S. nearly doubled, while worker's wages dipped 3 percent. And while worker's wages have remained flat, the cost of necessities (daycare, education, electricity, food, gas, health care, and housing) has spiraled.

One topic Bush failed at specifically concerns tax cuts. Bush has absolutely no strategy for rescuing his dear cuts for high-income earners and investors from their 2010 expiration dates. Activist Bruce Bartlett (who served under Reagan and Bush Sr.) attributes growing discontent on the right, to a growing conviction that Bush Junior blew a historic opportunity and hurt the conservative cause.

The great tragedy of the Bush legacy is this - gargantuan deficits. This is indefensible because Bush took office with a projected $5.6 trillion dollar surplus, then squandered it on costly wars (Afghanistan and Iraq), and large tax cuts. Additionally, Bush and his supporters elevated old-fashioned pork barrel spending ($30 billion in 2006 alone) to new highs as the deficit ballooned.

Sadly, Oliphant predicts, the Bush Administration will be remembered mostly for the murderous mess it made in Iraq. Bush will inevitably be held accountable for the botched occupation; also for his myopic refusal to plan for the unforeseen and his inability to make adjustment to the war plan as needed. Every American should take their blinders off and read this important book.

I cannot understand how Congress has not started impeachment proceedings against the Bush/Cheney criminal conspiracy. It is plain to many of us that it is more than incompetence and this book proves it.

Oliphant hits the nail on the head. To say I'm not a Bush supporter is an understatement. Now I more clearly understand why. Bush supporters will hold this book in disdain precisely it is so true. For all of "W's" failings it would be charitable to have pity on him. And also on our nation for having him as our president. Oliphant mentions that Bush reads 100 books a year. I'm suprised he can color that fast. This is a frightening, but revealing read.

Despite its unnecessarily ungracious title and dust jacket photos, I purchased UTTER INCOMPETENTS with cautious enthusiasm. Seeing Tom Oliphant's name on the cover, I immediately saw the book's physically unimposing but sprightly author on the TV screen of my mind's eye - wire-rimmed glasses in place, intentionally anachronistic bow tie neatly resting beneath his chin - opining with his cautious phrasing and sly humor on the politics of the day. Ah-h-h, I thought, 250 - 300 pages of Mr. Oliphant's gentle wit and well-tempered wisdom.

While UTTER INCOMPETENTS is not without its merits, this book is regrettably rather less than I expected it to be. Mr. Oliphant sets out with the best of intentions. All Presidents have successes and failures, he notes, but in the seven years to-date of the Bush II Administration, how has it been possible to have almost nothing but failures? How could a President turn every opportunity into disaster, every disaster into sheer chaos and even death, every small victory into ignominious defeat? What do all these failures have in common, either systemically or from the nature of the personalities involved?

From the start, the author singles out his main causes: "...tight ruling circles; a strong penchant for insularity and secretiveness; intense ideological motivation with a strong mixture of hubris; strong ties to demanding interest group supporters; and an obvious backseat for the habits of traditional policymaking that emphasize transparency and the give-and-take of consensus-building compromise" (page 21). Oliphant adds three more factors later, unwillingness to compromise, excessive cronyism, and the repeated choosing of actions that maximize short-term political gains at the expense of longer-term objectives. Invariably, reality ultimately overtakes the misleading statements from the political short-term and leads to squandered opportunity and systemic distrust and citizen disapproval, reflected in President Bush's steady decline five-year decline in approval ratings.

The remaining 90% of the book consists entirely of recaps of various Bush failures. Oliphant runs them off chapter-by-chapter as though from a punch list: oil prices, environmental protection, health care, global warming, immigration, the economy and deficits, taxes, Social Security privatization, gay marriage, Katrina, Terry Schiavo, and anything and everything associated with Iraq and terrorism. Unfortunately, each example consists mostly of recapping the events themselves, with occasional but far-too-superficial references back to his causative factors - the closed bubble of advisors, the hubris and ideological inflexibility, the stubborn resistance to changing course. In one of his best lines, Oliphant observes that Presidents must recognize "at their level of responsibility the most navigable distance between two points is rarely a straight line."

In the end, UTTER INCOMPETENTS represents an entertaining compendium of the trials and tribulations of George Bush's Presidency, but little else. Oliphant introduces no new information regarding these events, nothing that couldn't be found from a little Internet searching and back issues of newsweeklies, newspapers, and a few political journals. There are no surprising facts garnered from personal, insider interviews, no journalistic legwork, no confidential sources. Instead, Mr. Oliphant delivers a catalog of events and failed policies wrapped loosely around the simple and not overly insightful premise that they share in common the isolation, ideologically-driven certitudes, and gross incompetence of a few individuals who took valued political power over the best interests of a country and its people. Combine these factors with a Republican-controlled Congress that shared this vision of political power and abandoned its Constitutional role as a check and balance on Executive Branch power, and you have the shambles that now constitutes the Bush II Presidency.

Tom Oliphant's prose reads easily, and his recaps of events and issues are concise and on point. As a refresher of what the years since 2000 have wrought, UTTER INCOMPETENTS is an entertaining and competent compendium. As an analysis of how and why, it is less so. Already well informed readers will likely have the reaction, "Been there. Done that." On balance, three stars for a book that could have been much deeper, much more thoughtful and analytical from someone who ostensibly makes a living doing just that.

Run don't walk..... before the impending marathon of onslaught writing before the election this is the power bar.

I just finished this book and felt the need to review it (something I almost never do) because I not only did I find it profoundly illuminating but also really, really, really enjoyed reading it!

As both a personal and public narrative it is an extremely fun and entertaining read despite the fact that often deals with complex, multifaceted issues. Admittedly, I'm far from an expert on many of the themes and subjects within, however my sense is even if you are, even if you are a political historian or life long liberal this book will tell you things you didn't know and/or provide a prospective totally absent in the mainstream and alternative medias.

Wolves does not seek to provide answers to our political woes, but it does ask all the right questions (of all the right people), a fact which I think proves Marshall's desire to find genuine solutions to the socio-economic mess America finds itself in.

I highly recommend picking it up!

Very interesting, well written, and disturbing.

Read it, then talk about the elections.

I feared that by exposing the Democrats as faux liberals, Stephen Marshall would bring me into even a deeper state of despair. As I read, I found myself in just the opposite state -- happily taking in every page with new hope that there exists here in America this level of awareness and acuity and most importantly, passion. If this man understands society on this level, there is the possibility of nurturing and spreading this wisdom. I find I have someone to follow. If you need something to believe in, read this book.

This is the story of the death of American Liberalism, told by some of the very people who helped kill it. Far from the typical liberal claptrap or conservative diatribe, Marshall's fiercely independant examination of the left's rightward drift is a unique, character driven narrative that keeps you turning pages.

I'm very lucky to find this book, because it will helps me to learn English. But I think it's good also for everybody because the book teach us the correct name of the things that we need day by day.
It's my second by at Amazon and I'm very happy
Cordially,
Luzia

This is the kind of dictionary I needed. When you want to know how to say a concrete concept you will understand better if you use this picture dictionary.

Please review the book I ordered its call word by word picture dictionary, second edition

I was lucky enough to be in a situation where my adult ESL classroom had enough in-classroom copies for all students to use during classtime. I used this almost everyday. It's a fantastic way to teach new vocabulary, especially when you combine its use with other teaching tools, such as acting out motions. I often had my students use the books to quiz each other. This is a good resource, and if you can get enough copies for everyone in your class to share, DO IT!

I host foreign exchange students and the first few weeks this helps them out till they get just a better grasp of the English language. Most come with a very good understanding, but if they need to go to the doctor's or something this picture dictionary is just the thing to help out. It is useful around the house also.

The writing is straightforward and the story is fast-paced. The book furnished me with a far greater appreciation than I had of the difficulty and complexity of conducting a national campaign and of the demands made upon the candidates and the many workers, mostly volunteers, who surround and assist them. The personality and character of the narrators comes through quite clearly and with considerable honesty and self-knowledge (although I must add that Mrs. Lieberman's insights are often the more interesting ones). The narrative makes clear that these are real human beings with real children and parents and problems. When their lives are stirred into the soup of arguably our most chaotic Presidential campaign, a very interesting tale emerges.

The reviewer below - An.McCracken - is a fake. He reviews countless books each day but he does not read the books, just paraphrases other people's reviews. REPORT THIS TO AMAZON. Click on (Report this) link under the review, next to the voting buttons.

One cannot possibly read this book and not develop a greater appreciation for the sacrifices, courage, determination and faith that the Liebermans made throughout the campaign and throughout their lives.

Not only is this a "biography" but it is also an excellent book on the political process, namely the campaign process. Throughout the book, the reader becomes acutely aware of the amount of work, energy and choregraphing a national campaign requires.

In the last election, I did not know much about Joe Lieberman and that is because I did not give my self the opportunity to do so. When this book first came out, I scoffed at it, because it looked so "light" and yet after reading it I was taken aback, not only on what an interesting look it is into a presidential campaign, but also into the man himself.

Suffice it to say I agree with much of the man's politics, but that non-withstanding, this book was an interesting look at a family who lives their faith while working on the campain trail. It was touching as well as eye-opening.

In addition this book was able to tell its tale without totally stomping on the opposing party. It was obviously written by a man with good character and ethics. Perhaps it was released to coinside with his run for the presidency, but it has made me take a second look at this man and boy am I impressed!

It's a light, quick, fluff read. If you liked Gore/Lieberman in 2000 you'll like the book. Lieberman falls all over himself emphasizing his religion while feigning shock that it could be an issue. He also sidesteps any criticism from fellow Jews that his positions are decidedly unorthodox. He emphasizes that everywhere his wife ever went and everyone she ever spoke to always loved her. If something went wrong in the campaign, it was because he didn't follow through with his instincts. He even quoted an editorial where someone said that Lieberman can make an attack not feel like an attack. Hardball politico, but with a smile.

This book has changed the way I looked at the issues of development, modernisation & morals. An amazing read, beautifully written and with great insights.

I have just returned from a trip to Ladakh and I could really relate to what Ms.Norberg talks about in the book.

Just a couple of side issues. It'd be good to know what exactly went wrong in Ladakh. Here are a people who for 2000 years had lived successfully by the rules of Buddhism. How & why did Buddhism fail these people in the face of global/western economic & cultural imperialism? Does the blame lie with Buddhism- it being too 'compassionate' and allowing a religion? Does the blame lie with the Ladakhis who probably were not as sincere Buddhists as they are made out to be?

After all if they really were such devout Buddhists, how come they fell to the greed that capitalism breeds?

Anyway, these are issues which could have been addressed in the book. Regardless, the book is excellent! A must read.

How does life in a non-industrial society compare to life in our own? In which society are people happier? If life in non-industrial societies compares favorably to life in our own, then why are the barrios of the third world filling up with migrants from remote villages? This book provides surprising insights into these questions. It also provokes reflections on our own society and its influence on the rest of the world. After reading a used copy I picked up for free, I bought seven copies of this book for friends and family!

Rarely have I felt more dispair about the direction of what we know as civilization as I felt halfway through this book. The Ladakh people are described as happy, healthy, and self-reliant. Suddenly, the "real world" happens to them, and they come to see themselves as poor, when before they had no need of money.

The authors do a nice job of weaving a story of hope at the end but I have concern for the future of these people. It helps me understand the decision the government of Bhutan has made to isolate themselves from western-style civilization.

After reading this book, I suddenly realized the root problem of Western Civilization: We have no culture. Where there was once culture, we now have an expanding economic order threatening all life on the planet. Through its mechanism of growth and expansion, the global economy is conquering and converting life's diversity into an ecological and social monoculture of cash crops, Levis, soda pop and movie theatres. Perhaps moonscape would be a better word. Of course, it doesn't have to be this way. Our fast-paced, increasingly technological, capital-intensive, fossil fuel-centered, centralized, highly specialized, travel and commercial-oriented, often stressful society is by no means the end-all-be-all of human history. Murder, child abuse, drug abuse, theft, poverty, hunger, and every other problem that plagues the West are not products of human nature. The pathology of civilization is not natural or inevitable, and the Ladakhi are proof of this. Read this book and rediscover ancient, profound, life-affirmating alternatives to the modern humdrum. Discover another way of living, thinking and feeling. Important, necessary, engaging and masterfully written - this book was a treasure to read. Indeed, it was an awaking.

A MUST READ

The first half of *Ancient Futures* will delight and amaze you; the second half will break your heart.

In the 1970s, the Ladakhis of Little Tibet were a happy people. They had a sustainable traditional economy based on trade and cooperation - not money. One person's gain was not another person's loss. There was plenty of leisure, no hunger or poverty, very little sickness or disease, everyone was valued, there was no pollution and nothing was wasted. They got along fine with their Muslim neighbors and they kept their population stable through marriage customs based on land use. Almost every family had a celibate monk or nun. Buddhist monasteries and people had a mutually beneficial economic, social and spiritual relationship. Ladakhis are a naturally contemplative people with a great deal of spiritual awareness. "Schon chan" (one who angers easily) is about the only insult in the Ladakhi lnaguage. "Lack of pride is a virtue, for pride, born of ego, has nothing to do with self-respect among these Buddhist people." The author says that it took her two years of living among them to realize that the people were genuinely and joyfully HAPPY. Then the world beat a path to their door and all that changed - in fewer than two decades.

It's like a little piece of cultural time-lapse photography. What took western culture more than four centuries to do to the Native-Americans took only twenty years here. Ladakh has become a cautionary tale and a monument to western greed and stupidity.

Now there is poverty and unemployment, stress-related disease, women are devalued, the people are ashamed of their "backward" culture, there is little leisure but a great deal of pollution and waste as well as dispute between Muslims and Buddhists and the population had increased markedly. ("Interestingly, a number of Ladakhis have linked the rise of birth rates to the advent of modern democracy. "Power is a question of votes" is a current slogan, meaning that, in the modern sector, the larger your group, the greater your access to power. Competition for jobs and political representation within the new centralized structures is increasingly dividing Ladakhis.")

Chiildren are trained to become specialists in a technological rather than an ecological society. They no longer have time to learn the superb survival techniques of their families. Western culture is creating artificial scarsity and inducing competition.

Now I understand the mechanism better. A culture that has a heavily subsidized infrastructure invades a traditional self-sustaining culture and creates artificial "needs." So they go to the city to earn money which they never needed before, leaving their farms and women, who are immediately devalued because they're not wage earners. The people are no longer planting, irrigating, spinning wool, gathering seeds, harvesting, playing music and singing and telling stories, having seasonal parties, marriage parties or funeral watches - together.

Time has become a commodity. It has become uneconomical to grow one's own food, make one's own clothes and build one's own house. You have to pay your neighbors for the work that the whole community used to do for free.

The men are in the cities earning money and the women are producing tourist commodities with the wool they used to spin for their own use and the food they used to grow for their own families. Now they grow cash crops for strangers so they can make enough money to buy polyester clothes and walkmans and jeans for their kids and food grown hundreds of miles away and fuel trucked in from afar.

The Yak and the Dzo, uniquely suited for high altitudes of Ladakh gave rich milk but not as much as western cattle. So what did the conquering culture do? They imported cattle that can't make it at such altitudes, so more land has to be relegated to planting crops to feed the cattle, thereby upsetting the balance. And they call this progress.

Why can't we just leave people alone - especially when they're doing FINE without us?

"When one-third of the world's population consumes two-thirds of the world's resources," says Norberg-Hodge, "and then in effect turns around and tells the others to do as they do, it is little short of a hoax. Development is all too often a euphemism for exploitation, a new colonialism."

All this would be a dismal tragedy comparable to Columbus's complete genocide of the Tainos if not for a "counter development" movement generated in part by this author. Since the Ladakhis can't go back, they can at least go forward. Instead of importing expensive fossil fuels (previously they had used yak dung and kept warm) they can have solar houses and greenhouses, which have worked very well and given them one benefit that they have previously not had. That's something. Information is another plus. The people are being made aware that westerners pay more for whole grains, organic vegetables, pure water, natural fibers, and natural building materials - things these people have had for a thousand years without money. This is something so-called third-world people are generally not told about.

Once in a while a book comes along that changes one's perspective forever. *Ancient Futures* is such a book. I haven't been the same since.

One of the reviewers on this site said he ended up buy copies for his friends. So have I. This book is a must-read for every person who is concerned about the preservation of our planet and our species.

pamhan99@aol.com