Politics Books

I read this book during a recent trip to Lao. It's well written and interesting throughout. It posed some interesting challenges for me, as I think the author may have put career or naviety first in deciding to stay as the Pathet Lao's intentions became increasingly clear. Thank heavens his wife is more declarative at the time of a second choice. Regardless, It's a slice in time of great import in Lao history not written by others in English and a worthy read. The Lao regime today certaintly doesn't have the controlling presence that I saw in Burma, so an interesting question would be how much repression exists today beyond what is seen by the visitor to Lao.
Paul

This is an amazing story and I concur with the previous reviews. There is also a philosophy of suffering and human nature that is presented which the reader will realize as he reads the accounts of the pain and suffering and the authors reaction to them. This is a must read and I'm looking forward to another book about human rights that this author may consdier writing.

This is a gripping story of survival in the worst of political prisons comparable to the Soviet gulag and the Nazi concentration camps. This remarkable book reminds us of the human capacity for cruelty, how ideology can justify atrocity and how absolute power corrupts. The state did not want or expect these prisoners to ever leave alive. This is the only English account of life in the Pathet Lao political prison system and is a crucial document about both Laos under communism and more generally about political systems and man's potential for cruelty. It is also a good read. The ingenuity of the prisoners that allowed them to survive torture, harassment, a starvation rice diet and no medical care was fascinating. It was also heartening to hear that the assistance his wife received from American friends during the time he was imprisoned and she did not know where he was led them to immigrate to the US.

This book is an absolute must read for anyone interested in human rights. The author's personal story of survival is set against a strong, concise modern history of Laos and southeast Asia.

You will find that this is one of the most unbelievable stories of survival ever told. Of the few who did survive the 're-education' camps in northern Laos, only one, Bounsang Khamkeo, wrote the story to bring it to the world. The book is a de facto historic document that cannot be overlooked.

Khamkeo had editorial help from a few individuals in the writing of his book. The text is not awkward like the title. Khamkeo is able and fluent in English. His story both unique and representative maintains an engaging literary quality over the roughly 400 pages. Returning from France to his homeland of Laos after the Vietnam War was over with the intention of helping his country return to normalcy, the author was arrested and put into a prison camp in 1981 after an argument with an official of the communist Pathet Lao government. He was kept in prison until 1988. The lengthy memoir is about this whole time from the early 1970s to the late 1980s, with about half given to each period. The second half of Khamkeo's time in prison is naturally more gripping, and at times harrowing. But the first half has its own significant themes and drama as well--namely, the totalitarian, capricious, demanding rule of the Pathet Lao. Whereas the second part deals with how the author survived the hardships and threats of his years in prison, the first part deals with the more subtle, yet nonetheless engaging, informative, and at times suspenseful story of how he and others had to accommodate the rigid rule of the Pathet Lao while they were at the same time trying to bring improvements to a Laos which like the other nations of Southeast Asia, was disrupted and changed by the Vietnam War. "I Little Slave" brings to light these uncertain and hostile conditions in Laos following the Vietnam War; which have not received as much attention as those in Vietnam and Cambodia. After being released from prison, Khamkeo managed to flee Laos; and today lives in Oregon and works for a state health agency.

I am not particularly interested in either Russia, literature or Nabakov, however the intersection of all of these, along with autobiographical material from Khrushcheva, make for an engaging and poignant book. I felt like I learned a great deal about Russia, the United States and the 20th century. I read this in two sittings.

I am so grateful to Nikita's great-granddaughter Nina for providing me with an excuse to talk about my favorite writer. Of course I had read everything available from Nabokov's Russian period in German or English translations, and from the American period more than once in the original. He was one of the greatest prose writers (let us ignore his poetry and his stage writing) of the 20th century, and he was the only writer that I know who achieved the top plateau in two languages. (The only comparison that occurs to me, J. Conrad, was a transcultural writer, but did he do anything substantial in Polish before he became an English writer? And as an English writer he never quite lost the touch of looking like a translation.)
VN was poetic, funny, provocative, playful, political, a-political, esoteric, scientific, opinionated, vain, in summary great. He is the only writer who motivated me to make a pilgrimage: I travelled to St.Petersburg mainly in order to visit the Nabokov Museum there, in the appartment where he had grown up during pre-revolution times.
Nina feels close to him: though she was a voluntary expatriate compared to his double-refugeedom (first from the Bolshies, then from the Nazis), both had made this transition from Russian ruling class to American middle class.
She sees more in him than an outstanding Russian exile author with a second language. He is a role model for a modernised Russia. And this is where I want to step out quietly, I can't comment on that subject, but I find her observations fascinating.
And I keep learning Russian on my bucket list.

Imagining Nabokov is one of those history's witty jokes: the cold war is over, and the author proves her great-granddad kitchen debates wrong--she falls in love with the most anti-communist dissident writer of the 20th century, Vladimir Nabokov. Actually, it is his posthumous statue that stands in Montreux, Switzerland, she is in love with. The statue story is just a hook, though. This is a charming, and rather unusual book that however succeeds in explaining the Russians' obsession with their literature and their soul. Indeed the Economist review published in February praised the book for that very reason.

I stood in the school hallway, waiting for my son in the gym at the baseball clinic. It lasted two hours, too long for small talk with the other dads, so I was reading the final chapters of Nina Khrushcheva's "Imagining Nabokov". For me, it was a chance to learn more about a writer and another literature, about writing in a second language and culture, even as I stood surrounded by this very familiar sports culture.

When other dads passed by I covered the book a bit so I didn't seem so out of touch with the going concern of the day - baseball. If his dad seemed aloof or bookish, would his son be cut from the team? Would he be shunned by the other kids? Would I seem to be acting superior, even in a high school where you might expect reading to be encouraged, yet where I felt almost entirely out of place, as if living a segment of "The Diary of a Madman".

One dad passed by and saw the Khrushchev name on the dust cover. He started talking about the cold war and grimly praised the author's forebear as someone overly vilified by the U.S. I nodded to agree. That was a close call, but it made me feel more comfortable, so I read on.

In two hours, the clinic ended and I had finished the last chapters. I wanted to tell the dads in the hallway to read this book and to tell their sons about it. The author draws you easily into another world of ideas, one not even necessarily opposed to baseball! The world of great literature can exist with the world of sports and the ordinary - "mens sana in corpore sano". This book expands the imagination and neatly passes from culture to politics and back again. It should be read in serious high schools as well as anywhere else. And my son made the team.

An excellent book, and just in time when the Putin question is big in the news. It interconnects literature and politics, providing compelling reasons at to why Russia is so brilliant at art, but is its own worst enemy when it comes to democracy. This fascinating book addresses a problem of Russia's "lopsided" development, i.e. why Russia is a problem for Russians in a way that America isn't for Americans. Russia's problem is that "hypothetical and literary projects have a far greater hold on Russian people than practical ones." The idealistic and unrealistic character of Russian thinking makes Russians incapable of pursuing realistic goals. The American Utopia is realistic, in Russia it is dream-like. Russians have an ingrained sense of the country's uniqueness and special messianic status. First, it was the holy Russian soul, then Russia as the Third Rome, then Russian imperialism, then communism which united the imperial and spiritual missions. Now Putin tells Russians that natural resources offer them the key to regaining their former might. In Russian culture, communal values and a `great state' agenda take priority over individual and practical principles. As Dostoievsky put it : "We may be backward, but we have souls."
Nina Khrushcheva convincingly argues that Nabokov is a better guide to the future than Dostoyevsky, because his characters `take responsibility for their lives.' In America, Nabokov taught Khrushcheva how to be a single `I' rather than a member of the many `we' in that "vast undifferentiated traditional Russian collective of the peasant commune, the proletarian mass, the Soviet people, the post-communist Rossiyane."

Hakim Bey is a hero in his own post-heroic age. But forget about him and read the book, an inspirational instruction manual for reclaiming real meaning and community through creating events and situations outside of money-culture. Immediatism insists on privacy, even secrecy, lest it find itself touted as the next flavor of the week, hence the paradox inherent in the book's very publication. Maybe it'll change your life, maybe it'll confuse you, maybe it'll just keep you occupied on your next flight to Vegas, but "Immediatism" is a must for those of us looking for a way out.

if you've ever felt the impulse to rebel against society, not just in a political or formal way but in a truly volatile, existential way, bey is the writer for you. he does NOT advocate violence or murder, although he considers values with respect to these actions as relative as all other values. he exhorts us to bizarre, unconventional, 'abnormal' behavior and says explicitly that there is no real certainty as to the meaning of life, the purpose of being, etc, but does not draw pointless doom gloom conclusions from this as so many of those whiny french intellectuals did. on the contrary, he tells us to take joy in the life of the mind and the senses, and he does what very few revolutionaries even attempt:he launches an all out war on the media and it's primary evil medium, the television. he is in favor of the individual, or group of individuals, creating their own 'imaginal values' and wants to free us from the death grip of mental slavery imposed by authority of any kind, be it secular, religious, economic, etc. this is not quite as good as TAZ, but it comes damn close.

In the temporoary Autonimous Zone, Hakim Bey evoked a spirit of insurrection. In Immediatism, he gives ideas on just what to do with this wild spirit or "strange attractor" once it's flying around your kitchen.

Immediatism basically entails a return to an economy of the gift, or reciprocity rather than commodity. Bey suggests forming secret societies of "art terrorism" and quilting bees with a twist. The point is to keep your art away from the Spectacle. If THEY get ahold of you, you're (...).

This is not a political program for those who enjoy dry sessions of critcism/self criticism and "non-violent" resistance. It is about creating a new society "in the rotting shell of the old". It is for true radicals, not "reformers" or "progressives". Bey is as hostile toward leftist values as he is right wing morality. Immeidatism is about life, not theory. It is for those who wish to dance with Chaos.

Immediatism is inspirational and beautiful, but at the same time terrifying. Bey challenges everything we thought we knew about art, about community, and about life. A book you won't soon forget, no matter how you try!

A collection of relatively short essays all circling around a specific subject: immediatism, in both senses of the word; both as immediate, now and without mediation. It's a way of life that appeals to me, and likely to any other sensualists who find the stale repitition of pre-formed media dull.

You're likely able to enjoy this work with only one dictionary at your side, though of courseit does still give you a lot to think about, and even more to put into action. The style is easy and more readily accessible, the suggestions and manifestos are more likely to become realized in a smaller environment. It's become another book on my recommended reading list.

Immanuel Ness' vivid descriptions of three labor struggles among immigrants in New York City provides an alternative both to the mindless boosting of the city as a paradise of gentrification and to some of the more overly optimistic characterizations of labor found in academia. Far from being a new paradise, for these workers (driving black cars, working in green groceries, and doing supermarket deliveries) New York offers working conditions not much different from some of the worst in the world. Employees at the green groceries are locked in the freezers as punishment. Delivery men earn about $100/week (in NYC!). And so on. But Ness' real focus is on the logic of their organizing to improve the conditions and pay. Because these workplaces are characterized by tight-knit, immigrant communities isolated from the rest of the population, they are better able to build bonds of solidarity than, say, workers at Wal Mart who go home at night to various suburban developments. In all cases, organizing began as self-organizing, rather than union-driven campaigns. Nevertheless, the supportive (or not) role of unions is crucial. In the case of the green grocers, some support is found, until the untimely death of a crucial organizer. For the delivery men, the union actively opposes their interest. Only in the case of the black car drivers is there a relatively happy ending, in which they found a local that was comfortable working with their organization on an enduring basis. But even this is tempered by the material in a chapter on Post 9-11 working and organizing. 9-11 triggered an increase in state surveillance of immigrant communities and 'grassroots' racism among the wider population that had an extremely negative impact. The future of these efforts is highly uncertain. I strongly recommend this book to people concerned with labor organizing, contemporary immigrant life, and general interest in cities. My only complaint is that in the conclusion Ness invokes some crude Marxist formulations about the centrality of class over culture that are contradicted by his own material--there is no evidence that workers in New York are uniting on the basis of class. Instead, the workers described joined together through a mixture of class and identity, and efforts to knit them together with each other or with the traditional unions based in slightly better paying jobs (staffed mostly by US citizens) will require considerable cultural work.

This is one of the very few books that addresses the issue of worker organizing and the importance of migrant workers to the oranized labor movement. The AFL-CIO increasingly recognizes the need for immigrant workers as they form a larger part of the labor force in low-wage jobs amenable to organizing. Unions have a range of responses to this newfound worker militancy, from complacency to building power and support for workers otherwise left to their own. Unlike other books, Ness shows that migrant workers from similar backgrounds tend to have strong ties to their co-workers. In fact, these strong ties contributes to solidarity and the will to confront rapacious employers. Surely U.S. workers have much to learn from migrants whose bonds of solidarity are reinforced by common religious, national, language, and ethnic identities.
U.S. workers are no less militant if confronted with identifical circumstances as immigrants. However, the rise in contingent work contributes to fewer bonds of solidarity as native-born frequently move from job to job as they seek out individual gains--mostly without success.

The case studies in this book will be instructive to international unions in seeking out new strategies for organizing immigrant and native-born workers alike. This book is the most important contribution to the literature on labor organizing in recent memory, and provides the basis for understanding the labor struggles of the early 20th century when mobilized immigrant workers formed unions and were consolidated by the national unions. This book offers hope to all of us as the government seeks to marginalize immigrants through imposing draconian laws and weaken their legal status as workers.

No other book brings to life the work and struggles of new migrants in the United States. Ness sets the stage for the impending crisis that the labor movement will most certainly confront in the years to come. The book is eye-opening political-economy that points to new strategies and directions for the labor movement and the broader the working class. Striking is the absence of unions, labor institutions, and a party capable or willing to support the new realities of what is effectively the post-NLRA era.

This book is far and away the most important book on labor in many years. While it covers immigrant laborers in the U.S. the book can be applied to U.S. workers as well. The book counters the intuitive notion that migrant workers are too afraid to organize. In fact they are the most likely to organize! Then the book provides a road map for all labor organizing, both immigrant and U.S.-born workers. Of all the books I have read, this book provides the most theoretically sound approach to labor organizing and mobilization in a clear and concise manner. The book is accessible to any reader and, without hubris or jargon, explains in a clear way that it is workers who organize first. Power is consolidated for the workers by unions. But even without unions, the book shows us that workers are more willing to take risks and are much more militant than their unions. Written clearly, the book is the best book on immigrants for university students. In my class, I found that students were so enthusiastic that the book in fact sparked discussion without my intervention. Bravo to Ness.

Professor Immanuel Ness brings a lot to the lectern in this story of spirited, but impoverished immigrant workers organizing in New York City. Ness is a professor of political science. He's written widely on cities. And his years as a union organizer give him instant street credibility.

All this experience and knowledge is effectively woven into his book, Immigrants, Unions and the New U.S. Labor market The title is accurate although Ness rarely strays far from the battles in New York's five boroughs. New York is a kind of testing ground. Immigrant workers in New York City make up more a than half the labor force. The low wages of these immigrants explain why New York County has the biggest spread between rich and poor in America -- It's in these organizing campaigns that the struggle to keep America from sliding back to the pay and conditions of the Gilded Age are being determined.

Ness focuses on three campaigns: Mexicans who work in Korean deli's, Pakistani limo drivers; and west African grocery store workers. With dozens of candid interviews, he takes us inside these immigrant communities, to hear the voices of New York's most silent workers.

Everyone knows that immigrants have it hard. But Ness forces us to see just what it means to be delivery man from Mali and be forced to live on $1.00 an hour - plus tips of course - while working for A&P's Food Emporium.

These workers are so exploited they aren't even permitted the status of workers. They're "independent contractors" "a fiction that allows employers the right to ignore the provisions of the Fair Labor Standards Act (1938) regulating minimum wage, maximum hours and safety conditions. The upshot is that the grocery baggers from Mali wind up making that $1.00 an hour - which is more than they would make in Mali but not as much as Americans made a century ago. .

Ness shows us how these immigrants nevertheless have been able to come together to demand dignity, rights and a few extra dollars - at great risk, despite threats of physical harm, deportation, and job loss. It's not exactly workers of the world unite. But a triumph of the resilience of traditional social bonds which somehow survive even in the Global City. Plus it turns out they can mobilize a lot of outside support - the Mexican workers in Korean deli's got help from State Attorney General Eliot Spitzer who obligating sued the employers for back pay; a formidable community campaign sprang up on the Lower East Side to support the workers when they went on strike; the Mexican Consul-general got involved, too.

Ness' most surprising finding is that American unions - the institution you might expect to be leading the charge on behalf of the most exploited workers - the established unions - are mostly missing in action or actively undermining the immigrant organizing campaigns. There are some splendid exceptions, like Ernesto Joffre the former Chilean miner, jailed for subversion under the Pinochet dictatorship who went into exile here in New York and became head of an exemplary garment workers local. But mostly organized labor is too busy patrolling its jurisdictional boundaries to give more than perfunctory help. Almost immediately after Joffre's untimely death, his parent union liquidated support for the organizing campaign. A shady longshore union located in New Jersey wound up with sweetheart contracts with several of the Korean deli's.

Ness' accomplishment is dual: anthropology of New York's newest immigrant communities and a political science of the city's unions. It adds up to the most valuable account yet of the astringent realities of immigrant organizing in America.

In Honor of America is a patriotic shot in the arm! This is a visually stunning book with heartfelt prose that reminded me how proud I am to be an American. Photos from the author's travels across the country show the geographic, cultural and ethnic diversity that has made America a melting pot for people from around the world. The landscapes are breathtaking and the historical trivia included in the captions makes it an interesting read.

I have this book out on my coffee table and everyone who looks at it finds something that captures his or her interest. The book says that half the proceeds go to a charity for children of fallen Marines and law enforcement officers which makes me doubly glad I bought it!

This book is really well done! It is a wonderful tribute to this
beautiful country and its people, pride and freedom. I especially like
the way the quotes and caption tell the story. It is a great gift for
someone that enjoys photography.

I think this book is one of the nicest photography books that I have seen in a long while. It is interesting the way the book has been categorized. I bought the book for myself and enjoyed it so much that I've already given it to a friend.

I really enjoyed paging through this must-have coffee table book. The images are thought-provoking and enhanced by the creative, sophisticated design. Von Hassell's multi-faceted experience as a German immigrant made me reflect upon my own heritage, and evoked a sense of gratitude in the opportunities our country offers.

Agostino von Hassell has captured America, it's poor, it's sick, its rich and famous, its soldiers, heroes and patriots in a modern day eclectic presentation of what America is in the early 21st century. This book is for all Americans to revel in its greatness, to appreciate its accomplishments, to understand its true fabric and way of life. This book belongs in every household, it's a wonderful way to reflect on what has passed and what is still to come in what makes this country great. I've read it to my kids so they understand the true meaning of being an American and what their country is all about. Highly recommended.

Truly there is material in this book which will both delight and dismay folks from all over the political map. Mr. Riggenbach has an inaccurate reputation as a conservative, but he is really a staunch libertarian. Even libertarians will find chapters in Decadence that disappoint, or at least lack a good sense of taste! So be it, though. The chapters lead one into the other in an agreeable way, making the book hard to put down. Before starting it would be wise to bring the bowl of snacks, well stocked, to the table.

Everyone will find their "favorite" chapters or passages, even conservatives and liberals. Probably the best one has to do with big cities [chapter 16, "The Deaths and Lives of Great American Cities], as it shows how choice is king. Given a choice among cities which are favorable to modern growth, instead of cities which fight growth, people will largely choose the "favorable" as places to spend their lives. This is far different than what most urban planning advocates preach.

Almost as good, but likely more controversial, is chapter 7, "Neither Left nor Right," an argument for the 1960s producing libertarian adults in quantity. The common view is that the 1960s created a leftist generation. His argument is well reasoned, and would cause a lively discussion in any group. In any case, any 12 people will give 15 opinions on this book, making it worthwhile to read.

Jeff Riggenbach's thesis in this book is a pretty straightforward one: that libertarianism is the real legacy of the 1960s, and that periods of "decadence" (really, disrespect for traditional authorities) are the most creative and inventive in history.

He makes it stick, too. Oh, there are parts I'd have handled differently, and I wish he'd ridden a couple of _my_ favorite hobby horses (the influence of science fiction being one subject to which I wish he'd devoted more space). But I learned to live long ago with my disappointment that not everything will fit into one book.

And what _is_ in the book is pretty uniformly excellent. Riggenbach begins, for example, by locating libertarianism/anarchism in U.S. history, correctly naming e.g. Emerson, Thoreau, and some of their contemporaries as examples of this tradition. And he has a fine chapter on Ayn Rand that goes far toward explaining why hippies liked her so much better than she liked them. (He notes -- correctly, in my opinion -- that Rand never really got around to writing any serious philosophy. He treats her, though, as a brilliantly incisive essayist and polemicist, which I think is partly true but too kind by half.)

I could disagree with bits and pieces of it. (I think, for example, that Riggenbach tends to exaggerate the allegedly rightward turn Murray Rothbard took in later life.) But it's all very well done.

At any rate, Riggenbach supports his thesis well; libertarianism is indeed the hippie/counterculture legacy, at least in its political aspect. Be warned, though: since I so largely agreed with him before I read the book, I may not be a fair test of how persuasive he is.

Jeff Riggenbach's In Praise of Decadence is a wonderful book.

Written in a style that combines Ayn Rand's clarity with Gore Vidal's turns-of-phrase and H. L. Mencken's acerbic wit, In Prasie of Decadence is both a compact introduction to libertarianism and anti-authoritarian cultural analysis. I can't think of any other libertarian book that could be better marketed to Gen-X and Millennial students.

Being an ethical egoist, I'm not one to sing praises of "social consciousness." But it's this that I've always felt Baby Boomers lacked. They spent their youth as drug-crazed hippies (Note: I think Riggenbach deals with this issue quite adequately, discarding it as a myth); then became straight-laced going into the 70s, and made scads of money through the 80s and 90s. They've always seemed driven by political apathy (to the extent that apathy is at all causative). Their general failure to vote has allowed the political seesaw to rock back and forth, from Johnson to Nixon/Ford to Carter to Reagan/Bush to Clinton to Bush again. If they really had the conviction they came across as having in the 60s, you'd think the U.S.'s highest political office would reflect a bit more the principles held by the body politic.

But if it's true that the Baby Boomers are essentially libertarian, then their non-participation in the political process appears to be more an act of civil disobedience than the residue of apathy. Not even civil disobedience: a sort of unilateral expression of laissez-faire. "We have better things to do with our precious lives than attempt to choose the 'lesser of two evils.' We'll pass, thanks." This, in part, is what I think Riggenbach means by "decedance": if so, I'll join the chorus.

If this is true, then perhaps baby boomers have more of a "social consciousness" than they seem at first glance. For in order to be socially conscious, one must first be conscious of one's individuality; second, of the individuality of others. What's society, if not oneself living in some relation to other individuals?

As a Generation-Xer, I was left with a surprising optimism. Baby Boomers, as they age into the "senior" tranche, will become the "voting generation." As such, perhaps THEY will become the motive behind a libertarian reform, making explicit the implicit libertarianism of their youth and middle age.

Jeff Riggenbach's superb book, _In Praise of Decadence_, is many things: a historical exploration, an overview of the sixties and the Libertarian movement, a polemic for liberty, and a meditation on the nature of freedom and spontaneous order. Describing decadence as, at base, a desirable reawakening of individualism that flows from a breakdown in cultural authority, Jeff's discussion smoothly traverses the past and present, dropping gems of information along the way -- for example, the influence of anarchist William Godwin on one of America's Founding Fathers of liberty, Thomas Paine -- gems that serve both to inflame interest and to dash whatever simplistic preconceptions we might entertain about our philosophical heritage and the development of classical liberal thought.

In dissecting the popular notion of "decadence," JR points out that periods traditionally awarded this epithet were in fact characterized by extraordinary outpourings of creativity and technological accomplishments. (For example, the "Gay Nineties" saw the "invention of the airplane, the automobile, the motion picture, radio, and color photography, [and] also the discovery of mechanics and relativity which have revolutionized modern physics.")

What *was* in decline in the 1890s and 1920s, Jeff argues, was not productivity or creativity or the quality of life in general, but rather the "overall decline in the influence of authority *as such*."

Jeff then turns his acute eye on the "crisis of civility," where he finds that the attempts to legally address the issue of manners has had the unintended effect of supplanting civility with governmental rules of force -- in effect destroying the object of the cure.

In my opinion, JR's analysis of the demise of civility and its causes is masterful and thought-provoking -- and one my favorite pieces in the book. It's hard for me to imagine how anyone who believes that government is the cure for bad manners could come away it without a severely altered perception of that hypothesis.

Jeff concludes his book, far too soon for my taste, with a discussion of the current state of affairs in this country, arguing that the predominantly libertarian views of the sixties are still present in shaping society today.

IN-DEPENDENCE FROM BONDAGE by Lloyd D. McCarthy takes Jamaican Claude McKay, who immigrated to the United States and participated in the Harlem Renaissance, and Michael Manley, also a Jamaican and who was the Prime Minister there and gives an in-depth discussion of their views of the world, especially of the African Diaspora. One used art, the other used politics, both were interested in socialism to create a fair and balanced world as opposed to capitalism. McKay spent a great deal of time traveling and studying the effects of both systems. He saw that capitalism was the reason behind the slave trade and it also served to keep the African Diaspora down. Manley also came to that conclusion, although he modified his views to fit Jamaica when he ruled as Prime Minister. Both preferred non-violent action to change the system, but neither felt that violence was totally out of the picture if it was called for.

McCarthy gives a marvelous oversight of the world of capitalism as he views the Northern world versus the Southern World - the Southern World being the so-called Third World Nations. He shows how the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund work to keep the South providing profits while reaping no benefits from globalization. An example he used was how the funds forced many Third World nations to privatize their utilities, such as water, causing much anguish for the people of those countries. The penalty for not doing so would be instant repayment of that country's debt. He also gives possible solutions to the problems faced by these countries that would not involve the North. He urges these countries to wake up and take charge.

IN-DEPENDENCE FROM BONDAGE is a must for anyone interested in world politics today. It is an easy read and gives a wealth of information - both from the past and in the present.

Reviewed by Alice Holman
of The RAWSISTAZ(tm) Reviewers

I don't even know where to begin as it relates to this book. One word would be excellent thought. It provides a clear, concise, well researched, informative (not bias or persuasive) view on Micheal Manley and Claude McKay's ideologies. I think all 'yardies' should read this book. It all honesty it has instilled a foundation for a deep sense of national pride that I didn't really have before. The book also gives an interesting blue print of Third World development and how these great products of our nation (Jamaica) got to the views that they did. It also provides some insight on what the developing world is afraid of- third world cooperation. The short of it, is that I loved the book. I could not put it down once I started reading it.

"SURVIVAL. LIBERATION. STRUGGLE"! These are not merely fortuitous themes but the vital, mutual, connection in the theses on global capitalism and the crisis of imperialism found in the literary and political legacy of Claude McKay and Michael Manley.

*In-Dependence From Bondage* shows how the artist, McKay, and the politician, Manley, (both international political activists and writers) surveyed World-Development, over the last 500 years. They have observed how imperialist-globalization is still shutting down human liberty, producing backwardness and desperation for the majority of humanity worldwide,in the current epoch, especially in the African Diaspora.

The author demonstrates that both men were driven, like other great historical figures--true internationalists, and so moved (with their art and politics) upon the world-stage because they deeply cared about humanity, as we move in history.

As men, of the Americas, who have witnessed, participated in, and were closely acquainted with key historical figures and great events of the last century, they saw how imperialism and global capitalism have afflicted peoples in Africa, Asia, Europe and the Americas.

The author shows that McKay and Manley warned the Lumpen-bourgeoisie of the African Diaspora how a handful of international financial capitalists (through international agencies) were ravaging poor countries, with debt. Thus *In-Dependence From Bondage* points out that the debt burden of the African Diaspora along with that of the Global South is rising, rapidly, and is one explanation for the decline in overall human development since the end of the Cold War.

Unwise borrowing and investments in wrong projects by the lumpen-bourgeois, "Gate Keepers," of the African Diaspora, acting with and for the big predatory lenders in the imperialist countries is one explanation for the current debt burden.

*In-Dependence From Bondage* argues that the historical evidence, since 1948, is readily available to show that the disaster that is called capitalism was not warmly welcomed by the mass of people in the African Diaspora. It was forcibly imposed in many countries through military interventions, political assassinations and destabilization carried out by the agents of Capitalism and imperialism, under the false pretense of fighting "communism" in the Third World.

McCarthy believes that some of the loans, which are now the source of the debt burden in poor countries, may well have been granted to the lumpen-bourgeoisie (including the lumpen-Black-bourgeois), as reward money for their capitulation to imperialist globalization, during and after the Cold War.

According to McCarthy, under such circumstances, morally the devastated ravaged-poor of the African Diaspora should now resist. They must not repay "reward' loans." Let the greedy-opportunists pay! His argument for the case is that, under the warped system of Western political democracy, it is unlikely that the people, who are now being asked to repay such cruel loans, knew anything about the conditions of the agreements or when their corrupt elites entered into negotiations with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank.

*In-Dependence From Bondage* makes the point that, the nationalist elites collaborated with US based international loan sharks, the IMF and World Bank in usurping the democratic rights of the people in the process of borrowing. Thus, they have helped to tighten the noose of capitalist exploitation and imperialism around the neck of the African Diaspora's economy.

McCarthy reiterates that, both the World Bank and the IMF, predatory lenders, are instruments of imperialism for the big financial capitalist of the North. Any promise of a "debt relief" is not trustworthy because it is a "gift horse" that must be examined closely. The "benevolent" bearer of "debt reliefs are the wolves of capitalism making sure that the political environment in the black Diaspora remains welcoming to further exploitation. p.154

Although the work is a non-fiction on the subject, capitalism/imperialism, McCarthy makes the book light, lively and entertaining by presenting and interpreting some of McKay's rare poetry and fictional writings.

In contrast, he also examines Manley's relations with the infamous Secretary of State, Henry Kissinger, but STRANGELY, he suggested that Kissinger may have been more empathetic to Michael Manley and Jamaica during the 1970s than they ever realized. Other elements in the US administration, advocating for the international bauxite giants, instead, were Manley's main antagonists.

With this said, in the worldviews of McKay and Manley, the survival and liberation of humanity and the African Diaspora, from under the heel of imperialist-globalization demands "STRUGGLE... CONTINUOUS STRUGGLE!" says McCarthy.

This interesting, fast moving, easy to read book of only 192 pages, should be read by students, artist, politicians and general readers with an interest in history, politics, literature, and the fate of humanity!

See also:

Life And Debt

Reviewed by Richard R. Blake for Reader Views (2/07)

"In-Dependence from Bondage" is a compilation of the world views of the well known Poet, Claude McKay, and the world renowned Afro-Caribbean Socialist, Michel Manley. Both men, although of different generations, are known for their dedication to social change as it relates to the exploitation of the peoples of African descent in the Western hemisphere. Claude McKay's poetry was one of the great forces in bringing about what is often called the Negro Literary Renaissance.

Over a period of nearly four centuries approximately 4,000,000 Africans were transported to North America and the Caribbean Islands as the results of slave trading. Scattered, dispersed, and separated from their family and culture, these peoples persevered to maintain their traditions, religion, language, and folklore. Lloyd McCarthy, in this book, focuses primarily on the Jamaican perspective; however, it is relevant to the social, political, and economic conditions everywhere. I found the poetry of Claude McKay thought-provoking and enlightening on the African Diaspora and the plight of these exploited peoples.

McCarthy successfully illustrates the impetus, impact and corrective tactics currently being considered which are central to combating white racism, classicism, and Western imperialism. McCarthy gives the reader a definitive compilation of the writings of Claude McKay and Michael Manley. He has analyzed their works using references from dozens of authors and their interpretations of the ideological clash and policy gaps in African Diaspora relations. His research is well documented with complete and thorough endnotes.

McCarthy also is an Afro-Jamaican, and instills the influence of his personal history and heritage in his writing. He reveals his own empathy for the peasants and the working-class outlook, and the political perspectives that McKay and Manley expressed.

This work is a major contribution to the study of African Diaspora as it relates to globalization, policy planning, and international relations with developing and impoverished nations. McCarthy also presents valuable insight into how literature, biographical narrative, and intellectual history are interconnected with politics. The book is a wake up call to the peoples and nations of the African Diaspora to find collective solutions to survive globalization.

"In-Dependence from Bondage" holds promise of becoming the guidebook or blueprint for the liberation movement and should be read by our Washington politicians as well as all New World Africans.

I recently read somewhere that 2% of the worlds richest population owns over half of the world's wealth. An article on ABC news stated that ""Wealth is heavily concentrated in North America, Europe and high-income Asia-Pacific countries. People in these countries collectively hold almost 90 percent of total world wealth." Yet, globalization is one the rise and is further touted as a means to economic empowerment. "In-Dependence from Bondage" looks at the unconstructive consequences that globalization brings to many in the African Diaspora and the world. This book illustrates how two Jamaican political figures prophetically viewed globalization's impact on developing nations during the 20th century and provides statistical analysis of how this global economic disparity has manifested itself in the quality of life of the peoples of developing nations. Mr. McCarthy defines globalization as the spread of American capitalism and provides extensive evidence as to how the throngs of capitalism (and its undercurrent of Elitism) affect impoverished nations for the benefit of a select few. Where there is a thesis, there must be an antithesis. This book represents a viable alternative view from which we all can learn. BRAVO!!!

Codevilla knows this subject. Years spent as a working intelligence professional and more years teaching the subject. His thesis, that intelligence is an instrument of conflict, is the most important place to start in understanding this book. As its title suggests, Codevilla wants intelligence server purpose, and that purpose is statecraft. Elsewhere, he enumerates the challenges of statecraft itself. Here, he focuses on a special - and especially important - aspect of statecraft: intelligence.

Written before 9/11, Informing Statecraft makes hay from Cold War intelligence experiences. Consequently, the book does not address the complex issues and consequences of pre-9/11 intelligence matters or those matters associated with weapons of mass destruction intelligence Iraq. Those issues Codevilla deals with in other writings.

To begin, Codevilla does a fine job of organizing the disciplines of intelligence. Guiding the reader through the thicket of terms and arcana, Codevilla structures his discussion of collection, analysis and production, counterintelligence, and covert action to provide the reader the foundation for the critique of these disciplines, which follows.

With respect to the collection disciplines, Codevilla argues that nearly any fact can be of great importance - or of no importance - depending on the use to which an decision maker might put it. It is possible for a political leader or military commander to choose the right course of action with little (or in spite of) information. Whether a fact turns out to be useful or harmful depends on timeliness, volume, intelligibility and inherent relevance. The consequences of poor collection capability are profound: not having a spy in the enemy camp means never knowing for sure about what is being prepared for the future. Not having a spy means relying on observation, with all its invitations to self-deception.

Once in a while a fact - a picture, a message, an event - is so clearly important that its value is self-evident. In such cases, an intelligence service may transmit the fact to policymakers without analysis, and the policymakers will see its meaning clearly. But even in such clearly obvious cases the key is knowing the difference between facts that can be treated that way and those that cannot. Consequently, the act of screening information for relevance itself becomes an act of analysis. Codevilla observes that two nemeses lurk behind every analytical process. First, there is rarely enough data to draw an unchallengeable conclusion. Second, since the data concern human struggles, it is likely to have been biased precisely in order to deceive the analyst. Moreover, the analyst, being human, comes fully equipped with bias.

Codevilla argues persuasively that serious interest and serious mind are the real prerequisites for quality analysis, and these characteristics distinguish professionals from amateurs. The author quotes Plato in saying that only an expert thief can understand thievery. Knowledge of perverse practices, argues Plato, is necessary but not sufficient to understand perversion. Vulnerability to such perversities is most acute during periods of urgency and stress. This is because, with regard to dynamic events, the analyst is at his greatest disadvantage: The data is sketchiest, the opportunities for deception and self-deception are greatest, and the time is shortest. The analyst must rely solely on his knowledge of the character of the people he is observing under such circumstances.

With respect to the contemporary question of intelligence failure in the nature of surprise, Codevilla's thesis is simple and clear: intelligence has done all it can when it delivers the best possible report that the facts allow to the right person at the right time. Distinguishing such intelligence failures from failures standing from other sources, he notes that the real intelligence failure at Pearl Harbor was not one of intelligence at all. The collectors instantly analyzed, and even managed to deliver. But the high officials who received the product did not order action.

Two factors intervene to complicate the proper delivery of intelligence. First, the providers of intelligence are jealous of their sources and methods. Second, the various users of intelligence all realize that the power to state officially what foreign conditions are like is at the same time the power to determine military budgets and foreign policy.

Codevilla addresses the discipline of counterintelligence in a refreshingly mature and disciplined manner. He thinks of the discipline of counterintelligence primarily as a quality control function. While intelligence services must busy themselves with a host of things, a part of them must be constantly devoted to collecting and analyzing facts about other intelligence services - in short, doing counterintelligence. Counterintelligence is often confused with security, that is, merely with protecting secrets and protecting against subversion. Whereas the objective of security is to cut and prevent all contacts between hostiles and those who are to be protected the objective of counterintelligence is to engage hostile intelligence, control what it knows, and if possible control also what it does. As others have argued, Codevilla acknowledges counterintelligence is the queen on the intelligence chessboard: when one side loses the contest for quality control, its intelligence services become a net liability.

Codevilla urges a fresh understanding of covert action as a complement to contemporary statecraft. Secret relationships, he argues are a means of playing some members of a government against others, or of dealing with an entire body politic under false pretense. The commonplace view that covert action, which Codevilla calls "covered warfare," is the weapon par excellence of the weak states is true, he argues, but misleading. First, covert action works for the weak no insofar as they are weak, but insofar as they are smart. Second, it works even better for the strong than it does for the weak.

Having established a framework for his discussion, Codevilla turns to a critique of contemporary American intelligence.

As he was in previous publications, and has been in subsequent ones, the author is particularly hard on the CIA. Among all other nations, the United States struggles with the human intelligence discipline. This truth is born out in the historical facts of America's human intelligence institutions. The notion of the gentleman spy who steals into enemy territory to sow treachery and steal secrets has no basis at all in the history of the real Office of Strategic Services, the CIA's forerunner.

Today, he argues, real American spies, following the tradition of British intelligence, live by the rule that they themselves should neither masquerade as natives nor steal documents, but rather that they themselves should recruit and manage the people who do such things. Lacking technical, cultural, practical competence with respect to their targets, such spies will at best be ineffectual, at worst, liabilities. Writing before 9/11, Afghanistan, and Iraq, Codevilla offers a long and detailed critique focusing on pre-9/11 failures of US intelligence. He concludes that real intelligence reform will be extraordinarily difficult.

First, Congress is not well-positioned to shape intelligence. Congress lacks the required expertise, and the rule that members of the Senate Intelligence Committee may serve no more than eight years, and members of the House Intelligence Committee no more than six, helps to hold down expertise.

Second, it was before 9/11 and remains today extremely difficult to focus intelligence activities on the most important strategic challenges the country faces. True reform, Codevilla argues, does not consist of procedures, budgets, or of drawing bureaucratic "wiring diagrams" much less of bureaucratic vendettas. It consists of figuring out how the needs of the future differ from what the present bureaucracies deliver, and then acting dispassionately.

Third, Codevilla expresses concern over the quality of America's ability to attract and retain quality intelligence professionals. As with military for foreign service officers, intelligence professionals must be selected from among those intellectually qualified people who want to join the fray on their country's behalf. Commitment to the ends of one's country truly frees intelligence professionals to search for the most effective means. Moreover, intelligence is a people-intensive business. Good performance depends on an unusually wide variety of talents. Many of these talents are rare, and most are not of the sort that can be taught, especially by governments.

Reform is essential, concludes Codevilla. Even - or especially - in the post-9/11 world, this book is important. In the long run, he argues, governments get the intelligence they deserve. Whether in the post-9/11 world the American people are benefiting from their nation's recent and acute struggles with intelligence remains unclear - despite a dedicated and energetic effort at reform.

Glad it's back in print! The best book on intelliegnce out there, a beautiful sythesis of general principles and historical examples. In particular, Codevilla has grasped James Jesus Angleton's seemingly simple insight -- that our enemies, as thinking, breathing human beings, may actually go out of their way to feed us false intelligence, so that we will believe things that aren't true -- which has been totally lost to CIA for almost 30 years. Instead, it has been replaced with a naive faith that CIA is simply too smart and professional to be fooled.
Codevilla, from years as a Senate intelligence staffer, knows otherwise, and he chronicles one blunder after another. The lesson: since few if any of Codevilla's proposals were implemented, when CIA says something does or doesn't exist, you should be very, very skeptical. CIA has secret intelligence right? They know things we don't, right? Wrong.

"It is not too gross an exaggeration that when considering any given threat, DIA will overestimate, CIA will underestimate, and INR will blame the U.S. for it." From his opening chapter and his distinction between static, dynamic, and technical facts, on through a brilliant summary of the post-war spy on page 103 and lengthy sections on how we've gotten it wrong, how we can get it right, and what is needed in the way of reform, I found this book worthy of study. An analyst and political staffer by nature, the strength of this book rests on the premise in the title: that intelligence should be about informing policy, not about collecting secrets for secrets' sake.

Yes, Informing Statecraft: Intelligence for a New Century is relentlessly critical of the blundering past performance of various administrations, e.g., "Note well that liberals in America, when in charge of government at any level, of university faculties, or of CIA directorates, take care to hire and award contracts to likeminded folk and to exclude others." P 231.

And, yes the aphorisms are authentic, fascinating, and call for radical reformation e.g., "Sound knowledge of a disorderly world, rather than faith in a trouble free, post-end-of-history `new world order,' will best fit nations to thrive in the twenty-first century." P 72. "There is never enough intelligence to guarantee instant success at no cost and never enough to overcome entrenched prejudice." P 213. "It is more important to define what any particular job, e.g., espionage, is to accomplish, how it is to be accomplished, and to hire the right kinds of people to do it, than it is to decide for which bureaucracy these people will work." P 293.

But the roots of this work lie deep in lessons that humankind desperately needs to understand now at the beginning of the new millennium: the mystery of foreign lands and the mystery of the language, culture, and people integral to them.
o Despite superficial signs of a uniform world culture (cassette recorders, jeans, soda pop, burgers, rock groups), Africans are becoming more African, Asians more Asian, Russians more Russian, etc. The often astonishingly good English spoken by young people from Moscow to Mecca - never mind the Indian subcontinent, where it is the lingua franca - has led many U.S. analysts to the disastrous conclusion that foreigners can be understood in terms of what they say in English. On the contrary, their English words are our symbols, to which they do not necessarily attach the same meaning or convictions we attach. P 239.
o The characteristics of the person sent to gather information often make the difference between information that is useful and information that is worse than useless. P 301.
o The network is most important. Closed terrorist cells in the Middle East are part of the semiopen entourages of terrorist chieftains who are part of overt Palestinian politics in which Arab governments take major parts. P 311.
o Among the most effective forms of propaganda is the propaganda of the deed-the sight of a corpse, and the feeling that one may be next. Nothing so cements a movement for the long run as martyrs, nor changes a government so definitively as killing its members or supporters. P 375.

After my first reading of Informing Statecraft, I read it at random, and find that no matter where I pick up the thread, it produces a comprehensively researched and unrivaled account of the intelligence industry. As always, Codevilla navigates the shoals of this information with great skill and dexterity.

Admirably writeen, lucid prose, outstanding thought, this book would be the first book I would assign to anyone looking to understand the nature of intelligence.

It is interesting to note that Codevilla wrote two of the best introductions on "how to think" about two major subjects- about war in "War, Ends and Means" and "Statecraft". It is a crime that this book is out of print, and one should do everything in ones power to obtain a copy.

The only other book in the intelligence field that approaches this level of worth is "The New KGB, Engine of Societ Power", an older 1980's book by Robert Corson. All the other poor books on intelligence either take the character of "The Puzzle Palace" (which is stupid and an insider's pro-old boys network hack job) or one of Noam Chomsky's blithering semi-conspiracy theories. "Informing Statecraft" is the only type of really usefull intellectual companion to intelligence work in all existance.

This book is exactly what an intelligence book should be- an attack on the structural inadequacies of the United States intelligence community in the guise of a "how-to" book on how to run things correctly. Flipping through the book, one will wonder at the bales of common sensical yet brilliant realpolitik critiques involved in his analysis of what intelligence should be about.

This book give types of Insurgencies that history has show us and the definitions that make them different to each other.

Everyone, at some time or another, looks for a magic wand, for that perfect solution to a problem. In the last few years, since the end of the cold war and of our comfortable belief that conflict was something that happened between two superpowers, by proxy in far, distant lands, we have had to wake up to the reality of a transnational insurgency that has the power to affect us wherever we are, be it in a commercial building in New York, a hotel in Jakarta, a train station in Madrid or a bus in London.

Since Francis Fukuyama's optimistic "The end of history" (as premature a title as ever has been written), a number of books have been published that analyze small wars, as these are now at the forefront of the news. Reading these books one hopes to find an answer to the new phenomenon of an apparently religiously driven discontent that is spanning two continents (Africa and Asia) and has actively engaged proponents in another two (America and Europe).

Bard O'Neill's "Insurgency and Terrorism", published by Potomac Books in 2005, is a well-written analysis of how and why insurgencies develop. Does it give readers an immediate understanding of how to deal with the Al Qaeda's new threat of an international Islamic insurgency? Does it give us the magic wand we are seeking in a flash of inspiration? Unfortunately no. But the problem is that there are no easy solutions to the incidents of terrorism we are facing today. It is disingenuous and fallacious of Governments to propose and believe in easy solutions to this problem, as "Mission Accomplished" all to painfully has shown.

It does however pay to analyze carefully the situation we are dealing with in it proper (and several) contexts. And this O'Neill does reasonably well. Insurgencies have been fought against invading armies, or against unpopular regimes that use established armies to impose their governance. In the first seven chapters of the book, O'Neill offers a structured analysis of the socio-economical motivations for insurgencies, the environments in they are fought and the strategies used to fight them, the importance of gaining and using popular support (through conviction, propaganda and coercion) as well as manipulating external support (outside the areas directly affected by conflict), and the organization and hierarchy of an insurgent operation. Through this structured categorization O'Neill examines how insurgencies develop and succeed. Also through this analysis we discover how different Al Qaeda's operations are today from past guerilla engagements.

Indeed, in this revised second edition of the book, O'Neill does keep the discussion current with references to how he believes the insurgency Al Qaeda is leading fits (or otherwise) in to his analyses. One would assume that Al Qaeda might deserve a chapter of its own but that is unfortunately missing; as O'Neill observes, the group's strategies and objectives don't fit particularly well in to any past or present insurgency. For instance, Mao's strategies are reasonable well described, particularly the requirement of support from the masses, and their mobilization in support a protracted popular war strategy, that seems to be one of Al Qaeda's aims. But, as the author points out, the closed cell organizational structure, loosely independent of a central authority, "is not conducive to mass mobilization." It is interesting to contrast Mao's doctrines on insurgency with Al Qaeda's today. O'Neill might have juxtaposed the two types of insurgency more strongly; in the section describing Mao's approach to coercion (as one of the tools used by insurgents to gain popular support) the author recalls Mao's "Eight Points of Attention" used to ensure his troops did the following:

* Speak politely.
* Pay fairly for what you buy.
* Return everything you borrow.
* Pay for anything you damage.
* Do not hit or swear at people.
* Do not damage crops.
* Do not take liberties with women.
* Do not ill-treat captives.

How different from the tactics being used by Al Qaeda today! Particularly the last two points! Mao led what arguably must be history's most successful insurgency and his tactics and strategies were successfully used in another war that began as an insurrection: the conflict that Vo Nguyen Giap conducted first against the French and then against the Americans. However Al Qaeda's protracted war doesn't seem to be modeled on any previous engagement.

Indeed O'Neill doesn't specify any example in history on which the Al Qaeda led insurgency is based. But it is in evaluating historical context that the book is quite weak. The approach O'Neill takes is structural rather than historical. He defines categories, and then finds insurgencies that fit them. The historical background of each insurgency is barely sketched out in most cases. And this leads to some omissions. For instance, there are references to the 1948-1960 Malayan Emergency throughout the text. But the context within which the British were eventually successful has been completely ignored: Gerald Templer's plan to set the country on the path to Independence, thereby voiding the political appeal of the insurgents, is not mentioned. Indeed neither there is a mention of Templer himself, who arguably was the architect of the most successful counterinsurgency effort ever staged by Britain. Of even more relevance today, and even though Afghanistan is mentioned throughout the book, no reference is made to the failed colonizing efforts made by the British in three disastrous wars conducted by them against Pashtun warriors, whose descendants also routed the Russians, and, in spite of all the recent American, Coalition and NATO efforts, are still causing seemingly endless trouble today. One might reasonably assume that a more detailed analysis of these two events would have been useful in the final chapter in which O'Neill evaluates possible Government responses to the threats presented by insurgencies. A far more detailed historical perspective of insurgencies, beginning with how the Romans fought successfully against insurgents in the lands they conquered, can be found in Walter Laqueur's "Guerrilla Warfare" published by transaction in 1998.

Even though the historical contexts of the various insurgencies O'Neill describes aren't presented as thoroughly as one might expect, the structured categorization of insurgents' operations allows the author to define a number of possible counterinsurgency strategies in the final chapter of the book. It is in this chapter that we find out that there are no easy solutions to be expected. Indeed a single definition of "victory" is not given. O'Neill observes that one of the most important factors in the success of a response is to be able to anticipate insurgents' plans and counter them effectively. However anticipation can only come from an administration that has a clear understanding of the opposing forces' strategies, tactics and goals. Without a clear comprehension of these, responses can be misdirected at best or play directly in to the goals of the insurgents at worse. In limited, national engagements, insurgent forces' strategies can be understood, but historically there has been a steep learning curve Government have had to face, and the learning has been (and obviously still is) faulty. This learning curve is much steeper for insurgencies that span beyond a single country's borders, as international cooperation is needed in the fight against them, and politics provide a huge barrier against this.

In conclusion, the book gives the reader some very good insights on how recent past insurgencies have developed and been handled. In today's context what the book misses out on is a strong thread that might give more specific insights in to how we might tackle the problem of a transnational insurgency that is driven through the very modern tools of communication (such as the Internet) by a group of people whose ideals are very firmly rooted in the medieval past. This lack of a thread is probably due to the fact that O'Neill wrote the first edition of the book in 1990, well before the rise of Islamic extremism. In keeping with the original structure of the book, the second revision shows that the Al Qaeda revolution is in a category of its own. It become implicit that we will need to develop new tools to fight it, and not much of our previous knowledge and experience on insurgencies can be called upon successfully.

This is an excellent book. The author is a well known and respected expert of the field. The book begins with an introduction that attempts to level set and baseline definitions and meanings. Although this may appear to be semantics, the differences both subtle and great is important. The book is well organized it is easy to refer to a specific chapter or section in the event you need a quick refresher and or reference. The book is well written, concise and offers a large quantity of foot notes at the end of each chapter. This book is for both the expert and the novice.

Terry Tucker, Adjunct Professor, Military Studies/History University of Maryland and Senior Doctrine Developer SANGMP, Vinnell Arabia

I have read the first edition of this book and I found it very useful to understand insurgency and terrorism. Moreover I wish I had read this book when I was in Colombia or in Haiti where we had to deal with insurgencies. In my opinion the book is an important tool for the intelligence analyst because it shows a framework to analyze the complex phenomenon of guerilla and insurgency. It was very valuable for me to learn about the four strategic approaches (conspiratorial - military focus - protracted popular war - and urban warfare)

As I wrote above, I read the first edition, so I don't know if the ideas that I'm going to write about are been included or not. The first one is about the "Legal Warfare" that was developed by the Insurgencies in Colombia and Argentina. It consists in accused soldiers of violations of human's rights. On almost every occasion they were false accusations. Therefore, they were judged and condemned by the civil authorities. However, nobody accused the terrorists of human right violations. The last one is about the insurgency that is developed from a defeated army. This is the case of what Col Volckmann said in his book "We remained" about the resistance in Philippines in World War II.

In conclusion, the book is brilliantly written and is very useful to understand and defeat insurgencies.

Terrorism and Insurgency by Bard E. O'Neill, is an invaluable resource for those interested in understanding insurgency and the relevant factors that lead to its success or failure.

This book appears to be written for a classroom audience (the author in fact provides a proposed semester-length class schedule complete with lesson plans and assigned reading). However, O'Neill also has government analysts and policy makers in mind. Throughout the book, and especially in chapters covering government response and the conclusion, he stresses the value of providing as complete a picture as possible while keeping in mind objectivity and maintaining an unbiased approach to analysis.

O'Neill begins his book by looking at insurgencies and the related fields of terrorism and guerilla warfare. His framework for analysis includes understanding the nature of the insurgency, insurgent strategies, both political and military, understanding the physical as well as human environment, organization, and the role of external support.

In the final chapter, O'Neill lays out a comprehensive lense through which a government analyst could view its adversary and policy makers can create successful counterinsurgency operations. Urging the avoidance of polemics and shortsightedness, O'Neill provides a credible and realistic lense through which to create effective countermeasures.

O'Neill helps to settle many unhelpful arguments and issues for analysts. For example, he rejects the false dichotomy of freedom fighter versus terrorist, as one deals with ends (freedom fighter) and one is a means to get their (terrorism). As such, a freedom fighter can use terrorist tactics to achieve his ends.

Also, a driving factor that many insurgencies use to determine their strategies are the physical and human environment around them and the perceived and real government response. Understanding this is invaluable both for insurgents and counterinsurgency operations.

The ideology, or political campaign, the insurgent group promotes, serves the valuable function of differentiating friend from foe. Providing an alternative to this ideology is integral to separating insurgents from the majority population (assuming the insurgents are a minority).

Many insurgencies survive through external support from other states or insurgent groups. One method students and analysts can use to find weaknesses to exploit is by knowing which insurgent groups do and do not receive external support and the motives for the disparity.

Finally, many responses to insurgency fail because of inflexibility, sloppiness, ignorance, bias, anger, bureaucratic imperative or psychological aversion. These failings create often flawed and fatally mistaken counterinsurgency strategies. Avoiding this should be of primary concern.

Her weaving of personal narrative and political context makes this book a must read for feminists of all genres and anyone interested in learning more about the real lives of activists, women and daughters. Making real the complexity of family, relationships and love is a journey for the rest of us too.

Bettina reviews a very important period; her growth, both personal and political, make for fascinating reading. I know her, and many of the persons and events in the book, and her "take" on them is very insightful. Events in her family, which took/take up so much of the reviewers time, are treated, I think, with respect and love, and don't detract from what is a wonderful story. Bravo to her.

I was one of Bettina's students when she taught at SJSU thirty years ago. Her classes were always packed. She is an amazing lecturer and scholar. She had a tremendous impact on all of her young students.

Even thirty years later, I am impressed by her will, determination, and her sense of self. I read an excerpt of this book published in a local news magazine, but even before I read the excerpt I knew I would buy her book.

Most individuals at some point in their lives reflect on their childhood and how it formed who they are today. Bettina's book does this and more...she examines why she makes the choices she did in a manner that is honest. She does not go for the "easy out", but then she never did.

Her lessons and her ability to bear witness to her own life can easily be internalized and applied to your own experiences. You don't have to agree with her politics...you just have to recognize her unique humanity and in doing that you will grow yourself.

Like many others involved in the struggles of the Sixties and thereafter, I was aware of Bettina Aptheker: plaintiff in the famous lawsuit that finally validated the legality of the CPUSA; "red diaper baby" of the famous Herbert Aptheker; and participant in many organizations and campaigns. Also like many others, I had no idea at all about the interior person, the feeling individual who was Bettina Aptheker. The revelations of this book were a bit of a shock to me, though not so much as once they might have been, largely due to the feminist movement's success in raising consciousness about the too-common dysfunction of American families.

What makes this book powerful is the way in which the author weaves in her personal experience, the dimension of feeling, with events of the time and all in the context of relationships both comradely and familial. It seems almost a cliche to say it took great courage for her to live life as she did--shattering the conventions that bound her from sexual awareness and recognition of the crimes committed against her by her famous father. Add to this the tension and very real danger implicit in being a high-profile, public Communist in the US, and we can see her as a very strong person indeed.

This book is a gift to those who may be stunted by any form of "correct" conformism, especially that generated within traditional patriarchal families. It is also of value to those who cared about the efforts against war and racism...and who still care about these issues. Finally, it is a gift to see how she and her beloved partner have distilled the essential values of their lives into a spiritual practice. Thus, Ms. Aptheker completes a familiar circle from personal anguish to struggle for social justice to personal transformation. For those who consciously walk this circle, Intimate Politics will be a deepening and worthwhile book to read.

There are two distinct and fascinating stories interwoven here.
Ms. Aptheker was part of the inner circle wherever boomers spontaneously manned the barricades for social change. She gives us a meticulous (perhaps too meticulous) first-hand account of the people she knew and the events she lived during the free-speech, civil rights, anti-war, and feminist revolutions. Hence, the word 'politics' in the title.

Then she tells another, much more interesting story. The 'intimate' passages introduce us to a very, very bright, traumatized young girl, one who is eager to please and desperate to fit in. So she steps out bravely -- her courage is astounding (especially her courage to change course in pursuit of integrity)-- but every bold action she takes also exposes her to very real dangers from the powers-that-be. A more sensible person might have withdrawn and conformed, but Ms. Aptheker staggers defiantly on. This is a story about secrets, injuries, shame, stubbornness, self-destruction, self-discovery, healing, and the courage to keep following your star, despite it all.