Politics Books

Giroux follows his typical train of thought in this criticism of the role of securitized discourse and fear in shaping American domestic and foreign policy. This time he focuses on how culture (the media, etc.) affects the educational spheres of America, most specifically its effects on children and those involved in higher education.

Best for those who are familiar with the basic tenets of critical pedagogy, the nuances of security literature, and who share a more liberal political ideology.

This was a decent Smart Rant. I agree with Giroux so it made it an (mostly) enjoyable read. I would not recomend this book for anyone who is not already on board with a far left agenda. It will just be frustrating. It would be like me reading a book by Rush Limbaugh. Giroux's rant is full of tricky rhetoric that sits well with his allies, for the most part, but would be unbearable for his enemies.

I would say that if you are interested in learning more about the Far Left, don't read this book unless you don't mind weeding through rhetoric. If you are in Giroux's camp and are looking for somthing to get you angry and fearful enough to participate in forms of activism, this will be a good book for you. If you are an enemy of the Far Left and want something to sink your teeth into so you can tear it apart, this will be like shooting ducks in a barrel. You'll love how easy it is to get annoyed with his rhetoric.

For those of you who don't find yourself as any of these people-types, well, your on your own. Maybe one of the other reviews will help you out.

Henry Giroux writes with a level of compassion, insight, and clarity that informs, astonishes and inspires. In these times of despair, deceit, cynicism, and war, Giroux provides probing and thoughtful analysis, sobering and searing revelations, and, perhaps most importantly, always a sense of hope in and for humanity. His latest work "Abandoned Generation" should be required reading for teachers at all levels, and educators in all domains, as well as every citizen who cares about the future of our youth, the future of education, and the possibilities for a more meaningful, engaged, caring and participatory democracy.

Once again, Henry Giroux stands up to be counted. In his insightful analysis of post 9/11 America, Giroux is unafraid to
challenge the anti-democratic policies of the Bush Administration. He does NOT buy into the belief of the Bushies
that if you repeat the lies often enough, people will begin to
believe them. He rightly suggests that the policies and priorities of the "War on Terror" have had both a chilling effect on the public discourse regarding what it means to live in a democratic society as well as dramatic real-world effects on the lives of many less-fortunate Americans.
Further, he uses popular culture to demonstrate the pernicious
effects the ideology of entertainment can have on the public imagination. Giroux's call for investment in the future security of America by building human capital (via education, health care, and other social services) is one that is not heard often enough. Perhaps if we have enough brave souls like Giroux willing to stand up and state the truth again and again, the public will be better able to distinguish between the truth and the oft-repeated pronouncements of the Bush Administration.

Michael J. Ludwig, Hofstra University

In The Abandoned Generation, Giroux goes beyond asking those who are already in the same political camp to agree with his study. Giroux asks everyone to reflect on what has been central to America's beliefs about democracy, question those features in our current society that undermine those beliefs, and envision how we can build on the democratic legacy that made our country great in the first place. Unfortunately, all three of these objectives often require time, deliberation, and explanation beyond the 10-second soundbytes that we get as pre-regurgitated pablum on the daily news and thus might require someone, such as Giroux, to devote his/her time to engaging citizens in thoughts and sentence structures more complex (and interesting) than those we would find in a Jane and Dick book. Time, deliberation, and explanation are, indeed, difficult in our age of quick fixes, and using them is often traded for the ease with which we would rather lay blankets of blame on the most vulnerable parts of the population, as opposed to lifting the reactionary quilts that try to cover the causes of our crisis.

With theoretical rigor, practical examples, such as in the use of Hollywood movies, and a desire for a better world that is steeped in the democratic tradition of thinkers like Jefferson and Dewey, Giroux takes on issues ranging from the continued assault on public schools that is partially backed by Bush's No Child Left Behind testing/choice schemes and the incredibly shrinking democratic functions of higher education to the utter disregard for children and youth, in particular, and public life in general. Further, Giroux uses front-line insights from various fields of study, not just like-minded left-wingers, who are either heavy-handed, academic, or dogmatic. In the least, Giroux offers hope and a map with which we can begin to work ourselves out of the current crisis in our country, and he also demonstrates that it is important that "academics" take on public issues, and that by doing so, "academic" issues can be seen rightfully as matters of public concern and the vitality of our democracy. The Abandoned Generation is a must read for citizens concerned about the safety and well-being of the U.S.-and its children-in this time of economic turmoil and global crisis.

Berkman, in a style reminiscent of Socrates in Plato's Dialogues, delivers an outstanding introduction to Anarchism. His work forms a succession of arguments against capitalism and for anarchism which build, one upon another, into devastating condemnation of the former and a convincing call for the latter. "The ABC of Anarchism" is written for the common man. It is a primer intended specifically for those for whom anarchism is a foreign concept. Nevertheless, old anarchists will enjoy this work as much as those new to anarchism. It is well written and, for the most part, logically solid. If I were to recommend one and only one introduction to anarchism, Berkman's present work would be my choice.

I found this book to be a clear exposition of the main tenets of libertarian socialism. The theory outlined is particularly strong in its critical elements, which comprise the first and second parts of the book. The firsts and second parts of the book deal with Berkman's critique of industrial capitalism, and provide a framework for understanding the motives behind political discourse in such a system. The framework is familiar, for those who have read Marx or Bakunin.

The book is somewhat weaker in its attempt at outlining a thorough-going positive theory of society organized under workers' councils, absent a legal framework for dispute resolution and protection of rights. Instead of a positive theory of law, Berkman interposes a, frankly, underdeveloped and, at times, naive theory that sees all disputes in a modern industrial society as the product of the distortions of human nature that naturally result in capitalist systems.

Berkman seems to believe that no similar disputes would exist in a society that is more humanely and rationally organized. However, he fails to outline what new problems might arise in an council-socialist system, and how those problems might be handled in this radically different type of society. Although such a theory may exist, Berkman fails to provide it. He also fails to provide convincing reasons why those rights we intuitively understand as "basic human rights," would be upheld in the face of, and in opposition to, the interest of the workers' councils. I was left with reservations, also, regarding the efficiency of the type of council socialism that Berkman supports.

This is, however, an excellent introduction to libertarian socialism. The questions it raises are ones that we would all do well to wrangle with, whether or not we subscribe to the underlying theory. What is more, any purely capitalist theory, it seems to me, must acknowledge, and ultimately answer, Berkman's timeles criticique.

anyone interested in social revolution should read this book. the wisdom presented here is beautiful and simple. it represents my deepest hope for humanity. let us realize that while we struggle for a free society, we begin to lose our chains as soon as we stand up. it is the act of defiance, of rebellion, which transforms us from victims into human beings. there is no meaningful struggle for social change which does not involve that exquisite moment of tense confrontation with authority. if you want to change society, you must stop obeying, and if you are only fighting for someone else's freedom, you are blind to the walls around you. peace.

One of my very favorite books. It is very easy to understand, and the described philosophie is great. No question is unanswered. READ THIS BOOK!!! *****

This is the book that transformed me into a communist anarchist. It led me to other, more complex readings, etc. Berkman is one of the most inspired men to ever live, he tried to kill Henry Clay Fricke (which broke the resistance to the workers' demands). He spent 14 years in prison for that. He was deported from many countries, sentenced to death in some. This book tears the curtain away from your face which covers your view of the authoritative nature of capitalism and state communism.

Communist Anarchism is freedom
Anything else is just slavery.

Author does a fantastic job of documenting cases where city council members and local governments propose a dime on the dollar to take private property in order to allow big business to add taxes to their pockets. No accountability! Small property owners do not generally have the money to hire the right lawyers to fight the system and are often overcome by eminent domain abuses of the local government. Without a lawyer, it is hard to know the law well enough to fight local government abuse of power. Books like this one can highlight what should be a great bipartisan case to protect average citizens like us.

Kelo, et al v New Haven, Conn. will be heard by the Supreme Court this session. New Haven is attempting to condemn a series of properties and LEASE the land to a developer for 99 years at a $1 a year. That is a unique twist. The city will own the land but the developer gets to build and sell the houses and commercial buildings. What makes this even more incredible is that the new owners of the the homes, never own the land. So 20 or 30 years from now the city can take their houses and build something else the "City" deems better use of the land.

A Must Read!!!

This book is powerful, succinct, and full of examples and recent cases. It will blow your mind and hopefully, if you have a soul, it will wrench it. First, you'll see clearly, with in the first chapter, how the government does it so readily and easily and they dupe us as a whole into thinking what they're up to is innocuous. Then you'll see how unjust and un-American it is. Then join me in a battle to preserve our fundamental freedoms.

Your home and business are not safe. Government can grab them at any time using anti-property redevelopment laws, paying you a pittance. Government then can give your property to a private company to develop as a mall or theme park.

That's the frightening story told in "Abuse of Power: How the Government Misuses Eminent Domain," Steven Greenhut's new book.

An editorial writer for six years with The Orange County Register, his articles have saved the property of thousands of homeowners and hundreds of businesses and churches. The total value of property protected must be more than $100 million.

Greenhut describes how, in Garden Grove, Calif., the city wanted to redevelop the land because a theme park would have paid them mountains of dollars in sales taxes, whereas people living happily in their homes pay much less in property tax. Citizens fought, and won. Citizens in other cities weren't so lucky.

More than just a description of assaults on private property, "Abuse of Power" is a guidebook on how to challenge powerful governments and big businesses.

Chapter 18 is "Fighting Back and Winning." It includes chapters describing: "Build Broad Coalitions," "Go On the Offensive," "Be Positive, Not Just Reactive," "Don't Lose Sight of Principles" and "Keep it Simple."

The book ends with lists of organizations and Web sites to help wage the fight and 417 footnotes.

"Abuse of Power" is a manifesto for taking back the right to property ownership. As Greenhut says, property rights are human rights.

As someone who has worked on the other side of the table in eminent domain for government agencies for over 20-years, allow me to unhesitatingly endorse Orange County Register columnist Steven Greenhut's book Abuse of Power: How the Government Misuses Eminent Domain. For this book to be authored by a journalist is unusual because, while it is an expose mainly of the abuses of condemnation, on many aspects it reflects an insider's knowledge of the eminent domain game. Any good journalist knows the formula for writing a popular book -- champion the little guy against big government or large corporations. But Greenhut's book is not just another tale of victimology meant only to make money selling books. There are entire shelves of popular books out there that make out some bug or plant as the victim of development as an excuse to steal someone's property. There are many guidebooks to help government agencies in taking property for redevelopment projects that short change the small property owner because there isn't enough money at stake to hire an attorney or appraiser. There are innumerable regulations that can invisibly transfer the bulk of the value of vacant land for the benefit of others without just compensation. Greenhut's book is an antidote to all the above. It is a highly readable 300 pages with 417 endnotes and a helpful list of resource organizations for property owners. Greenhut is on to something big - really big -- in his book. Government property acquisitions for redevelopment projects are predicated on the buy low - sell high principle to make the project pencil out. Greenhut points out the upsidedown definition of "blight" in redevelopment projects as the absence of something, namely tax-producing commercial development, not the presence of slums or hazardous conditions. Thus blight becomes the absence of what Peter can gain at Paul's expense, not the presence of something owned by Peter that hurts Paul. Conversely, there are abuses by hired gun lawyers and attorneys on behalf of property owners at the expense of the public. But the Constitution was meant to protect the small property owner from the abuses of government. The large property owners, developers, monopoly utility companies, and public agencies have their armies of lawyers and appraisers. The small business owner, vacant land owner, the small church or synagogue, or widow is often left defenseless against the predations of government. But now they have Greenhut and his book. It has taken someone with the coincidental name of Greenhut (green=money; hut=house) to expose the "milk-cow" system of eminent domain that feeds lawyers, appraisers, judges, developers, and monopoly utility companies and railroads at the expense of the property owner -- that is unless they have the wherewithal to fight. This book gives them that wherewithal. Property owners need to read it; government agencies should heed it; attorneys should feed it to their clients; academics need it for their classes; and the media should learn to lead with it.

This is an excellent guide to Afghanistan. Both for the expert and the newcomer. Given the current security situation in Afghanistan, I would recommend the Essential Field Guide as a must to all US and Coalition soldiers and peacekeepers. It could save their lives and US policy.

The guide provides exactly the sort of quick understanding with excellent overviews and infobriefs on culture, economies, health, environment, ethnic groups etc. that would prove more than useful through a more thorough understanding of this country and its people. Edward Girardet, who has written for the Christian Science Monitor and National Geographic, is also one of the top experts on the country since first reporting it at the beginning of the Soviet invasion. Apart from its information, the guide is simply a joy - and incredibly interesting - to read. Anyone serious about Afghanistan - aid worker, journalist, diplomat, academic, traveller, human rights advocate...should have a copy if not in their pocket then certainly on their bookshelves. Political science and journalism students should also study this as a must. It beats most other books on Afghanistan. Girardet and Walter and the Crosslines publishers should definitely do other books on humanitarian and conflict zones elsewhere. If they can do the same for Africa or the Middle East as they have with Afghanistan, they are doing an incredible service to all concerned.

CROSSLINES ESSENTIAL FIELD GUIDE TO AFGHANISTAN

Published by CROSSLINES Global Report and Media Action International (formerly the International Centre for Humanitarian Reporting-ICHR)

The Crosslines Essential Field Guide to AFGHANISTAN Is the only detailed guidebook dealing with the current situation of the country available in English. Although certain elements in the book have been overtaken by recent events, the field guide is still essential reading for all journalists, aid workers, diplomats and military personnel operating in the region or otherwise interested in Afghanistan. Journalists and relief workers from the BBC, TIME, UNHCR, UNICEF and other media or aid groups have already informed us that the Essential Guide to AFGHANISTAN is the best thing going for quick and informed background information.

The book features over 500 pages of political, humanitarian and military analysis, biographies of key Taliban and opposition players, essential information briefs on agriculture, medical relief, environment, culture etc. as well as all regions of the country, street maps, advice on health and security, phrasebooks in Persian and Pashto, contact details for diplomats, aid agencies and journalists. Specially commissioned essays written leading experts analyse the country's political, military, humanitarian, and cultural situation. All country data was collated through first hand field research the editors.

The editors are Edward Girardet (a journalist and former correspondent for The Christian Science Monitor; also author of Afghanistan - the Soviet War) and Jonathan Walter (a former officer with the British Army's Brigade of Gurkhas, and editor of the World Disasters Report)

The new (2005)edition of this guide brings the story up to 2004 and contains ample documentation regarding the struggling new democracy of Afghanistan. The writing is rich in colorful, touching, scary, revealing details that tend to get filtered out of official and semi-official reports. I found the discussions of deforestation, landmines, and security particularly helpful. Written from a European perspective, the book provides many useful suggestions for travel in Afghanistan that usefully complement advice from American sources.

This book was made for the use of relief workers working in Afghanistan. Aid for Aid participated in helping provide the maps for this book .

Crosslines Essential Field Guide to Afghanistan tells the full story about Afghanistan in a way I can't find in any other book. Whether it's politics, culture or humanitarian information you're after - it's all in there. I never realised how big those Buddhas were that the Taliban blew up until I saw a picture in this book! If you want to understand more about the country at the centre of world news, this is the book to buy!

Mr. Kofi Akosah-Sarpong wrote an excellent review of "Africa and the West" by Godfrey Mwakikagile, an academic author from Tanzania who has written many books about Africa, seven to date.

It is a major African work in the African Renaissance tradition and dignifies Africa, especially in the author's philosophical discussion of the African personality and Africa as an organic entity, in a way many African writers don't. And as always, as in his other reviews, Akosah-Sarpong captures the essence of the author's work few reviewers are able to.

There is, however, one semantic detail that needs to be clarified. The reviewer says: "Meanwhile, though the book deserves to be taken seriously, Mwakikagile states in the introductory chapter as if he wrote the book with another person by stating 'we' repeatedly."

As a well-read person himself, I'm sure Mr. Akosah-Sarpong knows it's common for writers, especially for academic authors, to use the first-person plural 'we,' instead if 'I,' in their writings; for example, by saying, "in the first chapter we discussed...," "We are going to address in the next chapter..." May be it comes from the imperial "We," when British kings said "we" instead of "I," and probably still do. It's acceptable in King's English.

One renowned African academic author is Professor Ali Mazrui in his book "Towards A Pax Africana" and others. As he states in the introduction to "Towards A Pax Africana": "In general terms we are concerned in this book with...We do not propose to limit ourselves to..." In chapter one, he states: "In this book we define diplomatic thought to be..." In chapter two: "In the last chapter we discussed utilization..." In chapter four: "We hope to discuss..." In chapter five: "We pointed out in the second chapter that..."

It does not mean Mazrui wrote the book with another person.

Otherwise Akosah-Sarpong's review of Mwakikagile's "Africa and the West," is not only excellent, but one of the best I have read of a major African book by one of Africa's prolific authors.

An impressive range of scholarship. The author's knowledge of the works of leading Western thinkers - from Kant and Fichte to Heidegger and Montesquieu and others - and of African philosophical traditions, is indisputable.

A lucid thinker of penetrating intelligence, Godfrey Mwakikagile is one of those Africans writing scholarly works to reclaim the dignity of the African personality that has been subjected to so much abuse since the imperial powers conquered Africa. Yet he is honest enough to admit Africa's mistakes, and shortcomings, including many in the glorious past of ancestral ways so much glorified by Afrocentric scholars.

This is a vital text in the study of African philosophy and identity, an area of abstract ideas in which the African mind is grossly underrated.

And the chapter on South Africa is a brilliant analysis of where this multiracial nation may be headed after the end of apartheid. The legacy of apartheid may be with us for generations to come; a bleak prospect for a country that is a beacon of hope on a troubled continent.

To be a modern African is perplexing experience. Not only is Africa the only region with the most dominant of foreign values, but the African, more especially the elites, are confused, transmitting such confusion unto the entire African personality, and making the African not only misunderstand himself/herself but difficult to explain himself/herself to the world about his/her personality.

Godfrey Mwakikagile, a Tanzanian journalist who worked with Tanzania's leading mass circulation "Daily News," echoing a familiar rallying cry, argues passionately for Africans to return to their native roots for balance and order. "Africa and the West" is also a reflective treatise, especially in its philosophical discussion of the importance of African values, history and tradition, African philosophical concepts, and way of life in pre-colonial times as compared to the advent of colonialism. "Africa and the West" is also an uncompromising demand for dignity and respect for Africans which they have been denied by today's leaders, which was not the case in pre-colonial times and continuing, as the author says, though contentiously, under traditional rulers in most societies across the continent today.

The author says the traditional leaders ruled by consultation and direct mass participation at village meetings. How to transform such pre-colonial consultation and direct mass participation across Africa's 2,000 ethnic groups in order to usher in democracy that fits the African environment is missing.

Mwakikagile recognizes Africa's natural beauty and abject poverty, diseases and disturbing ignorance, but his thesis aims at Africa's weak unity - "That is one of the main reasons why they [Africans] were conquered by foreigners, and why Africa is still weak and poor today." Before Mwakikagile attempts to answer why Africa's weak unity is the root cause of all its crises, he reveals the contradictory nature of Africa: Africa endowed with numerous world-class natural resources but at the same time Africa as "the only continent where it has been so easy for foreigners to take what does not belong to them." Why this? Weak co-operative spirit among Africans, more markedly their elites.

For Mwakikagile, Africa's weaknesses can be located in its personality. So to understand Africa, there is the need to psychoanalyze the African personality in relation to the world, "especially to the West." Why especially to the West? Because the West, more than any other people, conquered Africa, colonized it, brutalized it, demeaned its culture and indigenous institutions, and a large number of Africans, especially those who have been to Western schools, "were brainwashed into believing that they had no history they could be proud of; that all their customs and traditions were bad, and that even their languages were bad. Nothing good."

More than physical brutality to Africans such as Belgium's King Leopold ordering the amputation of Congolese for not meeting working (quotas) as expected in rubber farms or Germans brutalizing and killing Namibia's Herero ethnic group, the author demonstrates that the West's capture of Africa has been more at the metaphysical plain through propagation of ideas that skillfully but quietly demeaned African values. While he acknowledges that not all foreign ideas are destructive to Africa, he also states that not all foreign values are good either. It is here that Mwakikagile takes a swipe at Africentrism, a courageous venture aimed against the excesses of Afrocentric scholars. For Afrocentrists, there is nothing wrong with African values, and in their zeal to recall Africa's glorious past, have distorted Africa's values in order to "inflate our achievements."

His prejudices are firmly on the side of African Renaissance thinkers who recognize both the negative and the positive values of African culture and how to discuss them for the health of Africa's progress. This reveals the balances of Mwakikagile who is honest enough to criticize his own kind regardless of the wrath which he may spark, and which the African intelligentsia need for the health of the climate of the African Renaissance process.

Mwakikagile's piece adds to the struggles being waged by the new generation of African thinkers, journalists, and media outlets such as "Expo Times" (Sierra Leone), "West Africa" and "New African" magazines to open up the African culture, its negative aspects as well as its positive aspects, for eventual policy formulation. The reason being that colonialism did not help the growth of African values in relation to Africa's progress, and African elites, ever weaker, have not been able to mix their colonial legacies with African values unlike other ex-colonies in the development game. Meanwhile, though the book deserves to be taken seriously, Mwakikagile states in the introductory chapter as if he wrote the book with another person by stating "we" repeatedly.

A perfect rebuttal to the imperialist arrogance of the West.
Blunt in its assessment, incisive in its analysis, "Africa and
the West" is a vital work by one of Africa's most important
writers.

He may not be well-known like many others the continent has
produced; at least I have never heard of him, or read about him,
until recently. But that's probably because he's relatively new
on the literary scene, all his books on the market having been
published only since 1999. That alone is a credit to him, a mark
of distinction as a prolific author. And it does not diminish the
importance of his works.

"Africa and the West" is not only a definitive response to the
denigration of Africa by the West and others; it is also a major
achievement in the rehabilitation of the African personality
after centuries of subjugation by our conquerors. Godfrey
Mwakikagile has written an important academic book, which is
also a significant philosophical work about Africa, members
of the general public will find to be equally useful in their
study of the world's second largest yet least understood
continent.

Except for a number of typos, the publisher's fault, the work is
virtually flawless: unassailable its logic, well-documented, and
passionate in its defense of the African personality as a
spiritual and organic whole reminiscent of German nationalist
philosopher Johann Fichte in his lectures he delivered at the
University of Berlin, and published as "Addresses to German
Nation."

In one of the most important books written by an
African about African identity and the concept of the
African personality, Godfrey Mwakikagile's work,
"Africa and the West," is a compelling argument for a
return to roots, what Amilcar Cabral calls "a return to
the source," in Africa's quest for peace and stability,
equality and justice. Born and raised in Tanzania where
he also worked as a journalist at the country's main
newspaper, "Daily News," and at the Ministry of
Information and Broadcasting before going for further
studies in the United States, the author knows Africa
well. His book is also a philosophical treatise,
especially in its discussion of the importance of
African values, philosophical concepts, and way of life
before the advent of colonial rule. The work is also
an uncompromising demand for dignity and respect which
the vast majority of Africans are denied by their
leaders who constitute the modern African state, which
was not the case under traditional rulers in most
societies across the continent; they ruled by
consultation and direct mass participation at village
meetings. The book is also a blunt assessment of
post-apartheid South Africa whose economy is still
dominated by whites, as are most of its institutions.
The chapter on Afrocentrism is one of the most
courageous statements ever made against the excesses
of Afrocentric scholars, by an African scholar himself,
who is honest enought to criticize his own kind
regardless of the wrath he may incur. The book is also
an important work in the history of Africa's conquest
and subsequent colonization by the imperial powers. But
the author could have done better if he had concluded
this important study with a much longer chapter. The
last chapter has some very strong points, but is just
too short. Nevertheless, the book is recommended for
scholars and laymen alike, and has undoubtedly earned
its place in some major public libraries, and in
institutions of higher learning where it is used for
undergraduate and graduate studies like all the other
books by the author. He has a thorough command of the
subject, and the book is well-written without scholarly
pretensions.

I enjoyed this book tremendously; I appreciate being reminded of America's founding fathers and the beliefs that we started out with. It's also unique in having two indexes - a first lines index and a subject index. The publisher was certainly interested in making this information accessible.

My favorite March 2003 protest sign against Bush's war on Iraq was one that I saw at a huge demonstration in Wisconsin: 'America, your brain is washed but your hands are still bloody.' That sign would fit well in this brilliant, essential collection by John Nichols, one of America's most important political writers. At the dawn of the 21st century America has been tricked down a disastrous path of empire in the name of security, freedom and democracy. Advocates of war hid their real intentions and exploited the terror attacks of 9/11, as Sheldon Rampton and I explained in our 2003 book Weapons of Mass Deception. John Nichols has here assembled the wisdom of America's true heroes and patriots for peace and justice, opening our eyes and showing us the way back home.

This book is loaded with first-hand accounts from Americans throughout history who stood up on behalf of liberty during our darkest days. The author adds very little of his own, choosing rather to let history speak for itself. Most of the incidents covered in this book are conveniently skimmed over in history textbooks, such as the removal of the Cherokee Nation, forced annexation of the Kingdom of Hawaii, etc. Enlightening, disturbing, and inspiring at the same time, a great read for anyone who cares about justice and righteousness in our day and age.

I would recommend this book to any thoughtful person trying to get a sense for how George Bush's America fits within America's historical trajectory. There are some heros in this book, but many more villains.

Most disturbing to me was the account of the treatement of the Native Americans -- as Nichols points out, we can't excuse past atrocities by saying, "That's just how it was back then"; there are always those who recognize atrocities even as they are being committed -- this book pays past heros a long-due debt of recognition.

I usually don't like these kinds of books. By that, I mean 'books that compile articles/letters written in the past.' But "Against the Beast" is an exception.

In light of the events of today (today being July 27, 2005), it's refreshing (and a little sad) that 21st century Americans are not the first Americans to have to deal with an imperial President and hawkish supporters. This is the exact right book to read for a look-back on past anti-imperial thoughts and writings.

John Nichols: thanks for putting this together!

Author Bill Kaufman's brand of "conservatism" is something completely foreign to modern political taxonomy. He admits as much when he says that the word "reeks of manslaughter and militarism" and is a "now-useless term." Kauffman's conservatism is overwhelmingly anti-war; for it is through war that he sees the destruction of family and community, and he provides ample evidence to support his claims.

Readers of AIN'T MY AMERICA are likely to be familiar with much of the libertarian/paleoconservative "revisionist" history and anti-war philosophy contained within this book. But this is not to say it's just more of the same. One thing readers of Mises Institute authors will find interesting about Kauffman's historical perspective is that he praises Washington (no mention of the Whiskey Rebellion or his judicial appointments) and offers measured (and deserved) criticism of Jefferson -- who was not exactly Jeffersonian as a president. Indeed, Kauffman portrays the Federalists and the Whigs in a much more positive light than many paleolibertarians have, and his perspective offers welcome balance.

Chapter 2 focuses on "right-wing" opposition to the World Wars. A lot has been written on this subject, but Kauffman really underscores the evil of the Wilson administration. After reading this book, Wilson moves ahead of FDR on my worst president's list, though he still ranks behind Dishonest Abe (about whom Kauffman is curiously silent, or nearly so). I also appreciated how Kauffman confronts the racism, antisemitism, and other bigotries of some venerable Old Right figures -- he doesn't apologize for them or excuse them and he doesn't ignore them, which is what many Old Right historians do. I can recognize for myself someone who may have been misguided on racial matters but still had good ideas, but I like to know that they were in fact flawed men so that I can measure my hero worship.

The chapter on the Vietnam War introduced me to many anti-war Republicans about whom I previously did not know. It also highlighted the comparatively conservative nature of the McGovern campaign. Kauffman, who really seems to admire McGovern, makes no excuses or apologies for McGovern's rank socialism. W.J. Bryan also had some horrible ideas. But these two men, I'm convinced after reading this, gave Americans a real choice on the most important matter -- would America be a republic or an empire? America chose wrongly.

The final chapters focus on modern figures. What was very strange was the lack of attention paid to Ron Paul. Jimmy Duncan, of whom I had not even heard until reading this book, is given Ron Paul's place as the leading anti-war "rightist." Kauffman even suggests that he should have run for president in 2008. Why is there not more mention of Dr. Paul? Also, I really liked the examination of the metric system, daylight saving time, and other impositions the imperial state has tried (and in most cases, succeeded) in imposing on Middle America.

All in all, this was an enormously pleasurable and informative read. If you've read a slew of "right-wing" anti-war books and think this one will contain nothing new, you're wrong.

This book joins Kauffman's earlier exploration of the isolationist strain in American history, "America First!" as an instant classic that libertarians, Old Right conservative, and decentralists of all stripes will thumb through repeatedly as they look for guidance from history in confronting the Warfare State. Reading Kauffman is a real shot in the arm to anyone tired of what passes for political commentary in today's America. He would probably never want to become part of the pundit class, but I find myself wishing he got "face time" on the awful chat shows so he could expose people to his idiosyncratic perspective. Maybe he'd even make the bestseller list. But for now only a tiny Remnant will enjoy his lively prose which makes everything and everyone from tax withholding to Old Right stalwart Felix Morley fascinating. I'm a libertarian, so obviously I'm against re-education camps, but I'm sorely tempted to make an exception in the case of this book; if I had it in my power I might force every "conservative" pundit (especially the historically illiterate talk show crowd) to read and absorb this book and see what they have betrayed and corrupted.

Bill Kauffman in "Ain't My America" has delivered an informative, entertaining and passionate tour through almost two hundred years worth of American conservative and middle class anti-militarism and anti-imperialism. This is a tradition that much of modern left and right would rather forget but Kauffman celebrates it.

The historian James Martin was once interviewed. Although usually labelled a 'revisionist' Martin preferred to see himself as an 'additionist', remembering what the other books leave out. Kauffman too has delivered a worthy additionist effort.

This is a passionately partisan and in many ways joyous book. Kauffman introduces a grand selection of characters, not all, but most of them heroic, making a stand for peace and the defense of the old constitutional republic against the many faces of Mars.

Kauffman's shows the great western tradition of American neutralism that crosses party and generational boundaries. George McGovern (Dem.) of South Dakota and North Dakota's Senator Nye (Rep.), the pre-WW2 champion of the Neutrality Acts, both share common roots deep in the American heartland. He explores the careers of Robert Taft and Howard Buffett, of Students for a Democratic Society's Carl Oglesby (who dreamed of a New Left / Old Right alliance against the Vietnam War, before the Marxists threw him out), the Anti-Imperialist League of the late 19th century and Bob Dylan, amongst a phalanx of antiwar artists and writers, more often than not agrarians. He reminds us of the antiwar writings of Robert Nisbet, perhaps postwar America's leading sociologist, certainly leading conservative sociologist, who penned a radical critique of the impact of war as the progenitor of many of the ills of modern society. And he gives exposure to the great postwar critic, Felix Morley, as well as William Appleman Williams.

Kauffman's writing style owes much to the gonzo style and "Rolling Stone" than academe, however his book is lovingly researched and sufficiently referenced to allow interested readers to dig into more conventional scholarly works and original authors on their own.

The tradition Kauffman embraces is actually too large to fit into a single volume. He doesn't explore the great polemic against the arms trade H.C. Engelbrecht and F.C. Hanighen's "The Merchants of Death" that was influential post-WW1 or how Hanighen went on to edit the conservative digest "Human Events". He doesn't explore early and perceptive critiques of the Vietnam War by right wing conspiracy theorist Dan Smoot, Oswald Garrison Villard (who helped found the NAACP) nor the work of the writer Louis Bromfield, an right wing isolationist who (unusually) regulary rubbed shoulders with the Hollywood set in the forties . Still Kauffman has done a remarkable job for one volume.

My main complaint is small. As someone who reads on my daily commute that the chapters do sometimes seem a tad long, I would have preferred more and shorter chapters. Highly recommended.

In an era of unwinnable wars and a collapsing American Empire, Bill Kauffman reveals that a strong antiwar, anti-empire sentiment was not unwelcome to those on the right of the American political spectrum. An antidote to the neoconservative mindset that now prevails within the Republican Party.

When I look over my old reviews on Amazon.com, I notice that I've given a lot of books four or five stars. On the one hand, it makes sense -- if a book's no good, I'm seldom inclined even to finish it, let alone write a review of it. But this creates the problem of what do I do when a book comes along that really merits the highest possible rating? So let me say here that the only reason I am giving "Ain't My America" five stars is because I can't give it six or even seven.

I wish I'd written this book.

"Ain't My America" is not simply one of the number of books coming out these days calling on the GOP to resuscitate its ancient dedication to peace, economy, and small government. Admirable as those books are, "Ain't My America" has a much larger scope, and Bill Kauffman a much more ambitious brief: the dismantling of empire, the rediscovery of community, and the rebirth of the patriotism of home, family, and locality.

It's, frankly, an unfamiliar and at times uncomfortable message. As the son of a navy family, I found myself strangely moved by Kauffman's description of the toll the unrooted military-family lifestyle has on marriages and children -- and while I admit to never having quite thought of it this way before, I find myself in absolute agreement with his contention that "family-values conservatives" should be the strongest opponents of war and militarism, precisely because of the impact those forces have on families and children. Once you accept that, it's hard to deny the author's contention that George W. Bush "is, by policy, the most antifamily president in American history" (p. 216).

And that's just one of the powerful arguments Kauffman presents. It definitely makes we want to track down his other books at the earliest opportunity. So too does his impressive skill as a writer. I particularly enjoyed his facility with the unusual vocabulary word -- though I noted with some disappointment that the flair for this he showed in the introduction and early chapters dissipated somewhat as the book progressed. Souvenirs I carry with me from the first few pages alone include "nescience," "temerarious," "gleet," "omnifariousness," "atrabilious," and "mingy," plus "fossicking about in tramontane sinkholes" and the frankly delightful "the dashing if dotty Samuel F.B. Morse."

As "conservative" pundits and politicians bang the war drums and sing songs in praise of empire, I've been wondering more and more if they would still love America if we weren't a -- even the -- global powerhouse. I suspect they would not, and that Bill Kauffman's vision of a "little America" is one they not only couldn't accept, they might not even be able to imagine it. It ain't their America. But more and more, "unrooted" as I admit to being, I'm coming to think it's mine.

John Warden was the strategist of the air campaign in the 1991 Gulf War. In 1998, he updated his influential book. A must read for anyone interested in the military, its past, present and future.

John Warden's book earned high praise because of its author's role in planning operation Desert Storm, but although the book is a very good synthesis of air warfare theory it is not either groundbreaking or revolutionary. In fact most of its arguments were presented for the first time by the pioneers of air power of the 1920s and 30s like Giulio Duhet and William Mitschell. Warden's contribution has more to do with the revival of those forgotten theories and the presentation of a complete picture of aerial operations instead of inventing new methods of war. Central to his thesis is the idea that air superiority is crucial, that a campaign will be lost if the enemy has it, that in many circumsatnces it alone can win a war, and that its possession is needed before other actions on the ground or in the air can be undertaken.

Warden also places emphasis on thorough training saying that if something is going to be done in war, it ought to be practiced in peace, and if it has not be practiced, losses are likely to be high and the plan is unlikely to go as expected. He analyzes the three kinds of inderdiction (distant, indermediate and close) and he gives an interesting definition of the term "close air support": "It is an air operation that theoritically could and would be done by ground forces on their own, if sufficient troops or artillery were available".

The author repeats often the great value of striking the enemy's center of gravity, that timing is everything in the commitment of air reserves and that ground and naval forces can serve as an adjunct to air forces in the battle for air superiority. His opinion that fighting defensively is the worst way to fight an air war is uneiversally accepted as is his thesis that numbers are important, so important that a primary goal of the operational commander ought to be to make sure that his forces outnumber the enemy every time they meet. Modern research using the Lancaster equations has also proved his argument that the large force almost always inflicts greater absolute casualties on the smaller force and thath it also suffers less in the process.

John Warden also explains in the Epilogue how his concept of ideas was implemented in the Desert Storm campaign of 1991. In that case the enemy was visualized as a target system of five concentric rings (leadership, key production, infrastructure, population and field forces) with the leadership ring at the center. In the case of Iraq, the US goal was "to reduce the energy level of the entire system enough to reach our peace objectives" which were to eject "Iraq out of Kuwait and an Iraq that would not be a strategically threatening regional superpower for the next decade".

On the minus side of the book are the extremely poor black and white pictures.

A fresh and renovated review on a complicated topic such as Strategy. Interesting and updated points of view with a simple and easy language. A must for any military aviator.

Colonel John A. Warden III was one of the most distinguished officers of his generation. A veteran fighter pilot, he was--is--as well a true defense intellectual--not the sort of individual often touted by the so-called "defense reform movement," but a true warrior-scholar in the classic image of, say, a J. F. C. Fuller--or a George Patton. Not one to shy away from controversy, Warden was convinced in the 1980's that the United States Air Force--had strayed away from its first principles. It had become a stove-piped, tribal organization, riven by discord and confusion between its "strategic" and "tactical" communities. Warden, in this brilliant work (written as a thesis at the National Defense University), posited an exciting new vision of the centrality of air power in national defense. This book served as an important departure point for the service's subsequent "Global Reach--Global Power" strategic planning framework issued in 1990. By that time, Warden was running Checkmate, a key office in Air Force planning. Through his own initiative and vision, he and a small team of "weapons officers" planned Instant Thunder, the first major response to Saddam Hussein's aggression in the Gulf. Warden briefed Instant Thunder to the Air Force Vice Chief of Staff (the Chief was away), and then on his suggestion to the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs, Gen. Colin Powell. Powell sent him to CENTCOM to brief Norman Schwarzkopf. His reaction was enthusiastic, and Warden was directed to brief Instant Thunder in the Gulf, to the CENTAF air component commander, General Charles Horner. Horner, brilliant in his own right, accepted much of what Warden said. But the personal chemistry between the two men was bad, and Warden returned to the States, leaving behind a small staff of acolytes and experts, most notably Lt. Col. David A. Deptula. It was the partnership of Deptula, Gen. Buster Glosson, Gen. Horner, and (back in Checkmate) John Warden that made the Desert Storm air campaign a success. After the war, Warden became commander of the Air Command and Staff College, making notable (and badly needed) changes to its curriculum. This book is a "must read" by anyone who would consider themselves a military and/or air power professional. There are Americans alive today because of John Warden's work. Warden never made general, largely because of petty jealousies by senior people above him. He was--is--a consumate professional and true patriot: never complaining, never self-advocating, always keeping true to his core beliefs. But his truest legacy is this book and the thinking it has inspired--thinking that has lead to five notable American victories over the last decade. Buy it, read it, keep it, use it!

Col. Warden adds new material to this important work on strategy, especially new material on what happened after the Gulf War. This book is many things. It is a history of airpower. It is a fresh look at the application of airpower. It is a guide for anyone in the military or business world who wants to compete or attack a system. Very readable. With Col Warden's reputation as the architect of the Air Campaign against Iraq, he has demonstrated that he can apply his ideas in real world situations. Outstanding read.

This book by James Kaplan provides an in depth look at John F. Kennedy Int'l Airport in NYC. But in doing this it is looking at a small town with it's different people and functions. Everything from the medical staff, to the guy who changes all the lightbulbs in the ground are given a face in this incredible book. It's a fast read, and it will answer all your questions. It's not just for people who like airports or for New Yorkers. It is for everyone who should marvel at how special a place JFK really is. It leaves you hoping that Kaplan will adopt the same methods with other institutions around the country.

I never thought I'd be fascinated by baggage handlers or traffic cops at an airport. But this book changed all that. It is a wonderful adventure from the most exciting moments in the cockpit to the control tower to the ticket counter to the kitchen and beyond. It takes you to 30,000 feet all the way down to the guts of the airport operations. From the beginning account of an actual plane crash to everything else, I could not put this book down. If you're the least bit interested in commercial airliners or airports, this is a must read.

This book is a very interesting, very well-worded, literary look at a non-literary, quantitative fact of late 20th century life.

For those who appreciate a well-written story of late 20th century America, this is a great book. For those who are afraid of flying and all associated with it, this book will entertain you and help you. And if you love to fly and want the answers to some of those nagging "how does this work" questions, this is a great book.

James Kaplan does a superb job of bringing JFK International Airport to life. He allows the reader to sneak a peek behind the scenes at the airport and to learn more about how things work. By describing the history of JFK International, I have an even greater appreciation for the people and institutions that make air travel what it is today

Extremely well written with terrific detail. This book takes you inside the workings of the airport. It gives you a view of JFK and particular events that are relevant to the airport that you would not have without the benefit of this book. The real testament to this book for me is that since I've read it, every time something happens that has to do with JFK (TWA 800 etc.), I wish that Mr. Kaplan would incorporate it in a sequel so that I could understand it through his perspective. Kaplan's chapter on his experience of flying in the cockpit of the Concorde is worth finding this book even though it now appears to be out of print.

Reviewed by: Tyrone Vincent Banks of Betsie's Literary Page

A strategy for coping with the pain caused by the events of 9/11.

Dr. Elaine I. Duval has written this book to aid those who are still scarred by the horrific events of September 11, 2001. Many of us have heard the calming words and reassurances of our spiritual and political leaders as the country existed for a short time blanketed by American flags and patriotic assemblies. The events of 9/11 became a call to arms as our country retaliated by attacking those that have caused us such pain and terror. We are now enthralled in a war spawned by this cowardly act and now more blood is spilling. Many of us feel that the country is spiraling towards a decay that cannot be stopped. In the authors own description we are now in a broken state and this brokenness can be repaired through God.

Many have moved past 9/11 and focus intently on the combat in the Middle East. We want to see justice and those responsible punished for their acts. As this broken country struggles to rebound from 9/11 many are pointing fingers with the hopes that blaming someone else will serve as a form of retribution. This surreal event - the tragic morning on September 11, 2001 will never leave our minds and will always be in our hearts - but there is a way to heal.

We must not blame God for this tragedy. Instead, we must stand tall and work harder at strengthening our resolve to honor and respect each other. We are given a chance to rebuild our lives and make it better. Dr. Duval compares our country to Christ and the pain and death that he overcame. He was "broken" beyond repair however, he was resurrected and his words and love continues to comfort those in need of spiritual healing.

I can recall that tragic day and the days that followed. People were kind to each other as we shared in the hurt and pain. Every house displayed the American Flag proudly and the "Proud to be an American" bumper stickers adorned every vehicle. Individual differences did not matter, 9/11 affected many countries in different ways and we enjoyed a brotherhood that you rarely see today. For a moment, just a moment, the tragedy created a society where crime rates dropped, people were kind to each other and we comforted anyone in need of comfort.
As time went by, that all dissolved and continues to fade away.

"America After Siege: Roadmap to Victory After 9/11" should be read as you read the bible or whatever book represents your faith. America has been given a chance to be reborn out of the ashes of 9/11. Together we can go forward and live the lives as dictated by God, Allah or whatever deity you choose to worship.

This book will open up a train of thought and internal reflection that will vary depending on the person reading these words. Instead of reviewing this book and relaying the poetry and words that I've read, I have chosen to digest these words and make them a part of myself. I challenge myself to return to the brotherhood and Christianity that enveloped my being after 9/11. I have not forgotten the events but I now remind myself of the calm that followed the storm prior to our quest for justice. The battle will continue to rage and those who do not fight as instruments of war can become instruments of faith.

Even if you believe that you have "healed" emotionally after 9/11, read this book and you will be enlightened. Dr. Duval's simple words represent complex feelings and emotions that are necessary to embrace as we move forward with our lives. Read this book and share it with others. There is a message to spread and that message starts with you...

America After the Siege: Roadmap to Victory after 9/11 by Elaine Duval is a compelling, passionate account of post-9/11 America and an appell on all its inhabitants to seek the opportunity for renewal in crisis. Duval's 13 poems, each separated by an image of the American flag, is deeply rooted in both patriotic and religious belief in the project "America". One of my favorite lines in the book comes from her eleventh poem, "Rebuilding Twin Steeples: The Sacred Temples of Individual Lives and The Signature Buildings of Our Cities." Duval writes: "We cannot rebuild unless we follow, The blueprint of the Master Builder, For we cannot rebuild unless the foundations are firmly established in Him; For truly, we'll labor in vain, If we seek to establish our own fragile foundations." The truth of these words ring in the reader's minds. Duval warns the readers to look first to their own hearts before rebuilding in the physical realm.

Duval's work reaches beyond the Christian belief system to touch to the heart of the matter. We cannot rely on our own principles to rebuild the world to a place of harmony and grace. A Higher Power, whether it be named God or some other term, must accompany our journey to find peace in this world. Duval encourages her readers to rise above, dear sister and brothers, to see the beauty in the brokenness and to reach for a greater harmony embedded in the Spirit of humanity.

Christine Louise Hohlbaum, American-born book reviewer, award-winning writer and author of the world-renowned Diary of a Mother, lives near Munich, Germany with her husband and two children. Visit her Web site at http://www.diaryofamother.com for a taste of her zany writings.

Moving. Deeply thought provoking. Soul-searching. These are just a few words to describe America After Siege, Roadmap To Victory After 9/11. This engaging group of prophetic poems, or as I perceive them to be psalms, ushers the reader into a deep and holy place, a place of remembrance, of sorrow, and terror, and the reminder of God's unwavering love and the call to worship Him in spirit and in truth. In America After Siege, Dr. Elaine Duvall tells us, only then can we be sheltered in His protection. Broken, backslidden America is compelled `to re-enter the sacred chambers of intimacy with her ever-loving God' in the pages of this book. On the terrible day in America's history, people flooded into the churches and synagogues to pray. They prayed in groups on street corners. They prayed in their homes. In the heart of believers, there was the hope of a wave of repentance and revival that would rise out of the brokenness. After reading the poems within this book, I realized God is calling out to us through so many people. There really can be no excuse in saying to Him we did not know any better to turn away from our transgressions. I highly recommend America After Siege, Roadmap To Victory After 9/11. It is beautifully written, and a book you can pass down to the next generation. It speaks to the heart of America, the melting pot of the nations. I have no doubt your heart will be touched as you read these moving poems. Highly recommended.

I have read several works since our nation's tragedy on 9/11. Some touched my heart deeply, other's angered me, but Dr. Duval's sparked many a deep emotion inside of me. One of love and loyalty for my country, tenderness for those who suffered loss of loved ones, forgiveness, hope and understanding of some of the whys. That was a tall order that she fulfilled.
Told in poetic form, the author expresses within these pages emotions that have laid dormant within many of us. She gently guides us back to our Creator with words that sooth the spirit and bring understanding to the soul.
Through reading her work, I truly believe she has a finger on America's pulse and perhaps her words should be read with an open mind and taken to heart.
I recommend this read America; I believe it will bless and enhance you.
Well done Dr. Duval
Shirley Johnson
Senior Reviewer
MidWest Book Review

What happened to the America of the days following 9/11? The America that united in its pain and bewilderment, its grief and anger? The America that sought solace again in the God of its founders?

The answer to this question ---whether it be apathy, lack of understanding, or simply being overwhelmed---now haunts our nation as an acrid division over the war on terror. It is now time that we step back into the powerful emotions of those days after 9/11 and begin our response afresh.

The outline for America's eventual victory against the forces of terror is contained in the stirring book by Dr. Elaine I. Duval,
America After the Siege: Roadmap to Victory After 9/11.

Written in the dynamic and powerful voice of the Old Testament prophets, this book takes readers to a place where they can clearly hear the voice of a loving and mournful God, a God who is passionately calling His children back into His embrace.

The book begins with a recital of the shock and pain we felt on 9/11 as we watched the unthinkable happen before our eyes. We are captured up once more in the emotions of that bloody day and the grief-filled days that followed.

As the reader re-experiences those unbearable, excruciating emotions again, aching in the hopelessness of 9/11, the voice shifts to one of compassion and hope. The author shares the inspiring vision of a strong and united America along with a road map for the journey to fulfilling this vision.

It is to our own detriment that we ignore this clarion call to return to the God of our founding fathers. We would be wise, therefore, to heed the call to return to Him, seeking His righteousness, grace, and mercy as we seek to heal the wounds that continue to bleed, draining us of the power necessary to prevail against the evil in today's world.

This book is a powerful and timely reminder of how far we have fallen away from God and how desperately He is pursuing our return to Him.

America After Siege should be required reading for anyone who cares about America and her safety in today's climate of evil and terror.