Politics Books

Time has and will continue to prove Craig right on virtually all of his claims. Unfortunately, that means we as citizens are in big trouble, yet totally to blame for our predicament. Whether he's talking about civil liberties, corporatism, empire, international relations, the military, etc, Craig hits the nail on the head. I've heard some of his radio interviews, and he definately writes the way he talks. He writes some very long sentences which could benefit from a comma or two. Nonetheless, his research is amazingly indepth and the information presented is crucial. He dismisses popular conspiracy theories and picks apart his topics with logic and razor-sharp critical thinking. This book is great also because he quotes from so many other authors/researchers, and footnotes like you wouldn't believe. So the book serves as an index of many other fascintating books. You owe it to your Country to absorb this book.

There is no question this book will make you wonder why the media has not raised some of the issues this book does. Does it speak too much of the truth about what is taking place in this country? The author has done a lot of research and it comes accross. The book was thought out and well written. A lot of the projections about the political agenda of the Bush administration are becoming fact. How did the author know these things would happen? I would reccomend this book to anybody who cares about the future of our country. This book should not be so hard to get!

First, don't be put off by the title. It has a purpose to illustrate which you will understand once you finish this book. If you care to hear THE ONLY rational dissenting vioce about 9/11 and the events that took place leading up to it then you have to read this. It will dispell all the rumors and myths surrounding the attack as well as give you unique insight into what holds for the future and why. I recommend all of Mr. Hulets' books because in an age of homognized trash tv and magazines his is usually the only rational voice that speaks of a different perspective of what is going on in society. BUY THIS BOOK!

Hydra is certainly not a well-edited book but if its information you seek on who owns the White House, you will want this book. Corporatism as ideology is repeated throughout and the writer can perhaps be labeled a nihilist, however Craig is one of many who believe revolution is coming. He's not your typical militia pamphleteer, and he's thoroughly researched his facts and presents them grimly, and clearly.

"Beginning in the Reagan era, de-regulation has been the battle cry of Corporatism's corporate crusaders and raiders." The recent FCC ruling bears this out. His main complaint is with leaders of both parties who move from politics to corporate leadership positions and back with ease and with no questions about potential conflicts of interest.

"A theory making the rounds on the Internet, on the airwaves, and in the press claims that the bombing of the Taliban has nothing to do with a 'war on terrorism' but everything to do with the oil pipeline the West wants to build through Afghanistan." The Taliban were not removed from power in Afghanistan because they were tyrants. They were removed because they were weak tyrants. Craig points out there are 70 or so tyrannical governments existing in Africa and Asia, but they chose Afghanistan for the obvious reason. It had no national defense.
The book is solid and not to be missed. He complains about the downfall of society on the last several pages, but this can be taken with a grain of salt.

Hopefully Americans can put down their flags and try to learn about what brought us to 9/11. Mr. Hulet has made a pristine and thought provoking argument of why 9/11 came about. He has made an articulate argument of how the US government has used the crisis of 9/11 to carry out politcal objectives that otherwise could not be achieved (like the Caspian region oil and gas pipelines). He goes into depth about how America is up against guerrilla warfare and not just plain terrorism. We as so-called patriotic Americans need to understand what this implies for us as Americans. We will pay for this Empire in "blood and coin". The author also explains how we also need to come to grips with what it means by "Oil and Sovereignty"! We are headed to a Corporate world and the WTO is not thinking in the best interest of America or Americans. The most important concept Mr. Hulet points out is not whether this agenda is successful or not, it is the fact that they are going to try!!!... Please buy this book, and inform yourself, do your own reseach, and maybe share with a friend or family member.

I have read a few of Claire Wolfe's articles, which prompted me to buy this book during an ISIL (International Society for Individual Liberty) conference. She gives some very innovative ideas on how to stay out of government databases and other alternatives to using your 'national ID number' (SSN). Anyone who is concerned about how fast we are losing privacy in this country should take a look at this book.

If you are sorely depressed about the current state of the country and with the idea being pushed on us that the USA Patriot Act is a way toward Homeland Security. If instead of security, you're finding personal freedom and privacy a thing of the past,this may be just the book to read. Claire gives you the sense that things aren't completely lost. She doles out some sound advice about how to live quietly within the system--sort of a low tech under the radar approach--and also perhaps a little bit of a utopian approach, but very do-able if people just band together. Her idea for using hobo signs to identify others of like mind is one that I personally like. There is a lot of hope in this book and what Claire Wolfe is famous for--that ability to inspire. For other books like this 8003802230 or the loompanics site.

Claire Wolfe first popped into view while researching National ID sites and electronic privacy forums. I was delighted with what I found. Perhaps enough of us will see the light Claire has given us before the lamp is extinguished.

For the interested reader, there are other gems to be mined. A "must read", fictional account of where we are headed if current trends are not reversed is a new novel by author Jerry Furland, "TRANSFER-the end of the beginning...". Chillingly topical and utterly believable, you should check it out right here at Amazon.com. Forewarned is forearmed.

Claire Wolfe, Culture Hero

The revised and expanded second addition of her recognized libertarian classic, I Am Not a Number! Freeing America from the ID State, is out now and even better than the first. She's written a bunch of other books, too. In fact that's the first question a person asks after reading one of them: "Is there more?" You find yourself wanting to take a couple of weeks off from work to check out the rest.

A sage once said, "If we keep on the way we're going, we're going to wind up where we're headed." So this is a book to get now, because when we do wind up where we're headed, a book like this is only one of the things we won't be able to get.

In the great tradition of Harriet Tubman, who led slaves out of bondage via the underground railroad, Claire Wolfe provides clear directions back to America. The America some of us love and miss. An America where, to give just one little example, paying for something with legal tender didn't used to be seen as suspicious behavior.

It's about "how to retain ownership of our lives."

Wolfe reminds us that the recipe for freedom is a willingness to take risks, combined with a re-evaluation of priorities, followed by making the appropriate changes in lifestyle. (As another sage expressed it, you can do anything you want as long as you're willing to pay the price. A lot of times you don't end up having to pay the price - but you have to be willing.)

She discusses the extremes: primitive living at a level so far below the radar that the authorities don't bother with you - which can be a life of deprivation and loneliness - or sophisticated hiding - which can be ditto. How to escape? Shooting the bastards is not a real good idea, since all it tends to do is make the next crop of bastards even nastier.

Millions of Americans, Wolfe feels, "have now reached their line in the sand" and are ready to stop being sheeple. The preferred method is to "creatively disregard" the rulers - emotionally, mentally, philosophically and if necessary even physically. Leave the government even if you can't leave the country. Many methods of non-cooperation are suggested here, along with advice about how to handle such things as financial and medical affairs. For someone who hasn't heard about, for instance, the Free State Project, this could be a major life-changer.

The slogan of the cyberpunk crowd was, "Information wants to be free." These days, it's much more useful to remember this - "Information want to help us be free." The opportunities for further self-enlightenment in Wolfe's generous "Freedom Resources" section prove it.

Wolfe's cynicism towards both big government and violent political fringe groups, without any paranoia and hysteria, is a welcome change from books of this type (not unlike her previous book, "101 Things To Do 'Til the Revolution"). Instead of a typical "globalist conspiracy, grab your guns and head for the hills" type of book, this is an investigation of just how your rights are being eroded, not by plot and design, but by complacancy and apathy; how we are allowing our desires for security and comfort to build a prison for us with bars that we will never even notice. Included in the book are resources and suggestions (with plenty of "caveat emptor"s) on how to keep what privacy you have, as well as taking back some that you've lost.

You don't know how much privacy you've already lost? Frightening, isn't it?

Worthy of the title, taken from a line from Patrick McGoohan's TV mini-series "The Prisoner" (Available on tape, so rent it!), this is Wolfe's best so far. A rare voice in this field of writing, I look forward to more "rationally radical" works from her.

Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. is one of America's greatest heroes and this is a collection of his wonderful writings and speeches. Often people stop at "I Have a Dream" but this shows the complete evolution of Dr. King. A wonderful read that has been part of my library for the past 10 years -- and I've read it three times and often use it for reference and store it next to the Bible.

"I Have a Dream: Writings and Speeches That Changed the World," by Martin Luther King, Jr., is a fine collection of texts by this important figure. The book has been edited by James M. Washington. Coming in at less than 300 pages, this is a concise but meaty book.

Washington includes King's most important texts: the "Letter from Birmingham Jail"; the "I Have a Dream" speech; his Nobel Prize acceptance speech; "My Trip to the Land of Gandhi"; "A Time to Break Silence," his 1967 speech criticizing the United States war in Vietnam, and more. These writings and speeches cover King's great themes: nonviolent resistance, the African-American civil rights movement, etc.

Those seeking a more comprehensive collection of Kings' work should seek out "A Testament of Hope: The Essential Writings and Speeches of Martin Luther King, Jr." also edited by James M. Washington. At more than 700 pages, this is a truly monumental collection, and includes much material not found in "I Have a Dream": the 1965 "Playboy" interview, transcripts of television interviews, and more. But for those who want a shorter text that cuts to the heart of King's life and work, "I Have a Dream" is perfect.

"I Have a Dream" reveals King to be a true Christian prophet, and a man with a global vision. As literature, these texts also show King to be the heir of such American thinkers as Henry David Thoreau and W.E.B. DuBois. Highly recommended.

This collection of Dr. King's writings includes all the major speeches -- such as I Have A Dream and I See the Promised Land, as well as important writings such as Letter from A Birmingham Jail. It also has great essays on the lessons Dr. King learned from Ghandi and a wonderful introduction from Mrs. King. This is a great collection to get started learning about Dr. King -- from his own pen. I highly reccomend it.

Dr. Martin Luther King's collection of writings and speeches, "I Have A Dream", brings aspiration to light. The events that surrounded the life and death of this true hero reveals the shameful fact that no matter how great the United States of America is today, it is one country that was nurtured with inhumane machinery: slavery, racism, injustice, Mickey-Mouse freedom, and Mickey-Mouse democracy. I hate to think about it, but it is an honest fact, which we should all come to terms with. Nobody can rewrite history.
The 256 pages that is "I Have A Dream" was enough to highlight the wickedness and the violence that were deliberately sustained in America, for a full century, after a bloody Civil War ended her tenacity on slavery.
One question that will always beg for answer is: How on earth did U.S. Presidents who presided over the ruthless color-bar era qualified for those Nobel Peace Prizes that they received? Knowing what life was like in the U.S.A. just a couple of decades ago melts my heart. "I Have A Dream" is a big eye-opener!

Reading the speeches of Dr. King are inspiring. You get a glimpse into his mind and to genuinely understand the struggle he was up against. I'm not just refering to the Civil Rights movement. you also get insights into the responsibilities and pressure he felt as the leader of this movement. He was a man who changed history. This book offers glimpses into his humanity as well as his motivational and inspirational speeches. A must for anyone interested in American history, the Civil Rights movement or in biographys. It will continue to effect you long after you have put the book down.

I am not particularly interested in either Russia, literature or Nabakov, however the intersection of all of these, along with autobiographical material from Khrushcheva, make for an engaging and poignant book. I felt like I learned a great deal about Russia, the United States and the 20th century. I read this in two sittings.

I am so grateful to Nikita's great-granddaughter Nina for providing me with an excuse to talk about my favorite writer. Of course I had read everything available from Nabokov's Russian period in German or English translations, and from the American period more than once in the original. He was one of the greatest prose writers (let us ignore his poetry and his stage writing) of the 20th century, and he was the only writer that I know who achieved the top plateau in two languages. (The only comparison that occurs to me, J. Conrad, was a transcultural writer, but did he do anything substantial in Polish before he became an English writer? And as an English writer he never quite lost the touch of looking like a translation.)
VN was poetic, funny, provocative, playful, political, a-political, esoteric, scientific, opinionated, vain, in summary great. He is the only writer who motivated me to make a pilgrimage: I travelled to St.Petersburg mainly in order to visit the Nabokov Museum there, in the appartment where he had grown up during pre-revolution times.
Nina feels close to him: though she was a voluntary expatriate compared to his double-refugeedom (first from the Bolshies, then from the Nazis), both had made this transition from Russian ruling class to American middle class.
She sees more in him than an outstanding Russian exile author with a second language. He is a role model for a modernised Russia. And this is where I want to step out quietly, I can't comment on that subject, but I find her observations fascinating.
And I keep learning Russian on my bucket list.

Imagining Nabokov is one of those history's witty jokes: the cold war is over, and the author proves her great-granddad kitchen debates wrong--she falls in love with the most anti-communist dissident writer of the 20th century, Vladimir Nabokov. Actually, it is his posthumous statue that stands in Montreux, Switzerland, she is in love with. The statue story is just a hook, though. This is a charming, and rather unusual book that however succeeds in explaining the Russians' obsession with their literature and their soul. Indeed the Economist review published in February praised the book for that very reason.

I stood in the school hallway, waiting for my son in the gym at the baseball clinic. It lasted two hours, too long for small talk with the other dads, so I was reading the final chapters of Nina Khrushcheva's "Imagining Nabokov". For me, it was a chance to learn more about a writer and another literature, about writing in a second language and culture, even as I stood surrounded by this very familiar sports culture.

When other dads passed by I covered the book a bit so I didn't seem so out of touch with the going concern of the day - baseball. If his dad seemed aloof or bookish, would his son be cut from the team? Would he be shunned by the other kids? Would I seem to be acting superior, even in a high school where you might expect reading to be encouraged, yet where I felt almost entirely out of place, as if living a segment of "The Diary of a Madman".

One dad passed by and saw the Khrushchev name on the dust cover. He started talking about the cold war and grimly praised the author's forebear as someone overly vilified by the U.S. I nodded to agree. That was a close call, but it made me feel more comfortable, so I read on.

In two hours, the clinic ended and I had finished the last chapters. I wanted to tell the dads in the hallway to read this book and to tell their sons about it. The author draws you easily into another world of ideas, one not even necessarily opposed to baseball! The world of great literature can exist with the world of sports and the ordinary - "mens sana in corpore sano". This book expands the imagination and neatly passes from culture to politics and back again. It should be read in serious high schools as well as anywhere else. And my son made the team.

An excellent book, and just in time when the Putin question is big in the news. It interconnects literature and politics, providing compelling reasons at to why Russia is so brilliant at art, but is its own worst enemy when it comes to democracy. This fascinating book addresses a problem of Russia's "lopsided" development, i.e. why Russia is a problem for Russians in a way that America isn't for Americans. Russia's problem is that "hypothetical and literary projects have a far greater hold on Russian people than practical ones." The idealistic and unrealistic character of Russian thinking makes Russians incapable of pursuing realistic goals. The American Utopia is realistic, in Russia it is dream-like. Russians have an ingrained sense of the country's uniqueness and special messianic status. First, it was the holy Russian soul, then Russia as the Third Rome, then Russian imperialism, then communism which united the imperial and spiritual missions. Now Putin tells Russians that natural resources offer them the key to regaining their former might. In Russian culture, communal values and a `great state' agenda take priority over individual and practical principles. As Dostoievsky put it : "We may be backward, but we have souls."
Nina Khrushcheva convincingly argues that Nabokov is a better guide to the future than Dostoyevsky, because his characters `take responsibility for their lives.' In America, Nabokov taught Khrushcheva how to be a single `I' rather than a member of the many `we' in that "vast undifferentiated traditional Russian collective of the peasant commune, the proletarian mass, the Soviet people, the post-communist Rossiyane."

Hakim Bey is a hero in his own post-heroic age. But forget about him and read the book, an inspirational instruction manual for reclaiming real meaning and community through creating events and situations outside of money-culture. Immediatism insists on privacy, even secrecy, lest it find itself touted as the next flavor of the week, hence the paradox inherent in the book's very publication. Maybe it'll change your life, maybe it'll confuse you, maybe it'll just keep you occupied on your next flight to Vegas, but "Immediatism" is a must for those of us looking for a way out.

if you've ever felt the impulse to rebel against society, not just in a political or formal way but in a truly volatile, existential way, bey is the writer for you. he does NOT advocate violence or murder, although he considers values with respect to these actions as relative as all other values. he exhorts us to bizarre, unconventional, 'abnormal' behavior and says explicitly that there is no real certainty as to the meaning of life, the purpose of being, etc, but does not draw pointless doom gloom conclusions from this as so many of those whiny french intellectuals did. on the contrary, he tells us to take joy in the life of the mind and the senses, and he does what very few revolutionaries even attempt:he launches an all out war on the media and it's primary evil medium, the television. he is in favor of the individual, or group of individuals, creating their own 'imaginal values' and wants to free us from the death grip of mental slavery imposed by authority of any kind, be it secular, religious, economic, etc. this is not quite as good as TAZ, but it comes damn close.

In the temporoary Autonimous Zone, Hakim Bey evoked a spirit of insurrection. In Immediatism, he gives ideas on just what to do with this wild spirit or "strange attractor" once it's flying around your kitchen.

Immediatism basically entails a return to an economy of the gift, or reciprocity rather than commodity. Bey suggests forming secret societies of "art terrorism" and quilting bees with a twist. The point is to keep your art away from the Spectacle. If THEY get ahold of you, you're (...).

This is not a political program for those who enjoy dry sessions of critcism/self criticism and "non-violent" resistance. It is about creating a new society "in the rotting shell of the old". It is for true radicals, not "reformers" or "progressives". Bey is as hostile toward leftist values as he is right wing morality. Immeidatism is about life, not theory. It is for those who wish to dance with Chaos.

Immediatism is inspirational and beautiful, but at the same time terrifying. Bey challenges everything we thought we knew about art, about community, and about life. A book you won't soon forget, no matter how you try!

A collection of relatively short essays all circling around a specific subject: immediatism, in both senses of the word; both as immediate, now and without mediation. It's a way of life that appeals to me, and likely to any other sensualists who find the stale repitition of pre-formed media dull.

You're likely able to enjoy this work with only one dictionary at your side, though of courseit does still give you a lot to think about, and even more to put into action. The style is easy and more readily accessible, the suggestions and manifestos are more likely to become realized in a smaller environment. It's become another book on my recommended reading list.

In Honor of America is a patriotic shot in the arm! This is a visually stunning book with heartfelt prose that reminded me how proud I am to be an American. Photos from the author's travels across the country show the geographic, cultural and ethnic diversity that has made America a melting pot for people from around the world. The landscapes are breathtaking and the historical trivia included in the captions makes it an interesting read.

I have this book out on my coffee table and everyone who looks at it finds something that captures his or her interest. The book says that half the proceeds go to a charity for children of fallen Marines and law enforcement officers which makes me doubly glad I bought it!

This book is really well done! It is a wonderful tribute to this
beautiful country and its people, pride and freedom. I especially like
the way the quotes and caption tell the story. It is a great gift for
someone that enjoys photography.

I think this book is one of the nicest photography books that I have seen in a long while. It is interesting the way the book has been categorized. I bought the book for myself and enjoyed it so much that I've already given it to a friend.

I really enjoyed paging through this must-have coffee table book. The images are thought-provoking and enhanced by the creative, sophisticated design. Von Hassell's multi-faceted experience as a German immigrant made me reflect upon my own heritage, and evoked a sense of gratitude in the opportunities our country offers.

Agostino von Hassell has captured America, it's poor, it's sick, its rich and famous, its soldiers, heroes and patriots in a modern day eclectic presentation of what America is in the early 21st century. This book is for all Americans to revel in its greatness, to appreciate its accomplishments, to understand its true fabric and way of life. This book belongs in every household, it's a wonderful way to reflect on what has passed and what is still to come in what makes this country great. I've read it to my kids so they understand the true meaning of being an American and what their country is all about. Highly recommended.

Jeff Riggenbach's thesis in this book is a pretty straightforward one: that libertarianism is the real legacy of the 1960s, and that periods of "decadence" (really, disrespect for traditional authorities) are the most creative and inventive in history.

He makes it stick, too. Oh, there are parts I'd have handled differently, and I wish he'd ridden a couple of _my_ favorite hobby horses (the influence of science fiction being one subject to which I wish he'd devoted more space). But I learned to live long ago with my disappointment that not everything will fit into one book.

And what _is_ in the book is pretty uniformly excellent. Riggenbach begins, for example, by locating libertarianism/anarchism in U.S. history, correctly naming e.g. Emerson, Thoreau, and some of their contemporaries as examples of this tradition. And he has a fine chapter on Ayn Rand that goes far toward explaining why hippies liked her so much better than she liked them. (He notes -- correctly, in my opinion -- that Rand never really got around to writing any serious philosophy. He treats her, though, as a brilliantly incisive essayist and polemicist, which I think is partly true but too kind by half.)

I could disagree with bits and pieces of it. (I think, for example, that Riggenbach tends to exaggerate the allegedly rightward turn Murray Rothbard took in later life.) But it's all very well done.

At any rate, Riggenbach supports his thesis well; libertarianism is indeed the hippie/counterculture legacy, at least in its political aspect. Be warned, though: since I so largely agreed with him before I read the book, I may not be a fair test of how persuasive he is.

Truly there is material in this book which will both delight and dismay folks from all over the political map. Mr. Riggenbach has an inaccurate reputation as a conservative, but he is really a staunch libertarian. Even libertarians will find chapters in Decadence that disappoint, or at least lack a good sense of taste! So be it, though. The chapters lead one into the other in an agreeable way, making the book hard to put down. Before starting it would be wise to bring the bowl of snacks, well stocked, to the table.

Everyone will find their "favorite" chapters or passages, even conservatives and liberals. Probably the best one has to do with big cities [chapter 16, "The Deaths and Lives of Great American Cities], as it shows how choice is king. Given a choice among cities which are favorable to modern growth, instead of cities which fight growth, people will largely choose the "favorable" as places to spend their lives. This is far different than what most urban planning advocates preach.

Almost as good, but likely more controversial, is chapter 7, "Neither Left nor Right," an argument for the 1960s producing libertarian adults in quantity. The common view is that the 1960s created a leftist generation. His argument is well reasoned, and would cause a lively discussion in any group. In any case, any 12 people will give 15 opinions on this book, making it worthwhile to read.

Jeff Riggenbach's In Praise of Decadence is a wonderful book.

Written in a style that combines Ayn Rand's clarity with Gore Vidal's turns-of-phrase and H. L. Mencken's acerbic wit, In Prasie of Decadence is both a compact introduction to libertarianism and anti-authoritarian cultural analysis. I can't think of any other libertarian book that could be better marketed to Gen-X and Millennial students.

Jeff Riggenbach's superb book, _In Praise of Decadence_, is many things: a historical exploration, an overview of the sixties and the Libertarian movement, a polemic for liberty, and a meditation on the nature of freedom and spontaneous order. Describing decadence as, at base, a desirable reawakening of individualism that flows from a breakdown in cultural authority, Jeff's discussion smoothly traverses the past and present, dropping gems of information along the way -- for example, the influence of anarchist William Godwin on one of America's Founding Fathers of liberty, Thomas Paine -- gems that serve both to inflame interest and to dash whatever simplistic preconceptions we might entertain about our philosophical heritage and the development of classical liberal thought.

In dissecting the popular notion of "decadence," JR points out that periods traditionally awarded this epithet were in fact characterized by extraordinary outpourings of creativity and technological accomplishments. (For example, the "Gay Nineties" saw the "invention of the airplane, the automobile, the motion picture, radio, and color photography, [and] also the discovery of mechanics and relativity which have revolutionized modern physics.")

What *was* in decline in the 1890s and 1920s, Jeff argues, was not productivity or creativity or the quality of life in general, but rather the "overall decline in the influence of authority *as such*."

Jeff then turns his acute eye on the "crisis of civility," where he finds that the attempts to legally address the issue of manners has had the unintended effect of supplanting civility with governmental rules of force -- in effect destroying the object of the cure.

In my opinion, JR's analysis of the demise of civility and its causes is masterful and thought-provoking -- and one my favorite pieces in the book. It's hard for me to imagine how anyone who believes that government is the cure for bad manners could come away it without a severely altered perception of that hypothesis.

Jeff concludes his book, far too soon for my taste, with a discussion of the current state of affairs in this country, arguing that the predominantly libertarian views of the sixties are still present in shaping society today.

Being an ethical egoist, I'm not one to sing praises of "social consciousness." But it's this that I've always felt Baby Boomers lacked. They spent their youth as drug-crazed hippies (Note: I think Riggenbach deals with this issue quite adequately, discarding it as a myth); then became straight-laced going into the 70s, and made scads of money through the 80s and 90s. They've always seemed driven by political apathy (to the extent that apathy is at all causative). Their general failure to vote has allowed the political seesaw to rock back and forth, from Johnson to Nixon/Ford to Carter to Reagan/Bush to Clinton to Bush again. If they really had the conviction they came across as having in the 60s, you'd think the U.S.'s highest political office would reflect a bit more the principles held by the body politic.

But if it's true that the Baby Boomers are essentially libertarian, then their non-participation in the political process appears to be more an act of civil disobedience than the residue of apathy. Not even civil disobedience: a sort of unilateral expression of laissez-faire. "We have better things to do with our precious lives than attempt to choose the 'lesser of two evils.' We'll pass, thanks." This, in part, is what I think Riggenbach means by "decedance": if so, I'll join the chorus.

If this is true, then perhaps baby boomers have more of a "social consciousness" than they seem at first glance. For in order to be socially conscious, one must first be conscious of one's individuality; second, of the individuality of others. What's society, if not oneself living in some relation to other individuals?

As a Generation-Xer, I was left with a surprising optimism. Baby Boomers, as they age into the "senior" tranche, will become the "voting generation." As such, perhaps THEY will become the motive behind a libertarian reform, making explicit the implicit libertarianism of their youth and middle age.

Codevilla knows this subject. Years spent as a working intelligence professional and more years teaching the subject. His thesis, that intelligence is an instrument of conflict, is the most important place to start in understanding this book. As its title suggests, Codevilla wants intelligence server purpose, and that purpose is statecraft. Elsewhere, he enumerates the challenges of statecraft itself. Here, he focuses on a special - and especially important - aspect of statecraft: intelligence.

Written before 9/11, Informing Statecraft makes hay from Cold War intelligence experiences. Consequently, the book does not address the complex issues and consequences of pre-9/11 intelligence matters or those matters associated with weapons of mass destruction intelligence Iraq. Those issues Codevilla deals with in other writings.

To begin, Codevilla does a fine job of organizing the disciplines of intelligence. Guiding the reader through the thicket of terms and arcana, Codevilla structures his discussion of collection, analysis and production, counterintelligence, and covert action to provide the reader the foundation for the critique of these disciplines, which follows.

With respect to the collection disciplines, Codevilla argues that nearly any fact can be of great importance - or of no importance - depending on the use to which an decision maker might put it. It is possible for a political leader or military commander to choose the right course of action with little (or in spite of) information. Whether a fact turns out to be useful or harmful depends on timeliness, volume, intelligibility and inherent relevance. The consequences of poor collection capability are profound: not having a spy in the enemy camp means never knowing for sure about what is being prepared for the future. Not having a spy means relying on observation, with all its invitations to self-deception.

Once in a while a fact - a picture, a message, an event - is so clearly important that its value is self-evident. In such cases, an intelligence service may transmit the fact to policymakers without analysis, and the policymakers will see its meaning clearly. But even in such clearly obvious cases the key is knowing the difference between facts that can be treated that way and those that cannot. Consequently, the act of screening information for relevance itself becomes an act of analysis. Codevilla observes that two nemeses lurk behind every analytical process. First, there is rarely enough data to draw an unchallengeable conclusion. Second, since the data concern human struggles, it is likely to have been biased precisely in order to deceive the analyst. Moreover, the analyst, being human, comes fully equipped with bias.

Codevilla argues persuasively that serious interest and serious mind are the real prerequisites for quality analysis, and these characteristics distinguish professionals from amateurs. The author quotes Plato in saying that only an expert thief can understand thievery. Knowledge of perverse practices, argues Plato, is necessary but not sufficient to understand perversion. Vulnerability to such perversities is most acute during periods of urgency and stress. This is because, with regard to dynamic events, the analyst is at his greatest disadvantage: The data is sketchiest, the opportunities for deception and self-deception are greatest, and the time is shortest. The analyst must rely solely on his knowledge of the character of the people he is observing under such circumstances.

With respect to the contemporary question of intelligence failure in the nature of surprise, Codevilla's thesis is simple and clear: intelligence has done all it can when it delivers the best possible report that the facts allow to the right person at the right time. Distinguishing such intelligence failures from failures standing from other sources, he notes that the real intelligence failure at Pearl Harbor was not one of intelligence at all. The collectors instantly analyzed, and even managed to deliver. But the high officials who received the product did not order action.

Two factors intervene to complicate the proper delivery of intelligence. First, the providers of intelligence are jealous of their sources and methods. Second, the various users of intelligence all realize that the power to state officially what foreign conditions are like is at the same time the power to determine military budgets and foreign policy.

Codevilla addresses the discipline of counterintelligence in a refreshingly mature and disciplined manner. He thinks of the discipline of counterintelligence primarily as a quality control function. While intelligence services must busy themselves with a host of things, a part of them must be constantly devoted to collecting and analyzing facts about other intelligence services - in short, doing counterintelligence. Counterintelligence is often confused with security, that is, merely with protecting secrets and protecting against subversion. Whereas the objective of security is to cut and prevent all contacts between hostiles and those who are to be protected the objective of counterintelligence is to engage hostile intelligence, control what it knows, and if possible control also what it does. As others have argued, Codevilla acknowledges counterintelligence is the queen on the intelligence chessboard: when one side loses the contest for quality control, its intelligence services become a net liability.

Codevilla urges a fresh understanding of covert action as a complement to contemporary statecraft. Secret relationships, he argues are a means of playing some members of a government against others, or of dealing with an entire body politic under false pretense. The commonplace view that covert action, which Codevilla calls "covered warfare," is the weapon par excellence of the weak states is true, he argues, but misleading. First, covert action works for the weak no insofar as they are weak, but insofar as they are smart. Second, it works even better for the strong than it does for the weak.

Having established a framework for his discussion, Codevilla turns to a critique of contemporary American intelligence.

As he was in previous publications, and has been in subsequent ones, the author is particularly hard on the CIA. Among all other nations, the United States struggles with the human intelligence discipline. This truth is born out in the historical facts of America's human intelligence institutions. The notion of the gentleman spy who steals into enemy territory to sow treachery and steal secrets has no basis at all in the history of the real Office of Strategic Services, the CIA's forerunner.

Today, he argues, real American spies, following the tradition of British intelligence, live by the rule that they themselves should neither masquerade as natives nor steal documents, but rather that they themselves should recruit and manage the people who do such things. Lacking technical, cultural, practical competence with respect to their targets, such spies will at best be ineffectual, at worst, liabilities. Writing before 9/11, Afghanistan, and Iraq, Codevilla offers a long and detailed critique focusing on pre-9/11 failures of US intelligence. He concludes that real intelligence reform will be extraordinarily difficult.

First, Congress is not well-positioned to shape intelligence. Congress lacks the required expertise, and the rule that members of the Senate Intelligence Committee may serve no more than eight years, and members of the House Intelligence Committee no more than six, helps to hold down expertise.

Second, it was before 9/11 and remains today extremely difficult to focus intelligence activities on the most important strategic challenges the country faces. True reform, Codevilla argues, does not consist of procedures, budgets, or of drawing bureaucratic "wiring diagrams" much less of bureaucratic vendettas. It consists of figuring out how the needs of the future differ from what the present bureaucracies deliver, and then acting dispassionately.

Third, Codevilla expresses concern over the quality of America's ability to attract and retain quality intelligence professionals. As with military for foreign service officers, intelligence professionals must be selected from among those intellectually qualified people who want to join the fray on their country's behalf. Commitment to the ends of one's country truly frees intelligence professionals to search for the most effective means. Moreover, intelligence is a people-intensive business. Good performance depends on an unusually wide variety of talents. Many of these talents are rare, and most are not of the sort that can be taught, especially by governments.

Reform is essential, concludes Codevilla. Even - or especially - in the post-9/11 world, this book is important. In the long run, he argues, governments get the intelligence they deserve. Whether in the post-9/11 world the American people are benefiting from their nation's recent and acute struggles with intelligence remains unclear - despite a dedicated and energetic effort at reform.

Yes, Informing Statecraft: Intelligence for a New Century is relentlessly critical of the blundering past performance of various administrations, e.g., "Note well that liberals in America, when in charge of government at any level, of university faculties, or of CIA directorates, take care to hire and award contracts to likeminded folk and to exclude others." P 231.

And, yes the aphorisms are authentic, fascinating, and call for radical reformation e.g., "Sound knowledge of a disorderly world, rather than faith in a trouble free, post-end-of-history `new world order,' will best fit nations to thrive in the twenty-first century." P 72. "There is never enough intelligence to guarantee instant success at no cost and never enough to overcome entrenched prejudice." P 213. "It is more important to define what any particular job, e.g., espionage, is to accomplish, how it is to be accomplished, and to hire the right kinds of people to do it, than it is to decide for which bureaucracy these people will work." P 293.

But the roots of this work lie deep in lessons that humankind desperately needs to understand now at the beginning of the new millennium: the mystery of foreign lands and the mystery of the language, culture, and people integral to them.
o Despite superficial signs of a uniform world culture (cassette recorders, jeans, soda pop, burgers, rock groups), Africans are becoming more African, Asians more Asian, Russians more Russian, etc. The often astonishingly good English spoken by young people from Moscow to Mecca - never mind the Indian subcontinent, where it is the lingua franca - has led many U.S. analysts to the disastrous conclusion that foreigners can be understood in terms of what they say in English. On the contrary, their English words are our symbols, to which they do not necessarily attach the same meaning or convictions we attach. P 239.
o The characteristics of the person sent to gather information often make the difference between information that is useful and information that is worse than useless. P 301.
o The network is most important. Closed terrorist cells in the Middle East are part of the semiopen entourages of terrorist chieftains who are part of overt Palestinian politics in which Arab governments take major parts. P 311.
o Among the most effective forms of propaganda is the propaganda of the deed-the sight of a corpse, and the feeling that one may be next. Nothing so cements a movement for the long run as martyrs, nor changes a government so definitively as killing its members or supporters. P 375.

After my first reading of Informing Statecraft, I read it at random, and find that no matter where I pick up the thread, it produces a comprehensively researched and unrivaled account of the intelligence industry. As always, Codevilla navigates the shoals of this information with great skill and dexterity.

Glad it's back in print! The best book on intelliegnce out there, a beautiful sythesis of general principles and historical examples. In particular, Codevilla has grasped James Jesus Angleton's seemingly simple insight -- that our enemies, as thinking, breathing human beings, may actually go out of their way to feed us false intelligence, so that we will believe things that aren't true -- which has been totally lost to CIA for almost 30 years. Instead, it has been replaced with a naive faith that CIA is simply too smart and professional to be fooled.
Codevilla, from years as a Senate intelligence staffer, knows otherwise, and he chronicles one blunder after another. The lesson: since few if any of Codevilla's proposals were implemented, when CIA says something does or doesn't exist, you should be very, very skeptical. CIA has secret intelligence right? They know things we don't, right? Wrong.

"It is not too gross an exaggeration that when considering any given threat, DIA will overestimate, CIA will underestimate, and INR will blame the U.S. for it." From his opening chapter and his distinction between static, dynamic, and technical facts, on through a brilliant summary of the post-war spy on page 103 and lengthy sections on how we've gotten it wrong, how we can get it right, and what is needed in the way of reform, I found this book worthy of study. An analyst and political staffer by nature, the strength of this book rests on the premise in the title: that intelligence should be about informing policy, not about collecting secrets for secrets' sake.

Admirably writeen, lucid prose, outstanding thought, this book would be the first book I would assign to anyone looking to understand the nature of intelligence.

It is interesting to note that Codevilla wrote two of the best introductions on "how to think" about two major subjects- about war in "War, Ends and Means" and "Statecraft". It is a crime that this book is out of print, and one should do everything in ones power to obtain a copy.

The only other book in the intelligence field that approaches this level of worth is "The New KGB, Engine of Societ Power", an older 1980's book by Robert Corson. All the other poor books on intelligence either take the character of "The Puzzle Palace" (which is stupid and an insider's pro-old boys network hack job) or one of Noam Chomsky's blithering semi-conspiracy theories. "Informing Statecraft" is the only type of really usefull intellectual companion to intelligence work in all existance.

This book is exactly what an intelligence book should be- an attack on the structural inadequacies of the United States intelligence community in the guise of a "how-to" book on how to run things correctly. Flipping through the book, one will wonder at the bales of common sensical yet brilliant realpolitik critiques involved in his analysis of what intelligence should be about.

Although it was originally published in 1990, this book was the most relevant I read during my tour of Iraq. I found many direct comparisons between the concepts mentioned by Mr. O'neil and the operations of the Iraqi insurgency. If you are interested in learning the inner workings of insurgency, or especially if you are delpoying to Iraq (in an MI capacity), you need to read this book.

This author does an outstanding job of organizing, synthesizing and conveying the essence of insurgency and terrorism. The one drawback to this book is that you will need to have a specialized understanding of the art and science of war. If you are a novice, buy the book and continue to do your research and professional reading. This book will become invaluable to you later and you will be grateful that you have it. Side bar... of course you might not agree with everything that this author says; thats ok, look past that and focus on the content of what he is trying to convey.
Of particular note, What I like about this book is that it is organized and fits nicely with the notion that there are "many" centers of gravity. for those that believe, like myself, that clausewitz had more than just a narrow defintion of how the principles of war were tied to more than just the political, then this book will become an excellent source reference for your continuing professional development as you explore the nuances and variables of the many types of strategies. All in all, this book is worth the effort.

Terry Tucker, Prof Military Studies/History
Senior Doctrine Developer, SANGMP

Since the conclusion of the cold war, insurgency and terrorism have become the primary means for the disenfranchised to demonstrate their global discontent. During the same time, however, the defense and intelligence communities have staunchly resisted adapting to new threats and recognizing the new players on the international stage.

Simply stated ..."Insurgency may be defined as a struggle between a nonruling group and the ruling authorities in which the nonruling group consciously uses political resources (e.g., organizational expertise, propaganda, and demonstrations) and violence to destroy, reformulate, or sustain the basis of legitimacy of one or more aspects of politics." P. 13. "Terrorism is a form of warfare in which violence is directed primarily against noncombants (usually unarmed civilians), rather than operational military and police forces or economic assets (public or private)." P. 24.

Dr. O'Neill's Insurgency & Terrorism: Inside Modern Revolutionary Warfare is one of the best volumes I've found that focuses on cause and effect, along with viable solutions as a whole.

Academicians and practitioners alike had long given insurgency and terrorism little attention, instead stressing studies on the military/defense industry's technical structure - particularly ignoring the waning of human assets.

So the lack of a comprehensive and up-to-date counterinsurgency program is hardly surprising. "A key point to be addressed when evaluating a counterinsurgency program is how well the government knows its enemy." P. 126.

This book presents the most important, current challenges facing counterinsurgency and anti-terrorism policy, addressing key issues and analyzing solutions within the perspective of collective expectations and role definitions for both civil and military players. "Experience and the experts suggest that the most effective way to deal with internal terrorism and small-scale urban guerrilla attacks against soldiers and policemen is to emphasize police work, good intelligence, and judicial sanctions ...Police and intelligence agencies are also the main instruments for combating transnational terrorism. In today's world the problem of transnational terrorism places a premium on international police cooperation and intelligence sharing ...Numerous cases suggest that the centerpiece of successful counter-guerrilla campaigns are small-unit operations - that is, sustained and aggressive patrols and ambushes in guerrilla-infested zones." Pp. 128 - 130.

In "Insurgency and Terrorism", Bard O'Neill has provided his audience (whether a fighting man or a student) with a framework through which to analyse insurgencies, past, present and future. O'Neill states that he believes that insurgencies are likely to remain a key level of conflict in the future. I agree with him. This is an important area and one which receives all too little attention, especially, in my experience, among the armed forces of the United States. Hopefully Dr O'Neill will redress the balance a little.

The book is split into 9 sections;

- Insurgency in the Contemporary World
- The Nature of Insurgency
- Insurgent Strategies
- The Environment
- Popular Support
- Organisation and Unity
- External Support
- Government Response
- Conclusions

In each case, O'Neill splits the areas up into smaller sub-sections for easy reference. He deals with different types of insurgent groups, different ways insurgents operate, the effects of terrain and outside support, the coverage is fairly comprehensive. He also, usefully, uses historical examples to illustrate his points.

As O'Neill himself points out, no framework for analysis can be infallible or perfect, but this is a pretty good start, whether you are in a counter-insurgency situation or in a seminar room. Good stuff. It should, of course, be supplemented with further reading (a bibliography would have been useful) but all in all this is an excellent piece of work in a field that has been somewhat neglected in recent times (it isn't fashionable in America at the best of times and many of the classic texts are now out of print).

A good piece of follow-up reading to this book (especially for a student) would be Ian Beckett's "Modern Insurgencies and Counter-Insurgencies".

This is an excellent framework for analysis, but you will need specialist information which is both current and validated before you can do much more than generalize in any given situation. Still, even this can be quite useful.
I came across this book while reading "Peace Operations in an Insurgency Environment", a paper written by Major Grootendorst for the CSC in 1997. In this paper he effectively uses the marketing management model of Kotler to combine the Mackinlay and Chapra theory of peace operations with O'Neill's insurgency model. Very nicely done. (I like Kotler - he seems to view business as war by other means!)
O'Neill's treatment is necessarily very narrow. Except in passing, his scope does not include pre-insurgency nor post-insurgency. I don't find this a deficiency with his work, but I do find it a deficiency with our thinking about insurgency. A common agreement among participants at the recent Disarmament, Demobilization, and Reintegration course sponsored by the Norwegian Defense Force in Oslo is that we need to move beyond the central focus on insurgency. Necessary as it is to "calm the waters", current process does not seem to solve the underlying structural problems which then rise to a boil every decade or so -- and in addition the initial societal disturbance creates generational shockwaves that take decades of sincere and costly efforts to reduce to a manageable level. While O'Neill's is the close examination of a particular facet of a problem, we cannot afford to be so parochial.
I strongly recommend this book. Much of what we have seen come to pass in Iraq was largely predictable, at least in broad brush strokes, based on competent consideration of his model. (I actually read the book in early 2002 and have reviewed it again just this month.) Just keep in mind the broader picture -- think outside the box. We seem to be doing the same things over and over again, only harder and faster; and then seem surprised when we get the same results -- only quicker. A clear prerequisite is being able to empathize (as opposed to sympathize) with the opponent, no matter how we feel about his actions.

Her weaving of personal narrative and political context makes this book a must read for feminists of all genres and anyone interested in learning more about the real lives of activists, women and daughters. Making real the complexity of family, relationships and love is a journey for the rest of us too.

Bettina reviews a very important period; her growth, both personal and political, make for fascinating reading. I know her, and many of the persons and events in the book, and her "take" on them is very insightful. Events in her family, which took/take up so much of the reviewers time, are treated, I think, with respect and love, and don't detract from what is a wonderful story. Bravo to her.

I was one of Bettina's students when she taught at SJSU thirty years ago. Her classes were always packed. She is an amazing lecturer and scholar. She had a tremendous impact on all of her young students.

Even thirty years later, I am impressed by her will, determination, and her sense of self. I read an excerpt of this book published in a local news magazine, but even before I read the excerpt I knew I would buy her book.

Most individuals at some point in their lives reflect on their childhood and how it formed who they are today. Bettina's book does this and more...she examines why she makes the choices she did in a manner that is honest. She does not go for the "easy out", but then she never did.

Her lessons and her ability to bear witness to her own life can easily be internalized and applied to your own experiences. You don't have to agree with her politics...you just have to recognize her unique humanity and in doing that you will grow yourself.

Like many others involved in the struggles of the Sixties and thereafter, I was aware of Bettina Aptheker: plaintiff in the famous lawsuit that finally validated the legality of the CPUSA; "red diaper baby" of the famous Herbert Aptheker; and participant in many organizations and campaigns. Also like many others, I had no idea at all about the interior person, the feeling individual who was Bettina Aptheker. The revelations of this book were a bit of a shock to me, though not so much as once they might have been, largely due to the feminist movement's success in raising consciousness about the too-common dysfunction of American families.

What makes this book powerful is the way in which the author weaves in her personal experience, the dimension of feeling, with events of the time and all in the context of relationships both comradely and familial. It seems almost a cliche to say it took great courage for her to live life as she did--shattering the conventions that bound her from sexual awareness and recognition of the crimes committed against her by her famous father. Add to this the tension and very real danger implicit in being a high-profile, public Communist in the US, and we can see her as a very strong person indeed.

This book is a gift to those who may be stunted by any form of "correct" conformism, especially that generated within traditional patriarchal families. It is also of value to those who cared about the efforts against war and racism...and who still care about these issues. Finally, it is a gift to see how she and her beloved partner have distilled the essential values of their lives into a spiritual practice. Thus, Ms. Aptheker completes a familiar circle from personal anguish to struggle for social justice to personal transformation. For those who consciously walk this circle, Intimate Politics will be a deepening and worthwhile book to read.

There are two distinct and fascinating stories interwoven here.
Ms. Aptheker was part of the inner circle wherever boomers spontaneously manned the barricades for social change. She gives us a meticulous (perhaps too meticulous) first-hand account of the people she knew and the events she lived during the free-speech, civil rights, anti-war, and feminist revolutions. Hence, the word 'politics' in the title.

Then she tells another, much more interesting story. The 'intimate' passages introduce us to a very, very bright, traumatized young girl, one who is eager to please and desperate to fit in. So she steps out bravely -- her courage is astounding (especially her courage to change course in pursuit of integrity)-- but every bold action she takes also exposes her to very real dangers from the powers-that-be. A more sensible person might have withdrawn and conformed, but Ms. Aptheker staggers defiantly on. This is a story about secrets, injuries, shame, stubbornness, self-destruction, self-discovery, healing, and the courage to keep following your star, despite it all.