Politics Books

Not sure I can improve upon the thorough reviews already given, but I think this is an excellent and sober analysis of the relationship between the US government and the concepts/realities of freedom. His analysis inlcudes discussions about the costs and benefits of various government programs which helps to keep things in perspective; refraining from theoretical speculation and simplistic harping. Mr. Higgs work is timely and needed for the current and past crops of statists churned out of the government school systems. I am anxious to read more of his work and recommend this book to others whenever I have the opportunity.

Robert Higgs is one among a treasure trove of liberty's greatest assets at the Ludwig von Mises Institute at mises.org. Where a collection of America's greatest classical liberal free market mavens, and advocates of the minimalist government conceived by the Founders, have put together one of the WWW's most heavily trafficked site for freedom and truth in the entire world - bar none.

Mr. Higgs, and his ultra-commendable associates at Mises; Raico, Rothbard, Hoppe, Thornton, Denson, Hulsman, DiLorenzo, Stromberg, to name a very few, have put this prior dupe of the government, media & academe, on the right track after nearly a half century of being totally misled and lied to. Almost all I knew was wrong; a lifetime of disinformation literally meant to deceive me into believing our Government's massive existense is justified.

It is not, nor never was, justified to serve any more than it's intended role as the benign night watchman of our shores and our natural rights while otherwise keeping it's freaking nose out of our personal business and finances. A purpose Govt itself has spent this past century, and vast billions of our own money in it's compulsory education, to convince the people otherwise for the sole purpose of enriching an elite few on the backs and lives of the many they feed off like the unproductive parasites indeed they mostly all are.

The plethora of downloadable mp3 and video lectures at mises.org by Mr Higgs and others has given me the education I now must believe was purposely denied me by an evil establishment who's ONLY concern is it's own self preservation and expansion to our grave detriment and to our ever dwindling freedoms that each new "emergency" enables the chipping away of.

One of my favorites at mises.org is Mr. Higg's lecture that he begins w/the Margaret Attwoods poem "Siren Song" and well worth anyone's time in the listening.

If truth and freedom are your primary concerns, as they have luckily become mine, this Higgs book, like all his others, is highly recommended.

He really covers every base and sticks it to the man right between his little beady lying pea-brain eyes.

When Robert Higgs is attacking big government of the Hobbesian kind - i.e. "Leviathan", he is brilliant while also promoting the blessings of a free economy. "Against Leviathan" is a collection of 40 essays and reviews save one that were previously published in various journals, especially the Independent Institute's "Independent Review: A Journal of Political Economy" that is edited by Robert Higgs. The 40 pieces are grouped under seven topics: Welfare Statism, Our Glorious Leaders, Despotism, Soft and Hard, Economic Disgraces, The Political Economy of Crisis, Retreat of the State?, and Review of the Troops. The gist is that "few people in the United States today really give a damn about living as free men and women".

Despite Junior Bush being selected as President by the U.S. Supreme Court in 2000 and Junior Bush next stealing votes in Ohio through corruption and cheating in 2004 to win that state's electoral votes and subsequently the national election, Higgs believes that Americans have free and honest elections: "Citizens in a democracy can always `throw the rascals out' at the next election". Ask a Libertarian or a Green about ballot access laws.

Higgs blames the American voter for the Demo-publican monopoly in party politics: "Here in the United States we have been flinging rascals hither and yon for more than two centuries". Yet during the last election in 2004, this reviewer asked all of his sociology of law students at a very expensive private college in Ohio to name the 4 candidates for President to appear on the Ohio ballot - they could name only 2! That's a score of 50% - not a passing score. They only knew Bush and Kerry, they could not name Badnarik or Peroutka. Higgs does not see the covert struggles by Demopublican statists and their corporatist friends to maintain control of their monopoly, so he blames the U.S. voter! Having said that, however, Higgs does see the end result: "two revolving factions of a one-party state".

Higgs does a good job of lambasting government and presidents, but pauses when he mentions Grover Cleveland who Higgs says "may have been the best of them all". Cleveland, former mayor of Buffalo and later governor of New York, built his anti-big government reputation by battling corruption and graft. Yet after Cleveland was elected President, his hostility towards the spoils system never translated into reforms. In fact, he nearly doubled the number of civil servants during his term of office and a majority of them represented his party of Democrats. Cleveland did veto a precedent-setting number of bills because they sought to enrich an elitist few at the expense of the general population. But then his increasing appetite for bigger government led him to create the Interstate Commerce Commission. Near the end of his term as President, Cleveland began to be viewed as a mercantilist, or British free trader, which was different from an American free enterpriser. And although the voters reelected Cleveland by a vote of 5,538,000 to 5,447,000, the Electoral College chose Harrison 233 to 168. But as we have already seen, Higgs blames the U.S. voter.

After four years of Harrison, the voters managed to outmuscle the Electoral College and reelect Cleveland to an ill-fated second term beginning with the Depression of 1893. He let the British drain American gold reserves, thereby establishing the Gold versus Silver controversy. Cleveland showed his statist heavy hand when he terminated the Pullman Strike. And as Commander-in-Chief of the U.S. militaries, he failed to control his marines who deposed the Queen of Hawaii and took liberties with her daughters. In short, Cleveland was good at talking the talk but less able to walk the walk. Calvin Coolidge would have been a better choice because he slept more than the others and was awake less time to do statist damage, although his handling of the Boston Police Strike was abominable.

In short, Higgs does a thorough job of railing against Big Government, collectivism, and welfarism. But by ignoring the creation of the corporation by the State and its resulting status as offspring of the state - thereby just as inefficient and bureaucratic as its parent, Higgs is telling only half the story. Leviathan is government AND its corporations. In a free market, there are no corporations; corporations are creations of the state - they are "artificial persons" that are granted Constitutional rights by its parent. This is a problem I hope Higgs will address one day soon.

"I believe that it is better to tell the truth than to lie. I believe that it is better to be free than to be a slave. And I believe that it is better to know than be ignorant."

~ H. L. Mencken (Living Philosophies, 1931)

H. L. Mencken would have delighted in Robert Higgs's crisp and razor-sharp assessment of America's political evolution, Against Leviathan: Government Power and a Free Society. The American body politic in the early 21st century seems somewhat inexplicable to many classical liberals, traditional conservatives, libertarians and others who appreciate the famous Marxist inquiry (Groucho, not Karl) of "Who are you going to believe, me or your own eyes?" Higgs, in forty concise chapters focusing on what has really happened in our historical, political and economic evolution as a Republic, ensures not only that we "know" and are no longer ignorant, but hints that Americans may also someday recognize that it is better to be free than to be a slave to the idea of the necessity of a centralized nation-state.

How did America migrate so far from the ideas of the founders, who believed government was a necessary evil to be constantly watched for signs of insincerity and encroachment? How did we change from a people who saw American presidents as presentable representatives abroad and models of moderation in all things governmental, into a people who worship activists from Wilson to Roosevelt to Nixon to Clinton and George W. Bush - each in their own way a national embarrassment abroad and utterly Bacchanalian in all things related to the state?

Higgs explains why this is so, by showing us the historical facts, the rich and widely available evidence of a growing and ravenous state, addicted to an all-it-can-eat diet of American national wealth, productivity and citizens, and the actions of the three prolific cooks in the kitchen - the judiciary, the legislature, and the executive. Whether the cooks are just doing their jobs, or are actually co-dependent with the chief customer and its insatiability, will be a question answered in one way by modern Republicans and Democrats, and another by the rest of the country. That the state has eaten extremely well in the last century will be denied by neither group.

In a particularly helpful way, Higgs explains how our Constitution exists in three realities - the literal paper document, the body of judicial evaluation and rulings accumulated over decades about what it meant to say, and the most important reality - Charles Beard's idea of a living Constitution, "...what living men and women think it is, recognize as such, carry into action, and obey." In this last incarnation we find hope that it really can be the citizens in a republic who govern. Sadly, the hope Higgs offers in Against Leviathan must be gleaned along the model of the Straussians through the esoteric approach, using a kind of anarcho-libertarian inspired gnosis.

For those of us who have apprehended American history from television and public school texts, Against Leviathan explains political actions beginning the early 20th century in a way that makes real sense and is historically accurate. Specifically, Higgs analyzes various mythologies against econometric data not available or ignored when these story-lines were initially put forth. In particular the idea that World War II got us out of the depression, something I grew up believing without question, is firmly debunked on the basis of hard cold fact. As the irreverent Mencken and Jesus of Nazareth both understood, knowing the truth is remarkably liberating.

The past prepares the way for the future, and it cannot be otherwise. Woodrow Wilson, with a friendly legislature and judiciary, transformed his own electoral pledge to "keep us out of the war" into the classic tease practiced by all centralized states, where "no means yes." The federal government did not go from outlays of less than 2% of the gross national product in 1914 to the modern level of well over 20% without creative approaches towards confiscation and the elimination of citizen resistance, without a "crisis constitution" taking precedence over a "normal constitution." The massive conscription called by Wilson worked hand in hand with the Espionage Act of 1917, and its notorious Sedition Act amendment, to deliver bodies to the state while silencing complaints. Wilson's dedicated work paved the way legally and intellectually for the New Deal, in both spirit and detail of the governmental excesses, and further paved the way for an American command economy between 1941 and the end of World War II. This militarized society and emerging centralized state led, in turn, predictably and irreversibly into the quasi-corporatist government we both fostered and endured as Americans throughout the Cold War. Today we witness an even more perfect progeny, the never-ending War on Terror.

After their passage and implementation, the 1917 Espionage Act and the 1918 Sedition Act were challenged in the courts as violating the first amendment, among other things. Both were subsequently upheld by the Supreme Court, although they were repealed in 1921, several years after WWI ended. Higgs points out that the Supreme Court has upheld most of emergency powers assumed by the state in post-hoc reviews, and he explains why in a way that is both disturbing and depressing. In part, reversing things like Roosevelt's confiscation of privately held gold stock and invalidation of all public and private contractual language mentioning gold as a form of payment would have not only embarrassed the federal government, but completely shattered its finances, its authority and its credibility. In other words, had the Supreme Court acted to preserve the amendments to the Constitution that once protected life, liberty, and property, it would have brought down the government completely and chaotically. That several principled and stubborn justices at times came close to doing just that is heartwarming.

Robert Higgs covers a lot of ground in this comprehensive book. A relaxed reading is warranted by all Americans, whether they come to the book embracing the idea an activist state and feeling it is worth the cost, or loathing it as a moral and financial abomination. My favorite sections are those that address the political economy of the Leviathan; Higgs educates, entertains and enrages all at once. But there are at least three topics that are blazingly important to all of us as we consider present day-to-day challenges in our lives and for our families. In this election year, Americans are concerned about health care, crime and national security, and Against Leviathan enlightens on the state's interest in and influence on all three issues.

The Food and Drug Administration seems a benign example of the Leviathan holding our individual interests foremost. Yet Higgs clearly shows how the FDA not only inhibits and warps scientific research and consumer choice, but is killing people daily with crimes of both commission and omission. Higgs carefully analyzes, with the help of FDA scientists and administrators themselves, the risk analysis conducted prior to every decision of the FDA, decisions that seem to place the needs of politicians and lobbyists as well as scientists and pharmaceutical CEOs over those of actual people who need to purchase drugs and get complete information about their health and their choices. This chapter is entitled in part "A Billy Club Is Not a Substitute for Eyeglasses" indicating that the FDA's law enforcement agenda has superceded its better health agenda. Frankly, after reading this chapter it is not clear to me that the FDA would understand the metaphor, after decades of steeping in its own brand of moral superiority and bureaucratic infallibility.

In terms of crime and keeping Americans safe, Higgs relates the rise in public security spending with a threefold rise in private security employment and an astronomical rise in the incarceration rate of Americans and prison construction. Clearly, spending more for public safety from crime isn't working out as planned, although the prison industry emerges as one of the new micro-corporatist entities that provide depth and character to American-style corporatism. Higgs points out that while the private sector has rushed to fill the public safety void left by government policing, government spending in this area grows, unabated by a lack of effectiveness. In a discussion of the military industrial congressional complex elsewhere, Higgs points out how "no failure goes unrewarded" and discusses how industries affixed to various federal teats actually define government requirements instead of responding to them. It appears this condition extends beyond the MICC and into domestic law enforcement and public safety.

In terms of national security, the Leviathan on steroids we have witnessed in our crisis constitution's one thousand days since 9-11 tells its own story. Higgs, in defining the nature of government growth and the state's natural-born tendency to infringe upon individual rights of speech, action and property, takes a bit of the mystery out of the Patriot Acts, the Department of Homeland Security, and a bloated federal budget that unguently merges the military state with the police state to make everyone feel better. It was all so predictable, and a unique value of Against Leviathan is its clarification and analysis of how and why government grows, not just that it does.

A weakness in the book may be that while its title suggests we could have a foothold against our Leviathan government, the contents are not as optimistic. Is the black market and a growth in contempt for law a means of rebellion against state controls and restrictions? Sort of, Higgs says, but not really, as these two are mutually dependent. The super-productive peasant gardens in vast barren state collectives in the old Soviet Union worked well in part because the state run collectives were owned by everyone, meaning owned by no one. Thus collective resources of time, effort and supplies were free to be used on individual plots. The mystery was symbiosis. Once the artificial resource flow made possible by collectives was eliminated, the super-productive peasant gardens were likewise changed irrevocably, and we no longer hear of them. What about incremental change? Higgs points out that the Third Way is more of the same, succumbing to the false god of central planning even while lamenting it. Perhaps a major crisis so massive the state would be unable to surmount it could crash the system and relieve us from the Leviathan. Even this is viewed as unlikely, because of the remarkable stability of state interests netted with other interests, whether business or values based. America quasi-corporatism is not fascism, because each industry is not a single actor able to negotiate wholly with the state, or to completely act with the state to pursue this aim or that. Our corporatism is far more fluid and multifaceted, but the Leviathan's very widespread usefulness to all important political actors and factions makes it remarkably difficult to unseat it or even put it in a lurch. Only the individual is left out of the Leviathan equation, and most of us don't recognize that crucial reality.

We have been acculturated and miseducated to accept patronizing massive central power and call it a Republic. The benevolence, magnificence and necessity of the nation-state has been preached every day from Washington for the past one hundred years. Robert Higgs aims to correct this dangerous circumstance, and baptize us all with truth. He has succeeded in Against Leviathan. One only wishes that Higgs' next book will be entitled "Leaving Leviathan: The End of the Affair."

October 20, 2004

I highly recommend this book to veterans and newcomers to Liberty. I myself will definitely pass this book around to my friends and relatives.

The author has a very unique and humorous voice, and the writing overall is very clear and concise. It's an odd thing to say, but this book has the most entertaining and informative introduction I've ever read in a book--and I read many!

Buy it, read it, and spank it.

This book is a good overview of the main events of the period. Dunn does a great job explaining each event.

This is the second book I've read in the Norton History of Modern Europe (the first was Eugene F. Rice, Jr.'s "The Foundations of Early Modern Europe, 1460-1559"), and I've been highly impressed with both of them.

They both cover the basic events fairly thoroughly and simply, presenting the background but not getting lost in details. Although focusing on political history, they both cover many other aspects of history--military strategy, economics, demographics, art and culture, philosophy--briefly at least.

Speaking as someone who occasionally has to teach the subject, in my opinion organization is the greatest challenge in presenting history, and one of the greatest compliments I can pay to any history book is to call it well-organized. Dunn's book is generally very well-organized; I have only a few minor quibbles, and I doubt that I could improve on his organization without introducing bigger problems.

Other quibbles are much less significant: I would have liked more detail regarding the War of the Spanish Succession, more information about changes in military strategy in this period (since firearms underwent constant improvement, and the nature of seige warfare changed dramatically--but how exactly did these change the strategy and nature of warfare?), more on the culture of Restoration England, maybe something on the culture of the Puritans (he tells us nothing of John Foxe, and almost nothing of John Milton or John Bunyan).

However, I am fairly familiar with the cultural history of Europe (by which I mean art, music, literature, philosophy and religion), so in reading these books my main concern is to fill in the political, military, and economic background, which I don't know very well. If your situation is similar to mine, I guarantee you will find these books very rewarding.

One other thing I find most gratifying is the well chosen illustrations: although printed in black and white, they are often obscure enough to be new to me, while perfectly commenting the text. For instance, the closing pages show a woodcut of Peter the Great cutting a Russian nobleman's beard, in which Peter (actually an impressively large man) is portrayed as a giggling, child-size pest to the large, dignified nobleman; the opposite page features a print from 1698 showing Peter's execution of the streltsy (his elite guard) rebels: row after row of hangings and beheadings on edifying display for the passing carriages. You didn't see it in your art history survey course, but it reveals the nature of Peter's Russia far more effectively than anything that you did.

The maps are also perfect, which enhances any history book.

If you are looking for a history of modern European culture, I do not recommend these books, however, as their focus lies elsewhere. For that purpose, I suggest starting with Jacques Barzun's opinionated but thorough "From Dawn to Decadence," supplemented with a good art history textbook such as Jansen's History of Art. If the religious issues that attended the religious wars are your concern, you should consider the 4th volume of Jaroslav Pelikan's "The Christian Tradition," which is titled "Reformation of Church Dogma."

After this book, if your thirst for early modern European history has not been quenched, I recommend turning to Diarmaid MacCulloch's "The Reformation."

Reads like a story, instead of a series of "facts", like most history books. Highly readable. Very interesting.

When my son began the study of Modern European History in college I decided to reacquaint myself with the subject. "The Age of Religious Wars" is a good place to start. Covering the years, 1559-1715, this tome takes the reader from the End of the Reformation to the beginning of the era of the 18th century balance of power.

This book focuses on the big themes of history. It tells the stories of Kings and warriors, merchants and clerics, artists and philosophers, but very little about the common people of the era.

This book is very well organized. Beginning with the situation in Europe in 1559, the first chapter gives the religious lay of the land in the countries of Western Europe at the start of the era. Chapter 2 outlines the beginning political situation in Eastern Europe.

In Chapter 3 the author studies the economic theories and commercial forms which fueled the economies of the age.

Chapter 4 introduces the reader to the political ebb and flow between absolutism and rising constitutionalism. Although the dominant figure of the era was France's Sun King, Louis XIV, he was the architect of a system which would die in a sea of blood before the 18th Century was out. In his day, Louis XIV lead the superpower of the age, but, toward the end of his long reign, he overplayed his hand, losing much of the territorial gains which he had temporally enjoyed.

The political upheaval of the era which was a harbinger of things to come was England's Glorious Revolution of 1688. For perhaps the first time in history, a monarch's right to reign was made dependent on the support of his subjects. Protestants William of Orange and his wife, Queen Mary, daughter of the late King Charles II, were invited by the nobles to challenge Mary's brother, the Catholic King James II. The resulting overthrow of James, in clear contrast to Louis' absolutism, laid the groundwork for the concept of government by consent of the governed, which would receive expanding application during the succeeding centuries.

In Chapter 5 Prof. Dunn reflects on the Age of Genius which truly this era was. Emerging from the intellectually stagnant Middle Ages, Europe erupted into a creative age virtually unique in history. Science was advanced by the likes of Copernicas, Kepler, Galileo, Descartes and Newton. Renaissance art bust forth under the creative genius of da Vinci, Michelangelo, Raphael, Titian, Durer and El Greco, to be followed by Baroque masters such as Rubens, Van Dyck and Velazquez. Europe still glories in the architectural heritage of Bernini and Wren. Our philosophy and political science still draw inspiration from the writings of Montaigne, Pascal, Hobbes Sponoza and Locke. Theatres of the world still interpret the works of Shakespeare and Marlowe, Lope de Vega and Calderon, Corneile, Moliere and Racine.

The book concludes in its sixth chapter with an analysis of the new balance of power which would carry Europe into a new age. A series of wars, Sweden's moment in the international spotlight and giant personalities such as Peter the Great would all combine to make Europe the place it would be in the 18th century.

Overall, this book is a good survey of the Age of Religious Wars. I had not read a college text in a long time and I had more acclimated to learning history in biographies and books more focused on specific topics. I am glad that I read it and give it 4 stars.

Dunn is an excellent writer. He is not flowery like the Durants, but his prose is elegant and to the point. He covers a great deal in a fair amount of detail. His book is very well organised and full of well chosen illustrations. The book is an easy size to carry around and very competitively priced (this kind of book is often very expensive, this one is not). If you want an introduction to this period, I do not think you could do better than this book. I could not put it down (Dunn knows how to be entertaining) and since completing it have referred to it often.

This book was used as the underlying basis to understanding the policy process in my graduate level class that I took recently.

Overall I would give this book 5 stars because it is relatively thorough and it encompasses a great deal in a concise model that is easy to understand.

Kingdon discusses that his model is set within three streams, problem, policy and political. Each of these streams have their own unique characteristics that work to help merge with the others. When these streams, ideally all three, a policy window opens where action on policy can occur by a decision-making body such as Congress. With the help of policy entrepreneuers, national mood, policy communities, and much more as agents amongst these streams, each work to produce change on the agenda.

As this class was titled the policy process that I took, it explained how it began but this book does not cover how the process moves once something has been acted upon on the agenda.

If you are looking for understanding more about activity leading up to action, this is a great book. If you are looking to understand the process afterwards, this may not be the right book, but it will help you understand the forces leading up to a process of change.

Definitely, I would recommend this for any political science class at the undergraduate level. I am glad that I was fortunate enough to have it assigned in my grad level policy process class.

Kingdon has produced an innovative and useful theory of the policy process. This book is clearly not intended for the lay reader, but for political scientists and policy specialists interested in theorizing about policy formation.

Kingdon's writing style is somewhat formal, and at times stiff, but the book is easy to get through. Kingdon provides many concrete examples of the ideas he discusses, making the abstract principles easier to understand.

Recommended for classes on the policy process, especially in conjunction with Baumgarter and Jones' Agendas and Instability in American Politics.

I am in the graduate program at American University's School of Public Affairs. This book was required for one of the core classes. The theory--the dynamic, fluid model that Kingdon builds in this book has been practically adopted as THE mantra within policy formation/agenda setting research.
The book is well organized and easy to follow. It is not a challenging read but I found sections of the book to be a bit dry. Also, be ready to contend with literally hundreds of fluid metaphors that Kingdon employs throughout the book.

John Kingdon attempts to answer very difficult questions in his work "Agendas, Alternatives, and Public Policies." What makes an idea's time come? What makes people in and around government attend to some subjects and not to others? In short, Kingdon explores how ideas become policy in his 1994 award-winning book.

The book makes many interesting conclusions, as Kingdon uses scientific research methods to discuss how ideas become policy. It is amazing that Kingdon is able to quantify how influential certain groups are to policy formulation and implementation. In doing this, he looks at the influence of groups in and outside of government. Kingdon then goes onto his major two concepts of the policy primeval soup and the political stream. Both of these are wonderful illustrations of how policymaking happens.

In the end, this is a great book for public policy students. My only complaint is that Kingdon is oftentimes too wordy. It seems that he could have written a much more effective piece by summing it up in a 40-page journal article. In any event, the book is worth the read, even if some chapters are only skimmed.

Agenda setting, in the world of politics, is when a problem becomes identified as an issue that calls for government attention, discussion, and--possibly--decision making. This book is one of the most important works on agenda-setting.

John Kingdon has stated that:

Political events flow along according to their own dynamics and their own rules. Participants perceive swings in national mood, elections bring new administrations to power and new partisan or ideological distributions to Congress, and interest groups of various descriptions press (or fail to press) their demands on government.

The author sees three streams that must come together for an issue to be placed on the agenda--a political stream (just noted above), a policy stream (in which some policy proposal emerges as "best"), and a problem stream (a problem develops that people label as important). If they come together and if the window of opportunity for success is there, then the issue can become an agenda item. If the streams do not come together, agenda placement is unsuccessful--as with President Clinton's health care plan. That plan had two of three requirements in place. One, the political stream was supportive. A new President had been elected with his party having a majority in both houses of Congress; furthermore, Clinton outlined as a campaign issue support for a more ambitious health care program for Americans. The confluence of these two factors produced something like a "mandate" for change. Two, the problem stream saw health care bubbling up toward the top. That is, increasingly, people seemed to define health care as a serious problem about which something had to be done.

Nonetheless, no major initiative emerged to be fully considered. Clinton's plan was very nearly DOA (dead on arrival) once serious discussion began. Why? No single policy proposal garnered enough support. Democrats supported several different plans--such as a single payer system (in which government becomes the insurer), "pay or play" (in which businesses would largely fund health care insurance), and the Clinton plan itself (which focused on managed care). Thus, the policy stream never did "come together" around any single proposal. As a result, the initiative died and no substantial changes were forthcoming in the health care system.

What emerges in each stream is, to a large extent, "contingent," depending upon many factors--including chance. The result is unpredictability.

It may be that this work overemphasizes chance and contingency and underplays the role of human agency (for instance, the role of policy entrepreneurs who labot to get issues placed on the agenda and acted upon). Nonetheless, this is an exemplary work and well worth attending to if one is interested in setting the political agenda.

Airwaves is O'Shaughnessy at hist best! From Mario Cuomo to Nelson Rockefeller, Airwaves gives a unique insight into some of the most fascinating figures of the Empire State and beyond. The candid conversations shed new light on the personal aspects of these rich characters who have helped shaped the state. O'Shaughnessy puts his guests at ease with a flair born from years of interviews and radio editorials that made the legendary broadcaster who he is today.

return we us now to those days of yesteryear..

The book is implemental to the collections of book lovers everywhere. I'm the same age as the author and I have not even half the amount of stories he has to tell. And, I don't even have half the amount of hair. WOW! What a book!

Nobody captures the essence of society's colorful characters like O'Shaughnessy. His perspectives on freedom of speech and The First Amendment are inspirational.

William O'Shaughnessy is everything we love about the Irish. He's irreverent, colorful, warm, and kind. This collection of radio editorials would be worth far more than its price if you were to receive only pages 61-64 for your money. (Think of the other 387 excellent pages as coming "at no extra charge.")

I was conducting a seminar in Manhattan for the great Joe Riley when I was introduced to Bill. I gave him a copy of my latest book and he gave me a copy of his, this (just released) Airwaves. I wasn't expecting much... but then I'm an idiot.

William O'Shaughnessy beggared America by limiting his radio commentary to Westchester County, New York. He should have been a network anchor.

Even though the book has a somewhat regional "New York" flavor, (I'm from Texas,) I liked it.

Bill! Write us another one!

This book is the first account of US foreign policy in the 1990s that treats the decade as genuine history. I mean that it does not simply offer a chronicle of the period, or a set of newspaper clippings and individual events - it offers a guiding historical interpretation that sets those years in relation to the Cold War before and 9/11 and beyond. It is very convincing that there is far more continuity today with the foreign policies of those years than many people, left or right, give credit for. It is a highly persuasive interpretation of the period and I believe will remain the standard account of its foreign policy for a long time to come.

This is a tremendously important book that explains what happened when the Berlin wall fell and America's foreign policy establishment was forced to confront a world that was no longer organized by the US/Soviet rivalry. As it becomes increasingly clear that the "war on terrorism" is only a part of the broader foreign policy needed to protect our nation in a complex and multi-polar world, this is the book to read if you want to understand how the next generation of policymakers will draw on the lessons of the recent past to set a new course. Chollet and Goldgeier know what they are talking about. They have done exhaustive research, and each of them has hands on experience in the foreign policy business. It's a bonus that the writing is lively and engaging. Don't miss this book.

An excellent read for someone who wants a non-partisan approach to history's impact on international relations and foreign policy. Additionally, Chollet and Goldgeier postulate how our current state of affairs will shape tomorrow's. This is a perfect book for someone who wants to understand where we were and where we are going.

America Between the Wars tells the story of 11/9 to 9/11 through informative, behind-the-scenes stories that illustrate the dynamic and contentious foreign policy debates from the fall of the Berlin wall to the fall of the twin towers. If you like the stories behind the history, you'll love America Between the Wars. And if you usually prefer novels, you may find Chollet and Goldgeier's narrative voice appealing. Rather than writing a wonky, boring foreign policy book as so many unfortunately do, the authors present a relevant and relatable book. Especially for those who lived through this period, America Between the Wars reveals critical elements of our past and our future.

I was in Jr. High and High School during the 90s and so wasn't very familiar with this period before reading this, and while interested and somewhat familiar with policy, am certainly no expert. After years of thinking I knew who neoconservatives were and what both parties "stood for", this book really put things into perspective and contextualized things for me. And though it's a "history", it draws extensively on interviews with leading policymakers & insiders during the period, so the text ends up reading more like a narrative (great for a novel-reader like myself).

In sum, this was really informative, interesting, and a quick read - perfect for anyone looking for a genuinely nonpartisan, nuanced look at how we got to where we are - both domestically and abroad. Definitely a must for your summer reading list.

This is a nice read. The only minor downfall, Jim should have written more about the massive challenges surrounding health care and education. I also would have liked to see him talk more about the split between conservatives and liberals in the USA and how it is dividing the country.

I like Jim's straightforward and honest approach, in his first book and on his talk show "America in the Morning"

The book expressed some excellent ideas and other ideas that weren't so good. It was, however, straight to the point when dealing with the issues. Bohannon never stayed too long on any one topic, which is both good and bad. I hoped he would've written more on Poverty, Education, and Politics. Those chapters were good in and of themselves, but I was left wanting to read more on those topics. The book's bibliography in the back did provide more help. Its a superb book that deals with a variety of topics and goes into some detail. In the future, I hope Bohannon comes out another book containing more details about the issues.

I do not like convoluted political rhetoric or confusing sociological observations. Bohannon's writing is practical, knowledgeable, and simple. That's what made his book so enjoyable. You will not need a Phd. to read Bohannon's examinations of what America needs to do to improve. "Jimbo" is a great communicator. It is no wonder that he is the top radio talk show host for millions of Americans! If you like his program, you'll want to buy this book.

Jim's a friend and colleague, so I was prepared to be gracious. Instead, I'm REAL impressed. His plainspoken take on what-the-heck's-wrong-around-here-and-what-we-CAN-do-about-it is thoughtful and affirming. I'm recommending that all my client stations which carry his show buy a stack of copies of this book, and give them to clients and listeners.

Going to a seasoned expert in the media for perspectives and opinions can mean that the "media mouth" is a devout right or left winger. A good, hard driving, well-centered moderate man is hard to find! Take heart! Bohannon's book is the moderate voice who loves his country and wants it to achieve its promise and embrace the ideals that truly did and can once again revive our "moral center." Bohannon's breadth and depth of history is evident. If a reader is interested in a moderate's sensible perspectives, then Jim Bohannon's America in Crisis is worth the "dime" and time spent on this book. Jim has a large national following for his week night program. His callers appreciate his wit, incisive thinking, and his professional standards in taking the "spins" off of the current topics and really getting to the truth. Just as with his listening audience, Jim Bohannon's readers will be invigorated with his insight and solutions to America's problems in his "Twelve Step Program for America" chapter. Bohannon's book certainly has no "obfuscations." You will understand, know, and actually remember what you have read in his book when you finish this fast but very full "read." He communicates in a clean, no-nonsense style and with rich humor. I was impressed with his down-to-earth, conversational prose--available prose. There is so much right thinking in this book that I found my head moving in agreement and interspersing a few "amens" and "That's exactly how I think, too." I purchased four copies to give as gifts. That should be enough of a testimony as to my enthusiastic recommendation of America in Crisis--readable, enjoyable, believable.

America's Conscience
Bernadette T. Vadurro

Whether you support or oppose the so-called Neo-Conservatives in American government, this is a book well worth reading, guaranteed to be eye-opening, cage-rattling, and pointedly informative from page to page. This is not the angst-driven opinionated rant we see so often in books about the American scene. Moving coolly and rapidly through some very complex and turbulent subject matter, America's Conscience is a stimulating analysis of the rise of the political movement which has swept the halls of power in Washington DC, and has committed our future to extreme peril in pursuit of a world American hegemony.

Though this analysis is focused to reveal the movement clearly, and to show the author's viewpoint, it is not biased, or burdened with personal views. It is researched, documented, and footnoted like a Masters thesis (or so I would presume, as I don't hold the degree). As a literary work, it is trimmed and sleek, and with its many tight sidebars, it enables the reader to absorb a lot of information in a very fast read.

Those who agree with the fundamental axioms and objectives of the Neo-Conservative movement, in both domestic and foreign matters, will likely be pleased to see so well documented how deliberately, and for how long a relatively small association of colleagues have been working to bring about events which have forever changed our world. They will be pleased to know those patriots do not hesitate to use whatever means, methods, or misinformations are necessary to accomplish what they have begun.

Those who disagree will likely find reason in these pages to consider the Neo-Cons to be a gluttonous cabal of military-industrialists who have wrapped themselves in the Flag and seduced both Christians and Jews into getting into bed with them, who have lied to the Congress, the press, and the people to enable their agenda, and who have committed the lives and fortunes of all of us to that militant global marketing campaign. They will be astonished to see how openly this fraternity of political extremists and industrialists has been declaring its ideology and systematically acting to bring about a world objective, of which the war in Iraq is only one step, and control of the American mind by market manipulation through a symbiotic media monopoly is only one tool.

In America's Conscience, Bernadette Vadurro focuses the spotlight on the motivation and actions of this small but powerful group of leaders, like Toto drawing back the curtain to reveal who has been pulling the strings and giving the orders. Even so, it is neither an indictment nor a call for opposition. It is an invitation, an exhortation to examine certain things closely and realistically, and then to decide for yourself how to best respond to what they reveal, in the most positive and productive manner you can. As an exhortation to those who, like myself, I confess, have felt politically disenfranchised and socially disconnected, her message is refreshingly optimistic.

James Nathan Post
Postscript Publishing Company www.postpubco.com

Bernadette Vadurro's, "America's Conscience" is a remarkable book. Ms. Vadurro was brought up in a family where political discussion at the dinner table was the "blue plate special." Moreover, she was encouraged to question what she had seen, heard, and was being told by the media. This is how one becomes an informed citizen able to separate the truth from the spin and then make a cogent critique of the propaganda that is spoon fed by the media as "news."

"America's Conscience" is a remarkable book becasue predicated on this process that combines objectivity with critical analysis Ms. Vadurro, like Nietzsche and Kierkegaard found in their day, has discovered that when one strips the veneer of deceit and lies from social institutions, particularly political ones, all that is left is rot. It is not surprising that when Ms. Vadurro applies this process to neoconservativism and the Bush Administration the stench of rot is unbearable.

In a clear, concise, and cogent manner Ms. Vadurro creates a framework and then builds upon it an argument that exposes neoconservativism and the Bush Administration for what it is: a myopic, truncated, self-aggrandizing movement that has hijacked both America and what it means to be an American. She then clearly illustrates specifically how this happened and the disastrous result for not only America and Americans but for the entire world.

"America's Conscience" is the voice of Ms. Vadurro calling each of us back to the vision of the Founding Fathers as expressed in the Constitution of the United States of America. As such, she echoes the voice of Thomas Paine who understood that freedom, true freedom, requires more than "Summertime soldiers and Sometime patriots." True freedom exacts, in Pain's words, "a dear price."

In Chapter 20 of "American's Conscience" Ms. Vadurro challenges us to become full time soldiers and full time patriots. She challenges us to pay the "dear price" and return America to the vision of the Founding Fathers.

I most highly recommend "America's Conscience" as a book that in the words of Sir Frances Bacon everyone, "read, mark, learn, and inwardly digest."

Bernadette Vadurro has provided a wealth of detailed information and its my hope that this excellent book will be read all over America. America's Conscience, provides the information essential for an informed electorate. An informed electorate is critical, for without it democracy cannot possibly fulfill its potential.

As Lincoln said, "Democracy is government of the people by the people." That means citizens comprise the government and it is political leaders who are elected to be servants of the people.

There can be no excuse for ignorance. It is ignorance that has allowed power to defer to a sophisticated, arrogant, dishonest and exceptionally dangerous administration. It is time people woke up before its too late. American Conscience is the place to start.

The Bush administration, the entire neocon cabel, and sadly, the response of the American people themselves--has had a profoundly negative impact across the planet. The tired and hungry of the world have looked to America with its promise of justice and freedom for all, and found it wanting.

I'm deeply concerned for it seems, barring some drastic changes, the world is headed into a profoundly unsafe state, where extremism becomes the norm and violence a way of life.

Bernadette, provides an unflinching examination of what is transpiring in her country and calls upon her fellow citizens to reclaim the promise of their nation, to hold political leaders to account and thereby bring about the required course correction--not just for the United States, but for the impact it has on the rest of the world as well.

Colin D. Mallard.

Jam packed into this 20 chapter gem of a book are maps, charts, pie graphs and detailed source references to enable the average lay person to coherently challenge the faux news on Fox and the entertainment posing as "info"-tainment news on every other Main Stream Media television outlet.

This fact-filled first edition will forcefully arm your brain to Fight Against "Spin". Stash a copy into your daily backpack arsenal or heavy-hitting handbag, then go out to "Preach the Truth"! (Want PROOF: check out Chapter *9*, Spin, Baby, Spin.)

A MUST HAVE book ... purchase, read, share, keep in your library at home, and DEMAND a copy at the library in your hometown or your school.

I just sent "America's Conscience" to a young lady in California as a special occasion gift upon her "party promotion" in a State political organization!

As author Bernadette Vadurro writes in Chapter *20*, World Redemption: "Where do we begin to redeem the good name and honor of our nation?" I say let's start RIGHT HERE. Let us begin by reading and sharing both the knowledge and the ideas outlined in, "America's Conscience: Facing Threats to Democracy, the Middle Class and Our World."

Bernadette T. Vadurro's "America's Conscience" is a great place to start reading for anyone who is just becoming aware that the neoconservative power structure that has orchestrated George Bush's presidency serves neither Americans nor the rest of the world well. And it's a valuable resource for readers who, already aware, would benefit from having facts, figures, sources, and resources at their fingertips in a single volume.

The author has organized and assembled a dizzying volume of information, documented each of the twenty chapters with notes, and provided the reader with wide-angle views of everything from endless war to those elusive WMDs; from spinning stories to outright lies; from quieting dissent to an often lazy media; from who gives money to whom to the impact of the contributions. And more.

Transcending the extremists on the political left and right who don't let research or fact interfere with their respective agendas, Vadurro constructs her argument with reason, backs it with documentation, and, in my reading, essentially asks Americans, "Is this what you want?"

"America's Conscience" provides intelligent, concerned and open-minded American citizens, regardless of political affiliation or lack thereof, with verifiable evidence to back up the cliched, but nevertheless accurate slogan, "If you're not outraged, you're not paying attention."

The author has paid and is paying attention. Her book calls on the rest of us to do the same.

This is a collection of articles from Foreign Affairs, which is the journal of the internationalist (and since WWII the dominant) wing of the American foreign policy Establishment. The selection choice of articles was pretty good and interesting, though I am disappointed that they did not publish any articles from the Dulles brothers. Members of Yale secret societies, however, are well represented.

Some of the more revealing articles are:
Elihu Root's lead article in the first issue, a sort of mission statement for the purpose of the journal.
Hamilton Fish's reflection on fifty years of interventionist foreign policy.
Walter Lippmann's smear job on Senator Borah (he later suggested waging political warfare on isolationist congressment to the head of BSC during WWII, and they were quite successful).
The articles of members affiliated with the Royal Institute of International Affairs before WWII.
George Kennan's 'X' article suggesting containment among others.

For anyone interested in American political history and foreign policy in particular, this is an excellent book to possess. The pictures of some of the writers were also very interesting, I particularly enjoyed the picture of Bill Buckley striking a Jesus Christ pose with American flags draped in the background. This picture was placed above a picture of a nude woman covering her behind with a copy of Foreign Affairs. A very interesting choice, indeed! For the prices listed for the used copies, it is a bargain. Get the book!

This is a collection of articles from Foreign Affairs, which is the journal of the internationalist (and since WWII the dominant) wing of the American foreign policy Establishment. The selection choice of articles was pretty good and interesting, though I am disappointed that they did not publish any articles from the Dulles brothers. Members of Yale secret societies, however, are well represented.

Some of the more revealing articles are:
Elihu Root's lead article in the first issue, a sort of mission statement for the purpose of the journal.
Hamilton Fish's reflection on fifty years of interventionist foreign policy.
Walter Lippmann's smear job on Senator Borah (he later suggested waging political warfare on isolationist congressment to the head of BSC during WWII, and they were quite successful).
The articles of members affiliated with the Royal Institute of International Affairs before WWII.
George Kennan's 'X' article suggesting containment among others.

For anyone interested in American political history and foreign policy in particular, this is an excellent book to possess. The pictures of some of the writers were also very interesting, I particularly enjoyed the picture of Bill Buckley striking a Jesus Christ pose with American flags draped in the background. This picture was placed above a picture of a nude woman covering her behind with a copy of Foreign Affairs. A very interesting choice, indeed! For the prices listed for the used copies, it is a bargain. Get the book!

An amazing trip through the 20th century with the best minds of the age. Reading these classic essays you get new insights into the big trends, events, ideas that have brought us to where we are today. I was given this book as a gift and was genuinely surprised by how much I have enjoyed it. (The photographs are a nice bonus.) Anyone who likes history and politics will love this book.

The essays in this volume range from extremely good to outstanding to outright brilliant. Collectively, these forty-two essays chronicle the evolution of American foreign policy-its intellectual and political struggle to deal with the world since 1922. This compilation is divided into decades-1930s, 1940s, and so on, each dealing with the dominant themes of that decade, ranging from the founding of Foreign Affairs in 1922 to its 75th anniversary in 1997.

Broadly speaking, there are two kinds of essays: on one hand are those essays for which the reader will have a historical interest-as a snapshot of contemporary debates; on the other, there are essays which probe timeless themes and their ideas can be as applicable today as they were when they were first written. What is most exciting is when essays combine the two-capturing the essence of past debates while developing timeless themes and arguments for posterity to refer to. It is in these cases that "Foreign Affairs" is at its best.

It is impossible, for example, to read Fouad Ajami's "The end of Pan-Arabism" without feeling that you're getting a deeper understanding of the Middle East, one that is as necessary today as it was when it was written in 1978. Or, to read David Fromkin's "Strategies of Terrorism," without drawing parallels with Al-Qaeda and the United States and their own battle against each other. Or to read Richard Cooper propose a world currency without thinking how many of the problems we face today were anticipated back in the 1980s. Or Julien Brenda counter the case the pacifism and democracy go hand in hand, without thinking how the two ideas have been so connected in our minds today. Or, reading Hans Morgenthau discuss intervention and non-intervention in Viet Nam without drawing lessons about America's contemporary strategic debate which revolves around the same questions.

Inevitably, every reader's list of favorites will vary-the anthology, after all, is so diverse as to placate everyone's appetite. There are essays on war and peace, international economics, development, terrorism, nationalism, isolationism, containment, imperialism, human rights, and technology; and there are more specific ones that deal with the interwar period, the Cold War, the war in Viet Nam, decolonization in Africa, on the Middle East in the 1970s, on American foreign policy, on the Soviet Union in the 1980s, and on the war in the former Yugoslavia.

The authors too are drawn from all specters of political debates. They include such theoretical legends as Hans Morgenthau and Samuel Huntington; key political players as Henry Kissinger, George F. Kennan, Zbigniew Brzezinski and Nikolai Bukharin; economists as Paul Krugman and Richard Cooper; journalists as Walter Lippmann, Irving Kristol, and Hamilton Fish Armstrong; and others as Fouad Ajami, David Fromkin, Isaiah Berlin, W.E.B. Du Bois, Arthur Schlesinger Jr., Aleksandr Solzhenistym, and others.

As a primary source, but also a reference on what some of the brightest minds of the century had to say on the important issues of the day, "The American Encounter" cannot be absent from the library of anyone who is serious about understanding the international politics of the twentieth century.

This compilation of the "best of the best" articles from the journal Foreign Affairs is a real gem that is especially relevant today as America continues to neglect its international responsibilities and certain Senators and Congressman have the ignorant temerity to brag that they don't own nor need an American passport. The conclusion of the July 1932 article by Edwin F. Gay, "The Great Depression", is instructive: "The world war affirmed the international political responsibilities of the United States; the world depression demonstrates the economic interdependence of the United States with other states. It cannot be a hermit nation." With four seminal articles from each decade (1920's forward), including just about every great name in the international discussions of the century, this book is a fundamental reference point for those who would dare to craft a vibrant foreign policy for the United States in the 21st Century. The book ends with several thoughtful pieces including, most fittingly, an interview with Lee Kuan Yew of Singapore on culture as destiny, an article whose subtitle might have been "How extended families and the collective good still matter."

American Power and the New Mandarins, first published in 1967, is a collection of essays by Noam Chomsky about the Vietnam War and related subjects. Originally famous for his contributions to linguistics, Chomsky began writing extensively about U.S. foreign policy during the Vietnam War, and this collection is the first of his many political books. While the subject matter is a bit dated, those who are interested in either the intellectual climate during the Vietnam era or the origins of Chomsky's career as a critic of U.S. policy will find plenty to interest them in this book.

Chomsky's primary goal in American Power and the New Mandarins is not to convince the reader that the Vietnam War was wrong. On this issue, he says that "Anyone who puts a fraction of his mind to the task can construct a case [against the war] that is overwhelming" (9). Rather, his goal is to illustrate the degree to which American intellectuals supported the war, or at least the assumptions behind it. Many people remember the Vietnam War as a time of widespread protest against U.S. policy, with intellectuals and the youth leading the way. Chomsky argues that the war's "opponents" were often not concerned with the moral issues related to the war, but rather with the fact that the war seemed to be unwinnable and was costing too many American lives. The implication is that these intellectuals would not be protesting if the U.S. had crushed the Vietnamese resistance without significant loss of American life (Vietnamese life being irrelevant).

The book is made up of eight essays of varying length, and an introduction and an epilogue.

- In "Objectivity and Liberal Scholarship," Chomsky introduces the concept of the "new mandarins"--those who claim the authority to determine policy based on their allegedly "scientific" understanding of human nature and technology. These "new mandarins" believe that their knowledge gives them the right to restructure society in Vietnam and elsewhere, regardless of the wishes of the local population. In addition, Chomsky argues that many intellectuals tend to accept the status quo and support the basic assumptions of U.S. policy--that Western nations always know best, and force is justified to keep Third World countries from going down the "wrong" path. This essay is not very concise or organized; Chomsky has plenty of evidence to present but it flows out in no particular order. Chomsky devotes nearly 50 pages to criticizing a single historian's book about the Spanish Civil War--an excellent example, in Chomsky's opinion, of "the deep-seated bias of liberal historians," (93) but a cumbersome way to make his point. Still, whatever its organizational shortcomings, this essay presents plenty of evidence to illustrate the biases of liberal intellectuals in favor of American power.

- In "The Revolutionary Pacifism of A. J. Muste: On the Backgrounds of the Pacific War," Chomsky explains the parallels between the Vietnam War and Japanese expansion in China in the 1930's. In both cases, defenders of government policy appealed to "the high moral character of the intervention, the benefits it would bring to the suffering masses" (183). Both America and Japan tried to set up puppet governments to serve their interests, and responded to doubts about their actions by emphasizing the "Communist" threat (196).

- "The Logic of Withdrawal" discusses the political strength of the NLF (Vietcong) and the continuing resistance of the United States to any political settlement that might allow the Vietnamese a fair choice between the NLF and other alternatives. Chomsky ridicules the idea that an NLF political victory could pose any threat to America's survival, comparing this to the Nazis' claim that "a Jewish-Bolshevik conspiracy was threatening the survival of Germany" (249).

- "The Bitter Heritage" is Chomsky's review of Arthur Schlesinger's book of the same name. Schlesinger expresses the "liberal" view that the United States had made a tactical error by fighting a costly war, but that American motives were pure. Chomsky argues that this view represents the extreme limit of mainstream opposition to the war in the United States. The view that "the United States has no unilateral right to determine by force the course of development of the nations of the Third World" (297) is not considered to be "responsible criticism" (296).

- In "Some Thoughts on Intellectuals and the Schools" and "The Responsibility of Intellectuals," Chomsky continues his criticism of intellectuals who endorse the irresponsible use of American power.

- "On Resistance" and "Supplement to 'On Resistance'" are Chomsky's statements about how to protest the war. Chomsky argues that resistance should remain nonviolent, not only because of moral considerations, but also because violence "will surely fail, will simply frighten and alienate some who can be reached, and will further encourage the ideologists and administrators of repression" (374-5). Chomsky endorses the refusal to be drafted as an ideal means of resistance, since it directly impedes the government's ability to carry out its policies and can be used to make a visible statement as well.

If you are a Chomsky fan, you will probably enjoy this book; his writing style and basic outlook have remained consistent over the decades. He has written plenty of books and essays about more recent events, however, so if you are interested in American power in general rather than Vietnam in particular, you might want to check the newer ones out first.

During the Vietnam war the United States used its enormous military power to try to install in South Vietnam a minority government of U.S. choice, with its military operations based on the knowledge that the people there were the enemy. This country killed millions and left Vietnam (and the rest of Indochina) devastated. A Wall Street Journal report in 1997 estimated that perhaps 500,000 children in Vietnam suffer from serious birth defects resulting from the U.S. use of chemical weapons there. Seems fairly reasonable to protest against this, surely?... This was and is a groundbreaking book, and ....

Noam Chomsky's first political work is a first-rate collection of essays critiquing the U.S. war of aggression in Vietnam. Chomsky is more concerned here with the ideological defenses for the war than with the moral implications of the war itself, which are totally transparent at this late date. There are a wide variety of topics discussed in this broad volume, from the origins of the Pacific War to Arthur Schlesinger's liberal apologetics for U.S. imperialism. Chomsky's famous essay 'Objectivity and Liberal Scholarship' is a meandering account of the liberal intelligentsia's understanding of the Spanish Civil War. In it, Chomsky falls into the pitfalls of ultra-leftism, with low quality critiques of Bolshevism and Leninism. He relies on Rosa Luxemburg's fine criticisms of Lenin without examining Luxemburg's own political context in the German SDP, or her own explicit support for forming a revolutionary 'vanguard.' However, there are some fine passages in 'American Power and the New Mandarins,' such as 'The Logic of Withdrawal' or Chomsky's own personal reflections on the demonstrations at the Pentagon. This book will surely remain one of the better examinations of the criminal war in Vietnam for years to come.

Chomsky's first political book, _American Power_ is a devastating critique for the U.S. foray into Southeast Asia, which Chomsky considers to be little more than modified imperialism. The book starts somewhat slowly, first with an extended essay focusing largely on the Spanish Civil War, which though interesting, seems like a strange place to begin the discussion. The second essay focuses on the decision of drop nuclear weapons during World War II, and the absence of "war guilt" in the U.S. over that action. The second essay, like the first, is interesting, though not seemingly directly related to Chomsky's Vietnam critique. The remainder of work focuses quite squarely on Vietnam, and offers the sort of moral outrage that Chomsky contends was conspicuously lacking from the liberal academics of the time. The entire underpinning of Chomsky's premise has to do with the morality of U.S. action, rather than the pragmatism that he chides others for basing their positions on.

The book is quite powerful in many of its conclusions. A few criticisms: there is extensive use of irony throughout the work, occasionally to the point of excess; while Chomsky eviscerates a half dozen of the "liberal intelligensia", it's difficult for me, as someone who was not alive to witness the war, to know if these voices typify the liberal objections to the war, or if Chomsky has cherry-picked these individuals (obviously Schlesinger was a major voice, but I'm not familiar with the others); if you don't have some conception of the forces behind the Spanish Civil War, the first essay will be somewhat confusing. It was for me, anyway.

Altogether though, particularly in light the U.S. invasion of Iraq, many of Chomsky's ideas have taken on a new urgency. The comparision between Vietnam and Iraq will come very naturally as you read _American Power_. It is well worth our time to make this comparison. Chomsky's thesis is as valid now as it was in 1969.

I recently reread Chomsky's classic. It's very enlightening to see the parallels as well as the differences between the role America's "intelligencia" played during the Vietnam War and the role they are playing now with just another war "won".

i didn't take class, thought it would be a good idea to take another ap for the heck of it. pwned that noob. seriously. read it twice, get a 5. its that simple.

I don't know. I never had AP CompGov course, but I bought this book, read it all in two days before the actual exam and got 4. So, there must be smth in this book.

I purchased this review book with the intent of studying for the AP Comparative Government test without having taken a class on the subject. I found the book to both be easy to read and very enlightening. I found the questions presented in the review sections of this book to be a very good representation of the questions on the exam. I was very happy to see that I received a 5 on the AP exam after only reading this book. I recommend it to those of you who wish to well on the exam.

I am a high school senior who took AP Comparative Government last year. My course only lasted 3 months, so my teacher had a hard time cramming so much knowledge into our brains in such a short time span. Hence, I decided to do some outside reading (a first for me), so I bought this book. Ethel Wood's study guide is the most comprehensive book on comparative government. It is very easy to read and rather succint. The quizzes inbetween each chapter are fantastic, as are the two practice exams. I was able to skim the entire book in a couple of days (its not hard at all), and a few days before the exam I thoroughly read the entire book. Although some questions on the exam were not discussed in this study guide, I was able to pull off a 5.

For further proof that this book works miracles, my friend also purchased it, read it, and got a 5. We were the only two in our class to achieve this, and we both admit that we would have failed, had it not been for Ethel Wood's fantastic study guide.

I took the AP Comparative Government test, like most people, because it comes free with the US government test. About 2 weeks before the test, I broke down and realized that I needed to get a prep book from which to study, or I wasn't going to do well. This book arrived at my doorstep 9 days before the exam. With just a reasonable general knowledge of global affairs as my only prerequisite, I read this book cover to cover and got a 5 on the test without a hitch. The questions on the exam were so reminiscent of this book that it almost seemed as if they were written by the same author. After a thorough reading of this, I don't see how anyone could possibly score below a 4, and I find it highly unlikely that anyone would not get a 5.