Politics Books

Journalist, editor and author Marcia Ford gets her news from Comedy Central. This small detail suggests what you can expect from her latest book --- a rollicking yet informed perspective on politics that isn't afraid to flout convention. Make that "conventions," as in the Republican and Democratic conventions that will be convening this summer to formally select their presidential candidates. Ford eschews both parties.

"The truth is, I am every partisan politician's worst nightmare --- a registered independent," writes Ford. "Wildly unpredictable in my voting habits over the last three decades and more, I have cast ballots for Democrats, Republicans, independents and assorted loose cannons. I have also cast ballots against Democrats, Republicans, independents, and assorted loose cannons. And I have cast no ballot at all in those years when political ennui overtook me, when voting for the lesser of two evils appeared to be more evil than not voting at all. In those years, I intentionally avoided the evil of two lessers."

Independent voters like Ford have been dubbed "Purple" voters for their penchant to blend Red- and Blue-State politics (not to mention Green and all manner of politics that have avoided a primary color designation). But far from being indecisive or non-committal, Ford contends that Purple voters are passionate about politics, so much so that they're unwilling to passively play into the two-party system that stifles real dialogue and effective governance. She writes, "When a candidate is not beholden to a major political party, that candidate is free not only to speak her mind but also to engage in more creative problem-solving."

Ford also points out that the two-party system has been especially poisonous for faith communities who are often held hostage by religious political rhetoric that tells voters they risk spiritual and/or personal failure by voting the wrong way. Ford, who left a church that became politicized, writes, "While pastors were preaching the Republican line, the spiritual life of their congregations was draining away drop by drop." And it's not just a problem in conservative churches: partisan politics plays out in liberal mainline, African-American and other churches. "As paradoxical as the image may seem, if Christians remained morally centered, their votes could swing all along the political spectrum."

WE THE PURPLE came out of an idea for an essay, and sometimes it shows, with digressions that fill up space on the page rather than keep Ford's thesis focused. Rabbit trails abound. And at one point she takes the position that those who don't vote, even if their reasons amount to laziness, should feel entitled to complain about the government. Basic freedom of speech issues aside (of course, no is suggesting that people who don't vote actually have their right to free speech taken away), it does seem fair to suggest that those unwilling to engage the political process should be reticent to complain when that process results in unwanted outcomes. How her assertion on behalf of non-voters fits into her ideas about morally centered, independent voting is unclear to me apart from the fact it's certainly an outsider position and therefore would be welcome in the large embrace of Purple politics that she advocates.

It's this large embrace of Purple politics that gives WE THE PURPLE something of an unwieldy arc. Given that independent voters are so, well, independent, Ford's effort to speak on behalf of Purple voters as a group often seems counter-intuitive. But her book does provide a helpful framework, especially for evangelicals, for thinking about the real deficiencies of the current two-party system and what ordinary people can do to buck that system. According to the statistics, Purple voters are increasingly a force to be reckoned with. WE THE PURPLE offers helpful insider analysis of this trend for people scratching their heads over the non-affiliated and those already "proud to be Purple!"

--- Reviewed by Lisa Ann Cockrel

Marcia Ford has written thorough and thoughtful book for anyone interested in today's politics and the mindset of the independent voter.

As she writes in the opening pages of this well-done book, "The truth is, I am every partisan politician's worst nightmare--a registered independent. Wildly unpredictable in my voting habits over the last three decades and more, I have cast ballots for Democrats, Republicans, independents, and assorted loose cannons. I have also cast ballots against Democrats, Republicans, independents, and assorted loose cannons. And I have cast no ballot at all in those years when political ennui overtook me, when voting for the lesser of two evils appeared to be more evil than not at all. In those years, I intentionally avoided the evil of two lesser." (page xvii)

Get this book because her writing, research and information are worth the time and effort to read it. As Ford concludes, "My involvement with the independent voter movement has given me great hope for the future of this country, hope I didn't have before." (page 188) I recommend this title.

I can't tell you how great this book is for someone who feels the government is not as much for the people as it for the rich and powerful. Let us take action!

In We the Purple, seasoned journalist Marcia Ford employs sass, spirituality and statistics to expose the failings of our current two party system that blocks independent voters from having a viable voice in the political arena. Using her piercing wit and keen research skills, she shines a light on both the failings of the Religious Right and the Progressive Left, when they align themselves with a given political party instead of following the teachings of the risen Christ. In particular, I pray that religious leaders will heed her clarion call to be pastors and preachers not politicos.

Marcia Ford has really hit the nail on the head in this smart and important call to action for independent voters -- and all Americans -- as we make our way through the murky partisan waters of today's politics. In addition to being chock-full of the ordinary folks around the country who are carrying out the fight for non-partisan and independent politics, Marcia brings her own personal story of transformation to the pages of this book. A delightful read! -- Nancy Hanks (The Hankster)

Wet Desert is about... the desert in the West getting wet.

Go figure.

But author Gary Hansen, writing like a Tom Clancy clone, has written a surprisingly engaging first novel. A mystery man blows up Glen Canyon Dam, and the contents of Lake Powell disappear down the Colorado River. A mid-level Bureau of Reclamation employee is the only person around when this happens, and he realizes that the reservoir behind mighty Hoover Dam, Lake Mead, will not hold an extra 8 trillion gallons of water.

If that water flows over Hoover Dam, the dam will fail, along with every dam below it.

These are the stories of people who live, work, and recreate in or around the river. What happens when you are boating and the water starts dropping in Lake Powell? What happens when you are rafting the Grand Canyon and the water rises? What happens when it is your responsibility to control floodwaters? And what happens when the "freeing"of Glen Canyon is not the real reason for blowing the dam?

When I picked this book up in the Salt Lake City International Airport's bookstore (and surrounded by books on Joseph Smith and LDS living), I have to admit that I expected it to be the "Mormon literature" style: those who believe in God (or pray like they do) and are good, live. Everyone else is on their own. Wet Desert was not this style. I think prayers were mentioned twice, and life-or-death situations sometimes bring prayers to unexpected places! "He looked up at the sky. Was there a god? He had always believed it, but now he wondered. If there was a god, would he help? David wasn't sure. But there was one thing for sure; it didn't hurt to ask" (p. 165).

A memorable quote: "'He's the only one of you that's ever tried to sneak up on a bad guy, and that was a million beers ago'" (p. 326).

Finally, the book, for the most part, avoids the politics of water conservation in the West, with this exception:

"Grant locked eyes with the FBI agent. 'It makes perfect sense if you're an environmentalist, if you've spent years demonstrating for Green Peace [sic], or the Sierra Club, or the Glen Canyon Institute. If you fought to elect liberals like Clinton and Gore, but were forced to watch when even they gave the environment lip service, establishing a couple monuments, but avoiding the real issues, the issues that might offend the farmers who receive subsidized river water, or the populations of Los Angeles, Las Vegas, and Phoenix, who plant palm trees in an environment more suited for scorpions or rattlesnakes. If you dedicated your life to restoring the Colorado River and one of the most amazing deltas in the world, but deep down you knew that nothing you'd done, or ever would do, would even matter'" (p. 323).

Sounds like Ed Abbey!

This was a good thriller that revolves around cubic feet/seconds, dam construction, water use in the Western US, and BuRec politics.

Wet desert was a thrilling read, taking me from the beautiful Lake Powell through the Grand Canyon and all the way into Mexico. I became enthralled in the plot, worried about the characters, and interested in the motive of the antagonist.

The other day I saw something on the news about a controlled flood at Glen Canyon Dam and immediately my mind went to the brilliant plot behind Wet Desert. Gary Hansen did a wonderful job on this novel. It was riveting.

I sat down to have a nice cozy read, and found that I was riveted. This is one of those books that you want to read in one sitting. For once, the hero works for the government, and the bad guy is an over-the-top environmentalist. While that isn't "politically correct," it was refreshing and extremely well done. I really liked the book, and recommend it to anyone!

Hansen needs to write more books if this is an example of his talent. An amazing book for a first-time author.

This book is absolutely fantastic. Once I started to read it, I couldn't stop! I read until the early morning hours, slept for a couple of hours and picked it up to finish it. I hope Gary Hansen writes more novels.

I thoroughly enjoyed reading Wet Desert. It is rare for a book to generate such a compulsion for me to turn the pages. I felt as if I was being pulled through the book. It's fast-paced, intelligent, thought-provoking, cohesive, and entertaining. Wet Desert not only met those criteria, it takes a place among my favorite books, in company with others from Clancy, Crichton, Grisham, and Cussler.

I liked the fact that it was technical enough to lend credibility, but not so much as to be tedious. Characters are well-defined and remain believable and consistent throughout the story. The book presents some thought-provoking issues and offers fascinating facts and insights, but for the most part allows the reader to draw his or her own conclusions. Specifically, the novel provides interesting historical details about the Colorado River, the Glen Canyon and Hoover dams, Lake Powell, and the Colorado River Delta. I found it so intriguing that I did further research, starting with Wikipedia. (In fact, you might want to refresh your knowledge of the Colorado River before you read.) Most importantly, I couldn't wait to set aside time to read Wet Desert and looked forward to turning each page from beginning to end.

I am a PhD student doing Operations Research - more specificly, Mixed Integer Programming - that is why I purchased this book, just because of the curiousity about the autobiography of a brilliant mathematician in our field.

I started this book in the end of Feb and couldn't help stopping digging into his unbelievable and inspiring life stories and have already started the third time. Everytime I get new gains and thoughts. First, it is definitely a good encouragement for my research work, by his enthusiasm and passion for knowledge and mathematics; in addition, I always can judge my attitude to life and people by learning from his experience and his eternal optimistic awareness. Here is a book, where you can find faith, justice, intelligence, honesty and love.

This memoir lays out in exquisite prose a touching, insightful journey through a series of challenges that are almost incomprehensible to those of us who have grown up in happier times. As I read I could not help but wonder how I would measure up to the ethical and moral standards set by Professor Balas. His academic excellence and stature are well known to all of us who have worked in any field related to mathematical programming; this book makes it clear that in addition to being an exemplary academic in every way, Professor Balas is also a very great gentleman, in the best British sense of the word. I can only say I am proud to have known him.

If ever I get imprisoned I'll remember to use a coffee-stained napkin and stale bread to make a chess set. I also learned from Egan Balas that to exercise in a confined space one takes an odd number of steps - else one walks in circles. Algorithmic ingenuity enabled him to successfully take up mathematics in his late 30s, against the conventional wisdom that good mathematicians do their work when young, and become an outstanding professor of industrial administration, applied mathematics and operations research at Carnegie Mellon University.

He tells stories of his lives - escaping death narrowly - "according to my own taste", making it one of the most compelling biographies I have ever read.
This would be an extraordinary thriller if it were fiction - but it's not, it's real. The highly personal account of how a Transylvian Jew became a revolutionary worker, a dapper diplomat, a tortured prisoner and a creative academic takes one through some absolutely awful scenes. Balas' craftiness enabled him to survive and his toughness under severe torture protected his friends. This is not some second hand account of Communist and Nazi hate, Balas drags the reader through his pain and suffering. There are happier moments - such as when he comes out of prison and addresses his daughter - not realizing that he's speaking to a younger sibling born in his absence and that his daughter has grown considerably.

For anyone who wants to understand willpower and survival in Hungary and Romania during the 2nd world war this is a must read. Besides historical interest, the story's suspense makes it an ideal gift for thriller and spy story readers.

Professor Balas from Carnegie Mellon University is one of the most respected members of the Operations Research community. I am a big fan of Professor Egon Balas, having read his papers on the "Lift and Project" method in solving mixed integer programming problems.

Nothing moved me as much as this book though. I agree with the reviewer from Toronto, the book is definitely a great scientific mind at work, where Egon describes clearly and in vivid detail all that he went through, without any bitterness or resentments.

A triumph of the human spirit against all odds and adversaries!

Truly a fascinating story. I was born in Romania and went to college in Cluj during the late sixties. The period of time between 1945-1954 was always a mystery to me. Egon Balas has opened my eyes on many aspects of my country's secret past. The book is very engaging and kept me captivated until the end. Egon's story is representative of what happened to Transylvanian Jews who were communists before and after the war. While not all stories have happy endings like Egon's, I know of many people with similar stories. None of them talked to me in so many details and so eloquently as Egon did in his book. I am greatful to Egon for making this very personal account of his life public, so that the story of the communist Jews of Cluj is not lost forever. Great book !

Wow! What a story! 666 is one of the best books I have ever read. It had the excitement of a roller coaster ride, a rare insight of human foibles and institutions, and a mystery so deep and unexplainable that it was . . . . Well, I don't want to spoil it for other readers. I was so impressed by this author that I'm ordering another one he's written: THE HERITAGE OF LUKE.

This book, 666, got me in trouble. With a husband, three children, and a part-time job, I don't have much time to read. When I began reading 666 and quickly got hooked on it, old dependable Mom suddenly became unreliable. For the better part of a day, not even the squawks and complaints of my loving family could tear me away from my reading. What can I say? Mr. Godwin is a master story-teller, and 666 should stand the test of time as a major work of fiction. Getting to read it was well worth my trouble.

I liked this book. It had all sorts of twists and things you didn't expect. It made you think of the world and the evil in it. What would happen if godly people did take over the world? It was a very entertaining book, yet made you review yourself and the world and even spiritualism.

The surprise ending of this mystery is everything. The story holds your attention to the point of never realizing the explosion of the end. It truly holds your attention of what will happen next in the life of Johathan and the United States.

Like a Thomas Tryon book, Mr. Godwin's book starts out as a slow read. STICK WITH IT! You need all the information that he provides to appreciate where it's going. The books is a wake up call to everyone. He brings to light the abonminations of our political system - Things that Americans see and feel but are helpless or indifferent to change. The main character, Jonathan, is the catalyst for change. Through a calling from God, he sets out to right the wrongs and bring government back to the people. Mr. Godwin takes you on a journey not only of the government and its official but to all walks of life. Particulary touching are Jonathan's encounters with the homeless. It is truly a battle between good and evil. Without giving away the ending to anyone who might be reading this - be prepared. The ending is not only a "TRUE SURPRISE", but two TRUE SURPRISES. A rarity for any writer. The last surprise opens up another one of life's mysteries that each of us at one time or another has wondered. Have fun! - I did!

this book smashes the Warren report into a million peices in an unbiased way based upon facts logic and evidence.Mrs.Meagher proves that Oswald was innocent and that the warren report was a sham!she examines and dismantles every so called evidence the report had on oswald!!Oswald was innocent we the people are his defense counsel!this book has to be reprinted get it out there!!highly recommended!

Ms. Meagher's book is well documented, insightful and detailed. She skillfully takes the reader through discrepancies in the Warren Commission report and lays it all out for the reader. Her conclusions are based on facts that are very clearly presented, and on common sense. At no time did I get the impression that this book was attempting to influence my views on the work of the Warren Commission. Ms. Meagher spells it out for the reader step by step.

Reading this book makes you wonder how many police departments and courts actually did what they were supposed to back in the 1960s, and how they're doing today. Ms Meagher does an excellent job breaking down the Warren Commission's report and demonstrating that their synopsis of events is based on multiple errors, misstatements, and wishful thinking. Having come out before most of the "conspiracy theory" genere that surrounds JFK assassinations tories today, Ms. Meaghers book stands above all of them. She refuses to let her book wander into sensationalism, does not implicate UFO's or any such things, nor does she mix in photos which claim to show the truth but are often blurry, grainy or totally unrevealing to the lay reader. Instead, she stays on target, picking apart the Warren Commission's flawed analysis with nimble wit and skill.

Of all the books about the JFK assassination, why is ACCESSORIES AFTER THE FACT out of print? If you want to read books on how the Norweigian mob hired hitmen from the Planet Glixorg and had the assassination covered up by their media insider, Soupy Sales, there are dozens of books. But the one book to take a serious look at the Warren Commission's Report, to pick apart its inaccuracies, and to analyze its contradictions, is becoming harder and harder to find. Even Gerald Posner, in his tantrum, CASE CLOSED, could not lay a finger on the late Sylvia Meagher's masterwork. Why? Because it is a precise, unimpassioned, and brilliant piece of exploratory surgery on a very sick Warren Report. This book proves the Commission had a single purpose, and finding the truth was not that purpose. The lack of access to Sylvia Meagher's ACCESSORIES AFTER THE FACT is, to me, a tragic mistake and possible proof of a continuing cover-up.

Back in the early 70s I worked on Capitol Hill as a legislative aide on a Senate Commitee trying to reopen the Kennedy assassination or generate support for a House investigation. This was in the post-Garrison era and the credibility of anyone challenging the Warren Commission was suspect. (We now know that many of Garrison's failings were due to sabotage, but back then he was still radioactive to Senators, Representatives, and their staffs.)

Anyway, after all the backlash following the Clay Shaw acquittal it was still a tough sell, and the typical Congressman would give you no more than 5-10 minutes time to make your case, so we needed a one or two page list of powerful bullet points demonstrating that Oswald could not have acted alone, if he acted at all, and showing that the Warren investigation was compromised by the FBI and the CIA. These were serious allegations, so each
point had to be backed up by solid proof.

At the time, there were 5-6 serious books damning the Warren Commision Report: Inquest, by Edward J Epstein; Rush to Judgment by Mark Lane; Six Seconds in Dallas by Josiah Thompson; Whitewash by Harold Weisberg; and They've Killed the President by Robert Sam Anson.

In creating that fact sheet, no book was more carefully documented than Accessories after the Fact, and no book was more comprehensive and meticulous.

When we had to source each bullet point Meagher's book did the best job in directing us to the proof.

I left the Hill in 76--before the HSCA was created, and it has always bitter disappointment to me how its own work appears to ha ve been sabotaged, not unlike what happend to Garrison.

In the years since I have retained a keen interest in this topic, and at last count have read over 40 books. Meagher's book still remains one of the two or three best books written about JFK's death. In fact I consider it one of the best forensic investigation reports I have ever read in 25 years of practicing civil rights litigation.

After I purchased this book I contacted the author, Mr. Moore to ask him about collecting autographs by index cards or by photographs. He was prompt and very informative with his reply. If you want questions answered about auotgraph collecting, get in touch with him, you will be happy you did.

The reader and reviewer who wrote this book is the ULTIMATE has it right. This book is everything an autograph collector needs. Besides the thousands of celebrity addresses, this book backs up the names with celebrity facts. If you want a complete history of actors it is there under the website named in the book, if you want other facts to write to the celebrity about it is there. (the book has celebrity hobbies, celebrity charities, celebrity birthdays, celebrity hangouts and a lot of useful facts about celebrities)This is the only celebrity directory I will ever need. The price of this book is well worth it!!

I have known David Moore for many years and he is the only author of celebrity directories that uses and updates his address list on daily basis. For me, here is a list of celebrities who I have contacted and received autographs through the mail. They are: Sarah Jessica Parker, Bill Gates, Roy Clark, Gillian Anderson, Nicholas Cage, Bill Cosby, James Garner, Neil Armstrong, Buzz Aldrin, Gary Trudeau, Olivia Newton-John, Brandi Chastain, James Watson, Sandra Day O'Connor, Harmon Killebrew, George Bush, Betty Ford, Jimmy Carter, Leann Rhimes, Muhammad Ali, Angela Landsbury, Reba McEntire, Jay Leno, Faith Hill, Tommy John, Tom Hanks, Michael Eisner, Nolan Ryan, Tony Bennet, Colin Powell, Robert Duvall, John Mellencamp, Whoopi Goldberg and many others. If you want excellent results and great customer service, I highly recommend David Moore's book.

I am an autograph collector and I was happy to see how complete this book is. I collect astronauts who have walked on the moon, hi-tech business people such as Bill Gates, movie actors like Tom Hanks and baseball sluggers like Sammy Sousa and Mark McGuire. They are in this books with thousands more. It is well organized and I liked the extra features of sample letters and questions & answers about autograph collecting. It is a very good reference for autograph collectors.

I e-mailed the publisher to ask for an update of a celebrity address. He was fast with an answer. He also mentioned he has started a new service to autograph collectors. He will answer any question on the subject of autoghaph collecting for FREE!
I will use the e-mail address for finding out autograph prices, how and where to buy and sell autographs plus anything else I can think of. A great offer!

His works are profound. although, he has many critics who would like to ... his legacy. When i first read this book it really opened me up to the problems facing black men/women right here in the belly of the beast "America". I would recommend this book to anyone looking to face the problems that lingers still in the black communities all over the world!!!

During a time in my life, when I loved all things to do with Socialism, this book was almost my bible. Mr. Clarke preached Afro-Centric Socialism, to an extent that gave me new faith in myself. His views at time were extreme, but his insight into numerous topics gave me a strong respect for him.

The book is essentially a series of essays, detailing the problems in Africa, and to the other key areas of the Black Diaspora. For anyone interested in Black Nationalism or Pan-African movements, this book is essentially a bible for you.

DR. JOHN HENRIK CLARKE WAS DEFINATELY A ELDER AND A WARRIOR IN PAN-AFRICANISM, AFRICAN-CENTRICITY, AND AFRICAN WORLD NATIONALISM. HE WAS A PROPHET AND A MASTER TEACHER. HIS CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE LIBERATION AND MOTIVATION FOR AFRICAN PEOPLE WILL DEFINATELY BE REMEMBERED. THIS BOOK IS A EXCELLENT BOOK THAT GIVES ALOT OF INFORMATION ON THE LIVES OF KWAME NKRUMAH, MALCOLM X, PATRICE LUMUMBA, MARCUS GARVEY AND WEB DU'BOIS. HE HAS CHAPTER ON THE HISTORY OF AFRICAN PEOPLE AND REVOLUTION AND ACT OF LIBERATION BY AFRICAN PEOPLE ALL OVER THE WORLD.THIS BOOK IS DEFINATELY RECOMMENDED IN THE INVESTIGATION AND RE-AWAKENING OF THE AFRICAN MIND. MY THE GREAT GRIOT REST IN PEACE, HIS WORK AND LEGACY WILL ALWAYS BE REMEMBER AND UNHELD BY FUTURE GENERATIONS

Africans At The Crossroads is one of the best books you can ever read. John Henrik Clarke gives unsurmountable wisdom with each chapter as he details our struggle. He sheds light on noteworthy leaders like Malcolm X, Patrice Lumumba, Kwame Nkrumah, Marcus Garvey and others in this magnum opus of a publication. His death is a tragic loss especially at a time when the world is filled with craven pseudoscholars like Jesse Lee Petersucker and Skip Gates and Scary Elder. I had to hold back tears while watching his lectures after I found out that he passed away in 1999. This book as with everything else that John Henrik Clarke can give you is as good as gold. REST IN PEACE JOHN HENRIK CLARKE!!!

This book helps to remove the viel of ignorance. Dr. Clarke towards the end of the book gives a list of recommended reading material. He informs of past and present problems, gives recommended solutions to our problems, and then encourages us to move forward. Plainly, he forces us to think about what we've been told about ourselves.

Not sure I can improve upon the thorough reviews already given, but I think this is an excellent and sober analysis of the relationship between the US government and the concepts/realities of freedom. His analysis inlcudes discussions about the costs and benefits of various government programs which helps to keep things in perspective; refraining from theoretical speculation and simplistic harping. Mr. Higgs work is timely and needed for the current and past crops of statists churned out of the government school systems. I am anxious to read more of his work and recommend this book to others whenever I have the opportunity.

Robert Higgs is one among a treasure trove of liberty's greatest assets at the Ludwig von Mises Institute at mises.org. Where a collection of America's greatest classical liberal free market mavens, and advocates of the minimalist government conceived by the Founders, have put together one of the WWW's most heavily trafficked site for freedom and truth in the entire world - bar none.

Mr. Higgs, and his ultra-commendable associates at Mises; Raico, Rothbard, Hoppe, Thornton, Denson, Hulsman, DiLorenzo, Stromberg, to name a very few, have put this prior dupe of the government, media & academe, on the right track after nearly a half century of being totally misled and lied to. Almost all I knew was wrong; a lifetime of disinformation literally meant to deceive me into believing our Government's massive existense is justified.

It is not, nor never was, justified to serve any more than it's intended role as the benign night watchman of our shores and our natural rights while otherwise keeping it's freaking nose out of our personal business and finances. A purpose Govt itself has spent this past century, and vast billions of our own money in it's compulsory education, to convince the people otherwise for the sole purpose of enriching an elite few on the backs and lives of the many they feed off like the unproductive parasites indeed they mostly all are.

The plethora of downloadable mp3 and video lectures at mises.org by Mr Higgs and others has given me the education I now must believe was purposely denied me by an evil establishment who's ONLY concern is it's own self preservation and expansion to our grave detriment and to our ever dwindling freedoms that each new "emergency" enables the chipping away of.

One of my favorites at mises.org is Mr. Higg's lecture that he begins w/the Margaret Attwoods poem "Siren Song" and well worth anyone's time in the listening.

If truth and freedom are your primary concerns, as they have luckily become mine, this Higgs book, like all his others, is highly recommended.

He really covers every base and sticks it to the man right between his little beady lying pea-brain eyes.

When Robert Higgs is attacking big government of the Hobbesian kind - i.e. "Leviathan", he is brilliant while also promoting the blessings of a free economy. "Against Leviathan" is a collection of 40 essays and reviews save one that were previously published in various journals, especially the Independent Institute's "Independent Review: A Journal of Political Economy" that is edited by Robert Higgs. The 40 pieces are grouped under seven topics: Welfare Statism, Our Glorious Leaders, Despotism, Soft and Hard, Economic Disgraces, The Political Economy of Crisis, Retreat of the State?, and Review of the Troops. The gist is that "few people in the United States today really give a damn about living as free men and women".

Despite Junior Bush being selected as President by the U.S. Supreme Court in 2000 and Junior Bush next stealing votes in Ohio through corruption and cheating in 2004 to win that state's electoral votes and subsequently the national election, Higgs believes that Americans have free and honest elections: "Citizens in a democracy can always `throw the rascals out' at the next election". Ask a Libertarian or a Green about ballot access laws.

Higgs blames the American voter for the Demo-publican monopoly in party politics: "Here in the United States we have been flinging rascals hither and yon for more than two centuries". Yet during the last election in 2004, this reviewer asked all of his sociology of law students at a very expensive private college in Ohio to name the 4 candidates for President to appear on the Ohio ballot - they could name only 2! That's a score of 50% - not a passing score. They only knew Bush and Kerry, they could not name Badnarik or Peroutka. Higgs does not see the covert struggles by Demopublican statists and their corporatist friends to maintain control of their monopoly, so he blames the U.S. voter! Having said that, however, Higgs does see the end result: "two revolving factions of a one-party state".

Higgs does a good job of lambasting government and presidents, but pauses when he mentions Grover Cleveland who Higgs says "may have been the best of them all". Cleveland, former mayor of Buffalo and later governor of New York, built his anti-big government reputation by battling corruption and graft. Yet after Cleveland was elected President, his hostility towards the spoils system never translated into reforms. In fact, he nearly doubled the number of civil servants during his term of office and a majority of them represented his party of Democrats. Cleveland did veto a precedent-setting number of bills because they sought to enrich an elitist few at the expense of the general population. But then his increasing appetite for bigger government led him to create the Interstate Commerce Commission. Near the end of his term as President, Cleveland began to be viewed as a mercantilist, or British free trader, which was different from an American free enterpriser. And although the voters reelected Cleveland by a vote of 5,538,000 to 5,447,000, the Electoral College chose Harrison 233 to 168. But as we have already seen, Higgs blames the U.S. voter.

After four years of Harrison, the voters managed to outmuscle the Electoral College and reelect Cleveland to an ill-fated second term beginning with the Depression of 1893. He let the British drain American gold reserves, thereby establishing the Gold versus Silver controversy. Cleveland showed his statist heavy hand when he terminated the Pullman Strike. And as Commander-in-Chief of the U.S. militaries, he failed to control his marines who deposed the Queen of Hawaii and took liberties with her daughters. In short, Cleveland was good at talking the talk but less able to walk the walk. Calvin Coolidge would have been a better choice because he slept more than the others and was awake less time to do statist damage, although his handling of the Boston Police Strike was abominable.

In short, Higgs does a thorough job of railing against Big Government, collectivism, and welfarism. But by ignoring the creation of the corporation by the State and its resulting status as offspring of the state - thereby just as inefficient and bureaucratic as its parent, Higgs is telling only half the story. Leviathan is government AND its corporations. In a free market, there are no corporations; corporations are creations of the state - they are "artificial persons" that are granted Constitutional rights by its parent. This is a problem I hope Higgs will address one day soon.

"I believe that it is better to tell the truth than to lie. I believe that it is better to be free than to be a slave. And I believe that it is better to know than be ignorant."

~ H. L. Mencken (Living Philosophies, 1931)

H. L. Mencken would have delighted in Robert Higgs's crisp and razor-sharp assessment of America's political evolution, Against Leviathan: Government Power and a Free Society. The American body politic in the early 21st century seems somewhat inexplicable to many classical liberals, traditional conservatives, libertarians and others who appreciate the famous Marxist inquiry (Groucho, not Karl) of "Who are you going to believe, me or your own eyes?" Higgs, in forty concise chapters focusing on what has really happened in our historical, political and economic evolution as a Republic, ensures not only that we "know" and are no longer ignorant, but hints that Americans may also someday recognize that it is better to be free than to be a slave to the idea of the necessity of a centralized nation-state.

How did America migrate so far from the ideas of the founders, who believed government was a necessary evil to be constantly watched for signs of insincerity and encroachment? How did we change from a people who saw American presidents as presentable representatives abroad and models of moderation in all things governmental, into a people who worship activists from Wilson to Roosevelt to Nixon to Clinton and George W. Bush - each in their own way a national embarrassment abroad and utterly Bacchanalian in all things related to the state?

Higgs explains why this is so, by showing us the historical facts, the rich and widely available evidence of a growing and ravenous state, addicted to an all-it-can-eat diet of American national wealth, productivity and citizens, and the actions of the three prolific cooks in the kitchen - the judiciary, the legislature, and the executive. Whether the cooks are just doing their jobs, or are actually co-dependent with the chief customer and its insatiability, will be a question answered in one way by modern Republicans and Democrats, and another by the rest of the country. That the state has eaten extremely well in the last century will be denied by neither group.

In a particularly helpful way, Higgs explains how our Constitution exists in three realities - the literal paper document, the body of judicial evaluation and rulings accumulated over decades about what it meant to say, and the most important reality - Charles Beard's idea of a living Constitution, "...what living men and women think it is, recognize as such, carry into action, and obey." In this last incarnation we find hope that it really can be the citizens in a republic who govern. Sadly, the hope Higgs offers in Against Leviathan must be gleaned along the model of the Straussians through the esoteric approach, using a kind of anarcho-libertarian inspired gnosis.

For those of us who have apprehended American history from television and public school texts, Against Leviathan explains political actions beginning the early 20th century in a way that makes real sense and is historically accurate. Specifically, Higgs analyzes various mythologies against econometric data not available or ignored when these story-lines were initially put forth. In particular the idea that World War II got us out of the depression, something I grew up believing without question, is firmly debunked on the basis of hard cold fact. As the irreverent Mencken and Jesus of Nazareth both understood, knowing the truth is remarkably liberating.

The past prepares the way for the future, and it cannot be otherwise. Woodrow Wilson, with a friendly legislature and judiciary, transformed his own electoral pledge to "keep us out of the war" into the classic tease practiced by all centralized states, where "no means yes." The federal government did not go from outlays of less than 2% of the gross national product in 1914 to the modern level of well over 20% without creative approaches towards confiscation and the elimination of citizen resistance, without a "crisis constitution" taking precedence over a "normal constitution." The massive conscription called by Wilson worked hand in hand with the Espionage Act of 1917, and its notorious Sedition Act amendment, to deliver bodies to the state while silencing complaints. Wilson's dedicated work paved the way legally and intellectually for the New Deal, in both spirit and detail of the governmental excesses, and further paved the way for an American command economy between 1941 and the end of World War II. This militarized society and emerging centralized state led, in turn, predictably and irreversibly into the quasi-corporatist government we both fostered and endured as Americans throughout the Cold War. Today we witness an even more perfect progeny, the never-ending War on Terror.

After their passage and implementation, the 1917 Espionage Act and the 1918 Sedition Act were challenged in the courts as violating the first amendment, among other things. Both were subsequently upheld by the Supreme Court, although they were repealed in 1921, several years after WWI ended. Higgs points out that the Supreme Court has upheld most of emergency powers assumed by the state in post-hoc reviews, and he explains why in a way that is both disturbing and depressing. In part, reversing things like Roosevelt's confiscation of privately held gold stock and invalidation of all public and private contractual language mentioning gold as a form of payment would have not only embarrassed the federal government, but completely shattered its finances, its authority and its credibility. In other words, had the Supreme Court acted to preserve the amendments to the Constitution that once protected life, liberty, and property, it would have brought down the government completely and chaotically. That several principled and stubborn justices at times came close to doing just that is heartwarming.

Robert Higgs covers a lot of ground in this comprehensive book. A relaxed reading is warranted by all Americans, whether they come to the book embracing the idea an activist state and feeling it is worth the cost, or loathing it as a moral and financial abomination. My favorite sections are those that address the political economy of the Leviathan; Higgs educates, entertains and enrages all at once. But there are at least three topics that are blazingly important to all of us as we consider present day-to-day challenges in our lives and for our families. In this election year, Americans are concerned about health care, crime and national security, and Against Leviathan enlightens on the state's interest in and influence on all three issues.

The Food and Drug Administration seems a benign example of the Leviathan holding our individual interests foremost. Yet Higgs clearly shows how the FDA not only inhibits and warps scientific research and consumer choice, but is killing people daily with crimes of both commission and omission. Higgs carefully analyzes, with the help of FDA scientists and administrators themselves, the risk analysis conducted prior to every decision of the FDA, decisions that seem to place the needs of politicians and lobbyists as well as scientists and pharmaceutical CEOs over those of actual people who need to purchase drugs and get complete information about their health and their choices. This chapter is entitled in part "A Billy Club Is Not a Substitute for Eyeglasses" indicating that the FDA's law enforcement agenda has superceded its better health agenda. Frankly, after reading this chapter it is not clear to me that the FDA would understand the metaphor, after decades of steeping in its own brand of moral superiority and bureaucratic infallibility.

In terms of crime and keeping Americans safe, Higgs relates the rise in public security spending with a threefold rise in private security employment and an astronomical rise in the incarceration rate of Americans and prison construction. Clearly, spending more for public safety from crime isn't working out as planned, although the prison industry emerges as one of the new micro-corporatist entities that provide depth and character to American-style corporatism. Higgs points out that while the private sector has rushed to fill the public safety void left by government policing, government spending in this area grows, unabated by a lack of effectiveness. In a discussion of the military industrial congressional complex elsewhere, Higgs points out how "no failure goes unrewarded" and discusses how industries affixed to various federal teats actually define government requirements instead of responding to them. It appears this condition extends beyond the MICC and into domestic law enforcement and public safety.

In terms of national security, the Leviathan on steroids we have witnessed in our crisis constitution's one thousand days since 9-11 tells its own story. Higgs, in defining the nature of government growth and the state's natural-born tendency to infringe upon individual rights of speech, action and property, takes a bit of the mystery out of the Patriot Acts, the Department of Homeland Security, and a bloated federal budget that unguently merges the military state with the police state to make everyone feel better. It was all so predictable, and a unique value of Against Leviathan is its clarification and analysis of how and why government grows, not just that it does.

A weakness in the book may be that while its title suggests we could have a foothold against our Leviathan government, the contents are not as optimistic. Is the black market and a growth in contempt for law a means of rebellion against state controls and restrictions? Sort of, Higgs says, but not really, as these two are mutually dependent. The super-productive peasant gardens in vast barren state collectives in the old Soviet Union worked well in part because the state run collectives were owned by everyone, meaning owned by no one. Thus collective resources of time, effort and supplies were free to be used on individual plots. The mystery was symbiosis. Once the artificial resource flow made possible by collectives was eliminated, the super-productive peasant gardens were likewise changed irrevocably, and we no longer hear of them. What about incremental change? Higgs points out that the Third Way is more of the same, succumbing to the false god of central planning even while lamenting it. Perhaps a major crisis so massive the state would be unable to surmount it could crash the system and relieve us from the Leviathan. Even this is viewed as unlikely, because of the remarkable stability of state interests netted with other interests, whether business or values based. America quasi-corporatism is not fascism, because each industry is not a single actor able to negotiate wholly with the state, or to completely act with the state to pursue this aim or that. Our corporatism is far more fluid and multifaceted, but the Leviathan's very widespread usefulness to all important political actors and factions makes it remarkably difficult to unseat it or even put it in a lurch. Only the individual is left out of the Leviathan equation, and most of us don't recognize that crucial reality.

We have been acculturated and miseducated to accept patronizing massive central power and call it a Republic. The benevolence, magnificence and necessity of the nation-state has been preached every day from Washington for the past one hundred years. Robert Higgs aims to correct this dangerous circumstance, and baptize us all with truth. He has succeeded in Against Leviathan. One only wishes that Higgs' next book will be entitled "Leaving Leviathan: The End of the Affair."

October 20, 2004

I highly recommend this book to veterans and newcomers to Liberty. I myself will definitely pass this book around to my friends and relatives.

The author has a very unique and humorous voice, and the writing overall is very clear and concise. It's an odd thing to say, but this book has the most entertaining and informative introduction I've ever read in a book--and I read many!

Buy it, read it, and spank it.

This book is a good overview of the main events of the period. Dunn does a great job explaining each event.

This is the second book I've read in the Norton History of Modern Europe (the first was Eugene F. Rice, Jr.'s "The Foundations of Early Modern Europe, 1460-1559"), and I've been highly impressed with both of them.

They both cover the basic events fairly thoroughly and simply, presenting the background but not getting lost in details. Although focusing on political history, they both cover many other aspects of history--military strategy, economics, demographics, art and culture, philosophy--briefly at least.

Speaking as someone who occasionally has to teach the subject, in my opinion organization is the greatest challenge in presenting history, and one of the greatest compliments I can pay to any history book is to call it well-organized. Dunn's book is generally very well-organized; I have only a few minor quibbles, and I doubt that I could improve on his organization without introducing bigger problems.

Other quibbles are much less significant: I would have liked more detail regarding the War of the Spanish Succession, more information about changes in military strategy in this period (since firearms underwent constant improvement, and the nature of seige warfare changed dramatically--but how exactly did these change the strategy and nature of warfare?), more on the culture of Restoration England, maybe something on the culture of the Puritans (he tells us nothing of John Foxe, and almost nothing of John Milton or John Bunyan).

However, I am fairly familiar with the cultural history of Europe (by which I mean art, music, literature, philosophy and religion), so in reading these books my main concern is to fill in the political, military, and economic background, which I don't know very well. If your situation is similar to mine, I guarantee you will find these books very rewarding.

One other thing I find most gratifying is the well chosen illustrations: although printed in black and white, they are often obscure enough to be new to me, while perfectly commenting the text. For instance, the closing pages show a woodcut of Peter the Great cutting a Russian nobleman's beard, in which Peter (actually an impressively large man) is portrayed as a giggling, child-size pest to the large, dignified nobleman; the opposite page features a print from 1698 showing Peter's execution of the streltsy (his elite guard) rebels: row after row of hangings and beheadings on edifying display for the passing carriages. You didn't see it in your art history survey course, but it reveals the nature of Peter's Russia far more effectively than anything that you did.

The maps are also perfect, which enhances any history book.

If you are looking for a history of modern European culture, I do not recommend these books, however, as their focus lies elsewhere. For that purpose, I suggest starting with Jacques Barzun's opinionated but thorough "From Dawn to Decadence," supplemented with a good art history textbook such as Jansen's History of Art. If the religious issues that attended the religious wars are your concern, you should consider the 4th volume of Jaroslav Pelikan's "The Christian Tradition," which is titled "Reformation of Church Dogma."

After this book, if your thirst for early modern European history has not been quenched, I recommend turning to Diarmaid MacCulloch's "The Reformation."

Reads like a story, instead of a series of "facts", like most history books. Highly readable. Very interesting.

When my son began the study of Modern European History in college I decided to reacquaint myself with the subject. "The Age of Religious Wars" is a good place to start. Covering the years, 1559-1715, this tome takes the reader from the End of the Reformation to the beginning of the era of the 18th century balance of power.

This book focuses on the big themes of history. It tells the stories of Kings and warriors, merchants and clerics, artists and philosophers, but very little about the common people of the era.

This book is very well organized. Beginning with the situation in Europe in 1559, the first chapter gives the religious lay of the land in the countries of Western Europe at the start of the era. Chapter 2 outlines the beginning political situation in Eastern Europe.

In Chapter 3 the author studies the economic theories and commercial forms which fueled the economies of the age.

Chapter 4 introduces the reader to the political ebb and flow between absolutism and rising constitutionalism. Although the dominant figure of the era was France's Sun King, Louis XIV, he was the architect of a system which would die in a sea of blood before the 18th Century was out. In his day, Louis XIV lead the superpower of the age, but, toward the end of his long reign, he overplayed his hand, losing much of the territorial gains which he had temporally enjoyed.

The political upheaval of the era which was a harbinger of things to come was England's Glorious Revolution of 1688. For perhaps the first time in history, a monarch's right to reign was made dependent on the support of his subjects. Protestants William of Orange and his wife, Queen Mary, daughter of the late King Charles II, were invited by the nobles to challenge Mary's brother, the Catholic King James II. The resulting overthrow of James, in clear contrast to Louis' absolutism, laid the groundwork for the concept of government by consent of the governed, which would receive expanding application during the succeeding centuries.

In Chapter 5 Prof. Dunn reflects on the Age of Genius which truly this era was. Emerging from the intellectually stagnant Middle Ages, Europe erupted into a creative age virtually unique in history. Science was advanced by the likes of Copernicas, Kepler, Galileo, Descartes and Newton. Renaissance art bust forth under the creative genius of da Vinci, Michelangelo, Raphael, Titian, Durer and El Greco, to be followed by Baroque masters such as Rubens, Van Dyck and Velazquez. Europe still glories in the architectural heritage of Bernini and Wren. Our philosophy and political science still draw inspiration from the writings of Montaigne, Pascal, Hobbes Sponoza and Locke. Theatres of the world still interpret the works of Shakespeare and Marlowe, Lope de Vega and Calderon, Corneile, Moliere and Racine.

The book concludes in its sixth chapter with an analysis of the new balance of power which would carry Europe into a new age. A series of wars, Sweden's moment in the international spotlight and giant personalities such as Peter the Great would all combine to make Europe the place it would be in the 18th century.

Overall, this book is a good survey of the Age of Religious Wars. I had not read a college text in a long time and I had more acclimated to learning history in biographies and books more focused on specific topics. I am glad that I read it and give it 4 stars.

Dunn is an excellent writer. He is not flowery like the Durants, but his prose is elegant and to the point. He covers a great deal in a fair amount of detail. His book is very well organised and full of well chosen illustrations. The book is an easy size to carry around and very competitively priced (this kind of book is often very expensive, this one is not). If you want an introduction to this period, I do not think you could do better than this book. I could not put it down (Dunn knows how to be entertaining) and since completing it have referred to it often.

This book was used as the underlying basis to understanding the policy process in my graduate level class that I took recently.

Overall I would give this book 5 stars because it is relatively thorough and it encompasses a great deal in a concise model that is easy to understand.

Kingdon discusses that his model is set within three streams, problem, policy and political. Each of these streams have their own unique characteristics that work to help merge with the others. When these streams, ideally all three, a policy window opens where action on policy can occur by a decision-making body such as Congress. With the help of policy entrepreneuers, national mood, policy communities, and much more as agents amongst these streams, each work to produce change on the agenda.

As this class was titled the policy process that I took, it explained how it began but this book does not cover how the process moves once something has been acted upon on the agenda.

If you are looking for understanding more about activity leading up to action, this is a great book. If you are looking to understand the process afterwards, this may not be the right book, but it will help you understand the forces leading up to a process of change.

Definitely, I would recommend this for any political science class at the undergraduate level. I am glad that I was fortunate enough to have it assigned in my grad level policy process class.

Kingdon has produced an innovative and useful theory of the policy process. This book is clearly not intended for the lay reader, but for political scientists and policy specialists interested in theorizing about policy formation.

Kingdon's writing style is somewhat formal, and at times stiff, but the book is easy to get through. Kingdon provides many concrete examples of the ideas he discusses, making the abstract principles easier to understand.

Recommended for classes on the policy process, especially in conjunction with Baumgarter and Jones' Agendas and Instability in American Politics.

I am in the graduate program at American University's School of Public Affairs. This book was required for one of the core classes. The theory--the dynamic, fluid model that Kingdon builds in this book has been practically adopted as THE mantra within policy formation/agenda setting research.
The book is well organized and easy to follow. It is not a challenging read but I found sections of the book to be a bit dry. Also, be ready to contend with literally hundreds of fluid metaphors that Kingdon employs throughout the book.

John Kingdon attempts to answer very difficult questions in his work "Agendas, Alternatives, and Public Policies." What makes an idea's time come? What makes people in and around government attend to some subjects and not to others? In short, Kingdon explores how ideas become policy in his 1994 award-winning book.

The book makes many interesting conclusions, as Kingdon uses scientific research methods to discuss how ideas become policy. It is amazing that Kingdon is able to quantify how influential certain groups are to policy formulation and implementation. In doing this, he looks at the influence of groups in and outside of government. Kingdon then goes onto his major two concepts of the policy primeval soup and the political stream. Both of these are wonderful illustrations of how policymaking happens.

In the end, this is a great book for public policy students. My only complaint is that Kingdon is oftentimes too wordy. It seems that he could have written a much more effective piece by summing it up in a 40-page journal article. In any event, the book is worth the read, even if some chapters are only skimmed.

Agenda setting, in the world of politics, is when a problem becomes identified as an issue that calls for government attention, discussion, and--possibly--decision making. This book is one of the most important works on agenda-setting.

John Kingdon has stated that:

Political events flow along according to their own dynamics and their own rules. Participants perceive swings in national mood, elections bring new administrations to power and new partisan or ideological distributions to Congress, and interest groups of various descriptions press (or fail to press) their demands on government.

The author sees three streams that must come together for an issue to be placed on the agenda--a political stream (just noted above), a policy stream (in which some policy proposal emerges as "best"), and a problem stream (a problem develops that people label as important). If they come together and if the window of opportunity for success is there, then the issue can become an agenda item. If the streams do not come together, agenda placement is unsuccessful--as with President Clinton's health care plan. That plan had two of three requirements in place. One, the political stream was supportive. A new President had been elected with his party having a majority in both houses of Congress; furthermore, Clinton outlined as a campaign issue support for a more ambitious health care program for Americans. The confluence of these two factors produced something like a "mandate" for change. Two, the problem stream saw health care bubbling up toward the top. That is, increasingly, people seemed to define health care as a serious problem about which something had to be done.

Nonetheless, no major initiative emerged to be fully considered. Clinton's plan was very nearly DOA (dead on arrival) once serious discussion began. Why? No single policy proposal garnered enough support. Democrats supported several different plans--such as a single payer system (in which government becomes the insurer), "pay or play" (in which businesses would largely fund health care insurance), and the Clinton plan itself (which focused on managed care). Thus, the policy stream never did "come together" around any single proposal. As a result, the initiative died and no substantial changes were forthcoming in the health care system.

What emerges in each stream is, to a large extent, "contingent," depending upon many factors--including chance. The result is unpredictability.

It may be that this work overemphasizes chance and contingency and underplays the role of human agency (for instance, the role of policy entrepreneurs who labot to get issues placed on the agenda and acted upon). Nonetheless, this is an exemplary work and well worth attending to if one is interested in setting the political agenda.