Politics Books

If you are familiar with the Giraffe Heroes Project (http://www.giraffe.org/), you will know of John Graham.
Stick Your Neck Out, his latest book,is one I recommend for
citizen activists (that's you, and me...Graham gives tools to help any of us stop complaining and take action).
This guide reads easily and is packed with helpful information and inspiring case studies. His suggestions are holistic and soulful, while still grounded in the realities and challenges of changemaking in today's world of polarized views. He advocates win/win solutions as optimal, but offers advice on how and when legal means might be necessary.
If you aren't already motivated to take action to improve situations in your neighborhood, community, country, or planet, Graham's sharing of his heart, experience, and optimism will move you to action. His message: take risks, be smart (by learning from his and others' mistakes), and yes, YOU absolutely can make a positive difference!

This book is easy to browse, and its advice is made more accessible though many anecdotal examples. A worthwhile investment no matter what your level of experience is in creating change. Above all, I found it a source of great encouragement every time I picked it up. I'm getting copies as Christmas gifts for friends, and keeping my own copy for reference.

It certainly has been the case for as long as I can remember. Stop and think about the community where you reside or about the organizations you might belong to. Isn't it usually just a tiny fraction of the citizens or membership who wind up doing most of the work? And the problem has become even more acute in recent years as fewer and fewer people are willing to even join civic, religious or service organizations let alone do any meaningful work. Having said that there are still millions of folks around our nation who unselfishly lend their time and talent to the causes they believe in. If you are one of these good people then "Stick Your Neck Out" is definitely a book you should read. Author John Graham, President of an organization known as the Giraffe Heroes Project has created a volume that is just chock full of practical advice and useful suggestions for those who see the value in getting involved. Among other things you will learn how to recruit like-minded volunteers, formulate a plan of action, negotiate with opponents, raise money and deal with the media. In addition "Stick Your Neck Out" offers a number of inspiring profiles of ordinary people who are out there accomplishing extraordinary things while working on a wide variety of issues. This book is especially valuable as a source of encouragment for those folks contemplating getting involved in such matters for the very first time. "Stick Your Neck Out" would be a great book to give to a graduating high school or college student. The message of this book is clear. Each and every one of us has something to offer. Whatever your interests or political persuasion the possibilities for making a difference are virtually limitless. In "Stick Your Neck Out" John Graham illustrates this point over and again. It is a book I can highly recommend!

You will find this book not only a source of very practical ideas, but also a rich and thought provoking read. Whether you want to organize a block party or spark opposition to urban sprawl, this book tells you how to be effective in organizing a social enterprise. But it is far more than a cookbook for project management. Interleaved with the no-nonsense `how-to' information, John Graham reveals the personal philosophy he forged and tested in his personal journey from his Viet Nam years to now. The subtitle `Service as the path of a meaningful life' hints at what you will find in the book's pages. It is great as a textbook for project planning, group dynamics, negotiation, and success. But it is also an inspiring guide for achieving genuine personal fulfillment.

The impulse to seek change in neighborhood or community comes from the heart, but even the most dedicated heart can falter when the head says "What was I thinking?". As one who has been in exactly that position, I can say that this book is for the head. It offers practical advice that will be useful to anyone who has taken on a cause, however small, to make the neighborhood or community a better place. The practical how-to's are presented by someone who really has been there and done those things, and illustrated by examples from other ordinary people and their work. And by showing the reader that he/she is not alone, the book works to encourage and inspire those who have taken on the risk of citizen activism (as differentiated from paid activism). The book is helpful to the activist because it can be read in parts and provides quick summaries. There is help here for that panicked "Oh my god, I just got my first call from a reporter" moment. Indeed, any weakness in the book is that length constraints caused some situations that would have been helpful to be left out. And read as a whole narrative, it makes an interesting and thought provoking tale of what is right (and wrong) with our country today-- a view from the trenches, not the think tanks. The book is a work of great optimism based on the premise that we as ordinary citizens can change the world one neighborhood at a time. We are doing it every day. The only question is, will there be enough of us?

For those of you who missed out on all the now-absurd controversies of the late 90's, read this book cover to cover---even if you don't buy into Katha Pollitt's worldview (or even The Nation's worldview, for that matter). Pollitt is a fine thinker who, in this collection more so than in her previous collection, shows that she is indeed capable of casting criticism any which way she sees fit, to the left or to the right.

Of her other book, readers have written that Pollitt isn't "brave" enough to take on the challenges facing ALL women (i.e. minority women, uneducated women, women who don't live in NYC). True enough, at times we know where she's headed from the first few sentences alone; and there's a lot of typical Paglia-bashing and catering to the liberal, educated masses. But Pollitt's scope is ranged in this collection.

In one piece, Pollitt scathingly, yet reasonably, condemns Mary Daly's refusal to allow a male student into her all-female course on feminist ethics; in another piece cleverly titled "The Million Man Mirage," she criticizes Louis Farrakhan's brand of homophobic, racist, anti-Semitic, and sexist political thinking which somehow passes for "liberal." And of course, Pollitt brings into light many issues of importance for woman and men alike: the need for reproductive rights, a modest proposal for deadbeat dads, the limitations of single-sex education and school prayer, the double standards facing professional women, marriage and its discontents, etc etc etc.

Basically, this collection is for anyone wanting to "put things into perspective" and make sense of the senseless.

This collection of Pollitt's columns for The Nation shows all her virtues: her considerable wit, her intelligence, her ability to present feminist views in a clear and coherent manner. She has a keen eye for the media's fatuities; its tendency to split the difference and to move to the stronger side, its fear that it will be viewed as too liberal, the fact that most journalists and columnists are male which does not prevent them from whining about how powerful feminists are.

Consider these thoughts on the perniciousness of sports: "Fans say athletics promote values and so they do--the wrong values, like the childish confusion of physical prowess with `character' that is such a salient feature of the O.J. Simpson trial. Sports pervert education, draining dollars from academic programs and fostering anti-intellectualism. They skew the priorities of the young, especially the poor, black young, by offering them the will-o'-the-wisp incentive of a scholarship, physically gifted kids might not be so ready to blow off their schoolwork. Why not give scholarships for art or music instead?"

Or consider this line about funding for the Arts and funding for NASA: "Representative Sonny Bono says he's never met anyone who benefited from public arts funding; well, I've never met anyone who cares what kind of rocks Mars has." How can one not admire a critic who has no patience with the Clintons, but recognizes that Nader's Green Party is a non-starter? How can one not admire a critic who prefers The Man who Loved Children, Song of Solomon, The Assistant, and Tongo-Bungay to the peculiar list drawn up by the Modern Library? Everyone should read a woman who castigates the ponderousness of communitarianism, the bile of a Farrakhan, and the shallowness of a Mary Daly. Everyone should read her, period.

This is the best book I've read in a long time. I've read it 85 times because it's so good. I have wanted to say everything Katha Pollitt has written in this book. And the book is also a fun read with lots of very dry sarcasm that keeps the reader on her toes. This is a book that looks at the larger (and smaller) political issues of our time with a very even-handed approach. Pollitt makes fun of both republicans and democrats and talks about politics in a way that just makes sense. Her arguments are clear and concise - each essay is only a few pages long, so you don't get bored reading and reading about any particular topic. There is no sacred cow here. Pollitt speaks her mind and doesn't hesitate to let a woman or two have it if their political views or policies are out of line. I highly recommend this book. It makes sense and it will make you laugh.

Katha has insightful, thought-provoking views on everything from welfare mothers . . . to abortion . . . to gun-control . . . to marriage and divorce . . . to school vouchers. Reading her wonderful, witty essays helped me gain new perspective on several issues. That is not to say that I agreed with everything she said, but I always enjoyed reading her well-written, funny, honest essays. I devoured this book in a couple of days of reading it when I could steal a moment or two. It is hard to put down. I feel renewed pride in calling myself a liberal.

Katha Pollitt has a way of getting to the heart of the matter. So, for example, in an essay about the school-uniforms discussion in New York City, she starts out by noting that the "public school systen has libraries without books," that a girl was killed in one school by falling debris - and then, later - she is onto the school uniforms debate - in perspective. If you read the Nation, these essays are a terrific reprise. If you don't, you will find that they are smart, brief (a few pages at most; think of a long, utterly incisive newspaper editorial), and for students, a series of very good examples of political writing. Humor, wit, and a high level of caring about the things that matter. Some are grounded in the politics and goings-on of New York City, where Pollitt lives, but many are of national (and international) interest. Great collection.

Las huelgas de 1934 que forjaron el movimiento
sindical industrial en el mediooeste
norteamericano y ayudaron a allanar el camino
para el ascenso del Congreso de Organizaciones
Industriales (CIO), relatadas por un dirigente
central de esas batallas. El primero en una serie de
cuatro tomos sobre el liderazgo de lucha de clases
de las huelgas y campa?as de sindicalizaci?n que
transformaron el sindicato de los Teamsters en gran
parte de esa regi?n en un movimiento social
combativo y se?alaron el camino hacia la acci?n
politica independiente de la clase obrera. Incluye
una nueva introducci?n a la edici?n en espa?ol
por Jack Barnes.

THIS REVIEW IS ALSO BEING USED FOR TEAMSTER POWER WHICH IS A CONTINUATION OF THE STORY PRESENTED HERE. THE POLITICAL POINTS ARE VALID FOR BOTH BOOKS.

ORGANIZE WALMART! ORGANIZE THE SOUTH! These are the slogans which outline the tasks that the American labor movement, particularly the organized trade union movement under the AFL-CIO and the Change to Win Coalition, need to address. With those tasks in mind it was refreshing for this old militant to re-read Farrell Dobbs' analysis of the fight to organize the truckers in the 1930's. This volume, and an earlier one detailing the struggles to organize truckers in Minneapolis, are little handbooks for model labor organizing. Dobbs himself was instrumental in organizing the truckers of Minneapolis in the great strikes in that city in 1934 and as documented here the later, successful organizing of the over the road drivers in the Midwest which created the modern, powerful Teamsters International Union. He was, more importantly, a supporter of what later in the decade became the Socialist Workers Party- American section of the Trotsky-led Forth International.

Whatever else may be true about Dobbs this man could organize workers. Why? The last sentence in the previous paragraph gives the answer. In the modern labor movement it is not enough to be a militant on the picket line but one must also have a political approach to labor actions. With the merging of corporate and governmental interests on the labor question in the modern state militants better think politically. As the December, 2005 unsuccessful struggle of the transport workers in New York City demonstrated militants better know the enemy and his tactics well. Moreover, these days, unlike in the 1930's when it went without question by advanced workers, it is as important to know there is an enemy. On the other hand think what it would be like to have a political militant like Dobbs organizing the drivers of those 7000 trucks that Wal-Mart owns to distribute its merchandise. You get my drift. Read what he has to say carefully.

To even introduce this militant labor leader of the 1930's is to state the fundamental problem of today's labor leaders. They do not exist in the modern labor movement. Yes, there are militants out there in the rank and file but militant leaders are no longer produced and that is the rub. Unlike the strategy of independent political action which underlined Dobbs' work the strategy of today's labor leaders can be summed up in two words- class collaboration. That is a strategy of dependence by the labor movement on the good will of the `friends of labor', essentially the Democratic Party- not to fight for victory in the streets but by what at times amounts to parliamentary cretinism. Just start to organize Wal-Mart seriously or organize the South and militants will quickly see who their `friends' are.

The natural audience for this book are today's labor activists so the reviewer would draw attention to the following issues that Dobbs and his associates had to confront and which militants today will confront in any serious organizing efforts. (1)The role of the labor bureaucracy in limiting the scope of struggle. (2) The role of governmental mediators, courts, legislation and the above-mentioned `friends of labor' in curtailing the struggle. (3) The role of scabs and others, including government troops, who will try to break the up the struggle. On the positive side- the following should be noted; have your own publicity organ to get out your message; organize other labor and pro-labor sources to assist in strike action; anticipate that governmental and corporate sources will try to `freeze' workers out so have your own transport, commissary and medical operations. Finally, in the words of the old Wobblie song by Joe Hill- "Don't Mourn, Organize!!

In rereading this book I was struck by what a wonderful thing it was that these rank and file workers were able to change history by creating, out of their struggle, an example of revolutionary unionism. It was wonderful for them and is wonderful for us, because it shows what we can do today. This book also tells the story of how Farrell Dobbs learned that he could trust in both the fighting capacity of the working class and the leadership capabilities of its vanguard. Through powerful examples Dobbs describes the dog-eat-dog viciousness of capitalism and contrasts it with the desire on the part of young fighters to break through the backstabbing and open up a road to workers' solidarity. This book could change your life. Amazon may list this book as unavailable from time to time, but it's always available from the Pathfinder z store. Click on "new and used" at the top of the page.

Dobbs, a leader of the 1934 Minneapolis Teamster strike, which became a citywide general strike, tells its story. The battles with the companies, cops, strike breakers, and their hangers-on are told with masterful effect. It also shows the rising industrial unions as organizations of working-class struggle, taking on the employers and its government. But the real gem at the heart of this tale is how the unfolding struggle transformed ordinary workers, including Dobbs himself, into extraordinary fighters, thinkers, and revolutionary leaders.

Farrell Dobbs was a coal-yard worker and one of the central leaders of the 1934 strikes when in his twenties. Some forty years later Dobbs was the national secretory of the Socialist Workers Party and wrote down an account of his experiences working in the coal yards and becoming involved in unionist movement organizing the drive to establish Teamsters Local 574 and the rise of the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) as an effective nation-wide instrument to better working conditions for men and women like himself. Teamster Rebellion is Dobbs account of the hard-fought strike actions which were often all out battles with law enforcement and hired thugs operating as strike breakers in the employ of the exploitative company owners and such big-business fronts as Citizen Alliance. Teamster Rebellion is a welcome and recommended addition to academic and community library American Labor History collections.

The very first part of the essential, very first amendment to our Constitution says, "Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof." This ringing phrase, so seemingly simple and obvious, has been the focus of an enormous amount of controversy and clarification. It is a great legacy, but what does it really mean? We are still struggling to find out. In _To an Unknown God: Religious Freedom on Trial_ (St. Martin's Press) by Garrett Epps we learn how one of the latest struggles is turning out. It is a fine book to show in detail how a specific constitutional decision came to be made.

On one side of the story was Al Smith. Smith was born into the Klamath tribe, but was pulled out of it to go to Catholic boarding school. Rather late in his life he was introduced to sweat lodges and Native American religion. He was also introduced to Alcoholics Anonymous, and eventually became a respected counselor, speaker, and organizer of treatment centers for alcohol and drug abuse. As he traveled to different reservations to set up recovery programs, he came across peyote religion. It seemed to give some of his clients spiritual strength, and they seemed to do better in overcoming substance abuse if they participated in its religious ceremonies. He began to consider participating in peyote religion. He was told that taking peyote at a ceremony would violate the rules of the treatment center in which he worked, and so he did so. He was thereupon fired, and he filed for unemployment compensation. That filing set the stage for a subsequent battle within the Supreme Court and beyond.

On the other side was Oregon Attorney General David Frohnmayer. He had tried in his political offices in Oregon to mend fences with the tribes of his region. He was, however, very worried about the dangers of drug abuse, and so he felt he was doing the right thing in trying to squelch community acceptance of drugs, ceremonial or not. He approached the Supreme Court proceedings with the mantra, "Drugs are bad. Slippery slope." Not only was peyote illegal, but it was used in a minority religion; if it were allowed, then surely someone would be asking to use other drugs for religious purposes. But he did reflect sadly to his legal team, "How did we get to be the Indian bashers?"

Epps is not only a journalist and lawyer, but also a novelist. His ability to describe personalities and anecdotes serves him well, for although this is a legal story, the human stories within it are what make it live. He has used process of the legal arguments as a springboard for an examination of many connected subjects: the history of the Bureau of Indian Affairs; the story of Alcoholics Anonymous; the tale of Bhagwan Shree Rajneesh and the Oregon town that was taken over by his devotees; the saga of the Road Man who is the ceremonial leader of the peyote religion. These set pieces are fascinating, and strengthen the main story. It is disconcerting that there is no pat final resolution, but Epps writes, "The law of religious freedom remains unsettled." Thus may it ever be.

This book is one of the best looks at a Supreme Court case in quite some time. Examining Oregon v. Smith, one of the most important yet unheralded legal battles of our time, Epps' book plumbs the depths Indian rights, religious freedom and states rights in a manor which devestates the intellectual pretensions of Court conservatives such as Justice Scalia. The only quible one can have with the book it that it has too much detail on Oregon Attorney General Frohnmeyer. Other than that minor matter, this is a top rate book. Of additional note, the book provides an exceptionaly concise yet comprehensive overview of the Rajhneesh cult afair in Oregon, relying to good effect on the journalism of Oregon Magazine's Win McCormack.

I was lucky enough to read an early copy of this book, and I found it astonishingly good. I had loved Epps's work as a novelist (his "Shad Treatment" is one of the best first novels I know) and I had always wondered if he could apply his writerly powers to non-fiction, as well. "To an Unknown God" draws on all the creative gifts that fans of Epps's earlier books will remember. He takes an important Supreme Court case about religious freedom (he's now a law professor) and tells the story through the remarkable personalities who were involved in the case: Al Smith, the Native American member of a peyote cult who was the plaintiff, and David Frohnmeyer, the all-American Republican wunderkind attorney general of Oregon, who argued that peyote use wasn't protected as an exercise of religious freedom. Epps deconstructs these billboard identities to provide a rich and very moving account of the real people and the heartbreaking pressures that shaped their actions in this legal case. This is a rare book--taking the sometimes dry subject of law and filling it with life. I hope it's a promise of more books to come from Epps, who is a vastly talented writer.

Epps' book is one of the best in recent memory to explore a Supreme Court case. Examining the case of Oregon v. Smith, Epps deploys his skills as both a journalist and a novelist to plumb the depths of Indian rights, religious freedom and states rights. The only quibble one can have is that the book spends too much time on the minutae of Oregon Attorney General Frohnmeyer's life. Other than that minor matter, this is an elegantly told tale. As an aside, Epps presents a concise yet complete recouncting of the Rajhneesh cult saga of the '80's, relying to good effect of the work of Oregon Magazine Editor-in-Chief Win McCormack.

This book could easily have been a bore--yet another detailed legal explication of a Supreme Court case you know you should be interested in, but aren't, because you can't follow the jargon. But in Epps' hands an amazing story comes to life. This is serious constitutional law, with enormous consequences for our country, and it reads like a novel. Anyone concerned with religion and free expression should read it. Or you could just read it because it's a great read!

Mike Levine has led a life of mythic proportions and this book is a glimpse into many real life events that he has experienced.

Adds a new dimension to the term conspiracy theory.

Check out his Radio show on Pacifica network.

Mr. Levine outdoes himself in this book. Unlike his previous works, this is a fictional story. Mr. Levine has drawn on his past experiences as a deep cover agent to create a spy saga that will keeps your attention. Like in his other books, Mr. Levine exposes the truth about the crooked and inept "leaders," charged with our safety and welfare. If action, adventure, and conspiracies are to your tastes, buy this book!

Excellent summer reading. Action, disturbing reality-based activities of law enforcement while we sleep comfortably in our beds... Highly enjoyable reading.

Once you get through this book, and realize that this man has LIVED this experience, it makes you wonder just what the hell our government thinks it's doing. Also makes you grateful that people like him are still willing to stick their necks out despite the fact that these folks are routinely left hanging, so to speak. Not ONLY is this book a thriller, but it's a wake up call to those "patriots" who are still blind enough to believe that either the Democrats OR the Republicans have their best interests in mind.

The book's more addictive than La Reina Blanca. From sunrise til sunset, I sat glued to it. The very best book I've ever read. How can I tell it's the best? Well, I'd never finished reading a book, let alone doing it in 7 hours.

This book is a masterful combination of historical research and party analysis that will reshape the way we think of political parties. Frymer argues convincingly that party institutions have generally sought to marginalize the issue of racial injustice in American politics. A major contribution to the literature from a young scholar and excellent teacher.

It is great that now everyone can see what a brilliant mind Paul Frymer is. I took three classes with him at UCLA and he really turned me onto American politics. He showed us what was wrong and how we could go about making it better. The focus was not here is what I think and you must like it, the structure allowed for free thought and contemplation. This is something that is obvious in his writing.

I took 4 classes that Prof. Frymer taught at UCLA and was quite impressed with his teaching methods. Prof. Frymer's book, I believe, eloquently summarizes what he tried to convey in those lectures. Written on the level as that of Lani Guinier's work, I hope that Prof. Frymer's book will be able to open the eyes of the typical politician who seems to be disconcerned with such issues and only to win big. Thank you Professor Frymer.

Prof. Frymer has written a book that many different audiences will find useful. Political scientists will appreciate his skill in demonstrating a counter-intuitive, and yet ultimately convincing, account of race and party politics. Those from other academic fields will be grateful for Frymer's decision to eschew political science jargon, and will find that the book makes contributions to our understanding of history and law. Finally, non-academics will find the book both accessible and informative. I highly recommend "Uneasy Alliances."

This is one of the best books I've read on race in America. It shows why racism persists, and how our political leaders collude in its persistence. It takes on conventional wisdom among intellectuals and political leaders, and it does so in a way that is accessible to an average reader. I can't praise it too highly.

Almost a quarter of a century after he lost his throne Mohammad Reza Shah ¨Pahlavi remains at the centre of Iranian politics.
This book by Iran's leading journalist is the best on the late Shah because it reveals both the weakenesses ( all human) and the strengths of Pahlavi during his 37 year long reign.
At the same time this book could be read like a novel, full of twists and turns.
Rivniz Bibarg

As Iran comes under the limelights as the next candidate for regime change in the Middle East,anyone interested in the complex politics of that region could do no better than read this fascinating biography.
But even if a reader is not interested in politics , this book would still be a treasure trove as an enjoyable read.
The author, sympathetic to the Shah although never forgetting his shortcomings, shows that the Shah was a good man in a bad time.
Taheri compares the Shah to the wizard in the Wizard of Oz who says at the end of the film, when he is discovered, : I am not a bad man, just a bad wizard!
But even that may be a bit unkind.
Was Muhammad Reza Pahlavi a bad Shah?
Taheri does not believe so, and may be reflecting the sentiments fomented against the Shah by years of propaganda by his enemies.
The book shows that what the Shah offered Iran was the best deal posisble at the time.
As Iran braces for change it may still be the best deal it can get today.
A.Keame

The Iranian students who demonstrate against the mullahs in Tehran arebeginningto feel nostalgia about the time of the Shah. Many of these students were not even born when the Shah left his country for good, allowing the mullahs to take over.
This book, now also available in samizdat version in Persian, is certain to feed that nostalgia.
But the book's purpose and ambition seem to be grander.
The author is trying to show that the program that the Shah offered for Iran was the only realistic one, and remains the most attractive one today.
Personally I disagree with that thesis. But I liked this book because it is well written and sheds light on many dark spots of Iranian history.
A READER IN TEHRAN

A generation ago the last Shah of Iran was seen by most people as a dictator engaged in some of the most complex politics of the Cold War.
In this book, however, we discover a fragile man, caught in the counter currents of a violent history.
It is as if someone re-wrote Macbeth to turn the principal character into Hamlet.
Which of the Shah's images was true? May be both. And the author of this book is careful enough to narrate in some detail some of the worst aspects of a 37-year long rule.The tragedy sufffered by the Iranian people since the fall of the Shah is only darkly hinted at.
In the end what counts is that this book is a fantastic read. It gives the reader a deeper insight into human character.
A READER, Paris, France

I read this biography of the late Shah of Iran after I had read a biography of the man who deposed him: Ayatollah Khomeini.
Both biographies are written by Iranian journalist Amir Taheri who seems to have known the two men personally.
When I told my Iranian friend that I found the two, the Shah and Khomeini, to be twins, he was shocked.
He wanted to know: How could I compare a monster like Khomeini with a moderate modernizer like the Shah?
But Taheri shows that the two men emerged from the same culture of violence and hatred.
Khomeini was an orphan who wished to take revenge on the world. The Shah was a shyster who dreamed of becoming a dictator.
I know that Iranians are divided between those who think Khomeini was a saint and those who adore the Shah as the symbol of all that was good in Iran.
As an outsider, however,I can see how the Iranian people were cuaght between the two forms of despotism that the two men represented.
The book on Khomeini has a faster pace and is generally more fun to read. This is why I read it twice. But the book on the Shah also merits at least one close reading.WV

An incredibly insightful and powerful book that examines the history of race in America - charting the knotty path toward racial equality, and exposing the many contradictions and setbacks upon it. Most importantly, the book can help us all look at present-day race relations in a more progressive way.

Highly interesting and useful book with a simple but effective history: put the whole history of civil rights struggle in one line, since the Revolutionary war. The result shows immediately the tiding of the struggle for racial equality, and the correlation of eras of advance with the periods of major war, the Revolutionary, Civil, and Second World Wars to be exact. Too often we see the efforts of abolitionists in the generation before the Civil War without seeing the similar history during the Revolutionary period, and then the falling away of advance into retrogression in the early nineteenth century. And then again after Reconstruction. The rise of the Civil Rights movement after the Second World War, next also to the need to repair the image of the American system in the Cold War, falls into place therefore as the next incremental advance in an undertow of resistance, backsliding and the Jim Crow curse. We seem to be, or have entered, another of the doldrum eras, and the prospect seems alarming, although each period of advance maintains some portion of its gains. At a period of neo-liberal machinations made in Texas we need hardly bother to wonder why affirmative action is under attack, etc...
One has to wonder, finally, at the botched legacy of the Constitutional era. It seems less than fully convincing all at once that the founders were unable to resist compromise. The results have been a horrendous series of obstructions.
As the dot.gov goes into action in Iraq, it is worth wondering if they are qualified. American history shows one way to blow it. Vigilance.

When I read this book, I was surprised to find a almost completely accurate depiction of the African-American experience and race relations. Klikner and Smith validate the claim of Black separatist groups such as the Nation of Islam that the Black man is considered a citizen during wartime and tax time. Their analyzing of race relations during The American Revolution, The Civil War, World War II, and The Cold War show that the status of African-Americans was changed by each war. However the nation took 2 steps back when the attitudes of the White majority changed during hard economic times and developed a reluctance to expand the social revolution that was spurred by the war. The book offers a challenge to all who desire racial and economic equality to continue a unfinished social revolution.

Civil Rights leaders supposedly described their achievements in these terms and thus give the authors the title for their book. Such footwork can only be described as THE UNSTEADY MARCH. Klinker and Smith highlight the periods of progress and retreat through a broad sweep of US history. Beginning with the era of slavery (1619-1860), chapter 1 titled "Bolted with the Lock of a Hundred Keys" obviously describes a period of zero progress. According to the authors there have only been three periods of progress and each can be identified by the presence of specific factors. The thrust of their argument throughout this book is that the special circumstances and the effort, energy, and enthusiasm associated with these factors has both a beneficial and deleterious impact on black progress. Beneficially these are not short-run periods of gain. Indeed the third era of progress beginning with WWII and covering the Cold War (inclusive of Vietnam) from 1941 to 1968 "framed an extraordinarily prolonged period" of gains.

It's not coincidental that this period included WWII, the Cold War, and Vietnam because progress has come only "in the wake of a large-scale war requiring extensive economic and military mobilization of African-Americans for success." This statement by the authors made me think about the message of AMERICAN PATRIOTS: "The Story of Blacks in the Military from the Revolution to Desert Storm". If gains by blacks is conditional on wars the treatment of blacks in those wars is a high cost to pay for progress as Gail Lumet Buckley shows in her book. Gaining support for these wars usually means invoking our inclusiveness, egalitarianism, and democratic ideals; elements which the authors identify as another precondition for progress. The third critical factor is that a political protest movement must emerge and be "willing and able to bring pressure upon national leaders to live up to that justificatory rhetoric by instituting domestic reforms."

Progress has been a continual dance of advances and retreats but in their penultimate chapter "Benign Neglect?" the authors express concern over the current climate of complacency. Rather than a threat from any direct action or program of retrenchment, acceptance of present trends is a far greater impediment to continued progress. Through a series of parallels with periods of increased segregation they make a compelling case for overturning the historical pattern and replacing it with a movement towards sustained economic justice and racial equality.

About six months ago, Klinkner's book fell into my lap having been dropped off by my brother who knew me to be an avid reader. My initial thought was that this book was another attempt to recycle the old liberal ideas of the 60's. Liberalism, for all intents and purposes, has been discredited, relegated to the scrap heap of forgotten history-along with the Edsel, leisure suits, 8 tracks and E.S.T. Later that evening, I sat down to read the introduction. After completing the introduction, I wanted to call my brother to thank him for delivering such a find. It is imperative to read the introduction before tackling the main body of the book. Also, try not to read the book too quickly, it is better digested in small pieces. As a historical document, there is no more scholarly or analytical a treatise out there. It stablizes the argument in favor of reconsidering the issues surrounding the way we--as a country--have in the past and present continue to treat the progeny of former slaves. The issue is not reparations for the effects of slavery, but rather the institutional structures in place that perpetuate the superior/inferior relationship between Americans separated by the color of their skin. In short, if we could eliminate the current effects that became ingrained during the 300 or so years of slavery, we would gladly forego any compensation we may be arguably entitled to. This book is a must read for anyone grappling with the issues of equality-or inequality--in it's present transmuted form.

The War for America has short, easily digestible chapters, and although much of the data is disturbing, I was compelled to read more. I had given up trying to understand politics and what drives the political parties, but thanks to this book I GET IT. Plus, I got the added bonus of understanding the impact and responsibility of my choices on the world and the environment. This is not just a matter of Republican vs. Democrat. It is a fight for our rights to grow and change as a society while the conservative-right holds tightly to keeping things "the way they have always been". Progress has never been made, nor freedom won, with this philosophy. Mr. Morris provides the past, present and future of the critical issues of our time. He provides solid information that is very well documented (unusual for a political book). Information that is designed to educate and join people together rather than elicit further polarization. He manages to do this without the rhetoric, name calling and fear-mongering I've come to expect from politics and political books. I now understand that this is not just an American problem and I'll never look at the choices I make the same way again. Thanks for showing us the world-view and motivating me to become involved in politics for the first time.

Morris's call for a new kind of leadership, that is able to handle the complexities of the increasingly complex world, is not only apt but is long been wanted. Morris does not imply a cosmetic change, but a fundamental change based on a systemic perspective that acknowledges the interconnected of with each other and with the environment. The problem, however, I feel is that humans are fundamentally limited in their cognitive process to be divisive and fragmented. Our psychological evolution has not really caught up with its technological and biological counterparts. Hope it does, lest it spells disaster!

Langdon Morris brings the dream of the Founding Fathers into critical and poignant focus, by envisioning history as a compilation of multiple generations of human ambitions, accomplishments and follies. His basic premise is that we have simply been overwhelmed by the complex technological social environment we have created, and that the forces of biological evolution have not yet had time to respond to the new techno-environment in which we live and work on a day-to-day basis. He points out that if we are to avoid a global economic and environmental disaster, we must martial a boldness of vision to move beyond our conservative attitudes of denial, and our dependence on fundamentalist doctrines of present mainstream thought and political leadership. He highlights the fact that the decline of every great civilization that preceeded us, has its roots in economic collapse, and complexity, which overwhelmed the social consciousness of the times. For us to advance to the next stage of human evolution, Morris urges us to detach our thinking from our conservative roots, which are wedded to mountains of past written dogma, overly simplistic ideas. and overwhelming fear of change. To renew the dream of America's Founding Fathers, Morris suggests that a new set of Leaders will emerge, who will have the ability to "create their own context," and will build a set of inspiring and positive futures which will include America and the larger Global Economy, involving intelligent management of new emerging technologies. This new Spirit of Leadership would thus function to creats a brighter and more positively spirited America for both the present and future generations, and also help create a better life for people everywhere on Earth. Elliott Maynard, Ph.D. Arcos Cielos Research Center, Sedona, Arizona.

The War for America is written with purpose, intelligence, passion and a clear sense of history. It wants to revive the spirit of why the United States of America was founded in the first place; to embody freedom and democracy. It spells out with unabashed candor and bias how the current holders of the reins of government are betraying the promise upon which this nation was founded i.e., to be an heroic leader in the world not the archetype for shallowness, consumerism, jingoism and arrogance. A few weeks ago when I went to take the oath of U.S. citizenship I carried a copy of the War for America with me. Partly because I happened to be reading it then, but partly because the book represents for me what is great about America: freedom of thought and expression, courage, creativity, inclusion, service and heroism. As I said the oath I thought of how fragile this republic is and how another few years of the Patriot Act, pre-emptive war and "national security" as a pretext for tighter controls could ruin everything forever. If the War for America contributes to our accepting the challenge of heroic leadership again it should be a best seller for years!

Morris captures the underlying motivations behind the Republican Party's ideologies in this carefully researched and well-written book. Clearly identified, explained and substantiated, Morris exposes the blind spots in the right wing's manipulative strategies and how they affect the critical human challenges we're facing today and will be facing in the future. Discussions on morality, global positioning, resources, the economy, the environment, education and many other 21st century issues are thorough, and in aggregate, downright disturbing.

The author weaves the imperative for stronger liberal leadership throughout the book, and draws a clear road map for the Democratic Party to follow in order to meet and defeat those currently in power.

Further still, he gives us hope (when we we're all wondering if there was any way out of this mess that we ourselves have created!) Addressing methodologies to deal with these enormous and yet interrelated problems, Morris invites us to draw on informed intelligence, systems thinking, and a new model of leadership to design a new tomorrow that works for everyone.

This book is a must-read for anyone that holds strong political beliefs no matter where he or she may fall on the political spectrum, but is most palatable to those who are socially, globally and environmentally conscious.

I am a PhD student doing Operations Research - more specificly, Mixed Integer Programming - that is why I purchased this book, just because of the curiousity about the autobiography of a brilliant mathematician in our field.

I started this book in the end of Feb and couldn't help stopping digging into his unbelievable and inspiring life stories and have already started the third time. Everytime I get new gains and thoughts. First, it is definitely a good encouragement for my research work, by his enthusiasm and passion for knowledge and mathematics; in addition, I always can judge my attitude to life and people by learning from his experience and his eternal optimistic awareness. Here is a book, where you can find faith, justice, intelligence, honesty and love.

This memoir lays out in exquisite prose a touching, insightful journey through a series of challenges that are almost incomprehensible to those of us who have grown up in happier times. As I read I could not help but wonder how I would measure up to the ethical and moral standards set by Professor Balas. His academic excellence and stature are well known to all of us who have worked in any field related to mathematical programming; this book makes it clear that in addition to being an exemplary academic in every way, Professor Balas is also a very great gentleman, in the best British sense of the word. I can only say I am proud to have known him.

If ever I get imprisoned I'll remember to use a coffee-stained napkin and stale bread to make a chess set. I also learned from Egan Balas that to exercise in a confined space one takes an odd number of steps - else one walks in circles. Algorithmic ingenuity enabled him to successfully take up mathematics in his late 30s, against the conventional wisdom that good mathematicians do their work when young, and become an outstanding professor of industrial administration, applied mathematics and operations research at Carnegie Mellon University.

He tells stories of his lives - escaping death narrowly - "according to my own taste", making it one of the most compelling biographies I have ever read.
This would be an extraordinary thriller if it were fiction - but it's not, it's real. The highly personal account of how a Transylvian Jew became a revolutionary worker, a dapper diplomat, a tortured prisoner and a creative academic takes one through some absolutely awful scenes. Balas' craftiness enabled him to survive and his toughness under severe torture protected his friends. This is not some second hand account of Communist and Nazi hate, Balas drags the reader through his pain and suffering. There are happier moments - such as when he comes out of prison and addresses his daughter - not realizing that he's speaking to a younger sibling born in his absence and that his daughter has grown considerably.

For anyone who wants to understand willpower and survival in Hungary and Romania during the 2nd world war this is a must read. Besides historical interest, the story's suspense makes it an ideal gift for thriller and spy story readers.

Professor Balas from Carnegie Mellon University is one of the most respected members of the Operations Research community. I am a big fan of Professor Egon Balas, having read his papers on the "Lift and Project" method in solving mixed integer programming problems.

Nothing moved me as much as this book though. I agree with the reviewer from Toronto, the book is definitely a great scientific mind at work, where Egon describes clearly and in vivid detail all that he went through, without any bitterness or resentments.

A triumph of the human spirit against all odds and adversaries!

Truly a fascinating story. I was born in Romania and went to college in Cluj during the late sixties. The period of time between 1945-1954 was always a mystery to me. Egon Balas has opened my eyes on many aspects of my country's secret past. The book is very engaging and kept me captivated until the end. Egon's story is representative of what happened to Transylvanian Jews who were communists before and after the war. While not all stories have happy endings like Egon's, I know of many people with similar stories. None of them talked to me in so many details and so eloquently as Egon did in his book. I am greatful to Egon for making this very personal account of his life public, so that the story of the communist Jews of Cluj is not lost forever. Great book !