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I throughly enjoyed this book - most likely because I spent the majority of my life in Northern Ireland. Unfortunately a good unbiased viewpoint is very hard to come by, so I relished the opportunity to fill in a few gaps in my understanding. The flip side of this is that it appears that the authors let a few characters off lightly, on both sides.

The issue I believe is that the situation is very fluid in that part of the world, and events often come to light that change perceptions of various characters. The famous 'They haven't gone away' remark from Mr Adams isn't mentioned for example, and this casts him in a rather different light than is presented in the book.

I do applaud the authors however for not glossing over the lowpoints of Northern Ireland's recent history. Whilst sometimes painful to read, it does help dispel the fairytale fancy of those who have been led to regard murderers as 'freedom fighters'. I just wish that the authors hadn't given their apologists such a light hand.

All in all, if you are new to the area I'd highly recommend this one. This book is a great startpoint but shouldn't be your last read on the matter.

I found this book to be a little bit dry at times, though on the other hand, the descriptions of the violence at the hands of both the IRA and other republican groups and by the Unionist/loyalist groups were quite graphic. Still, it was quite easy to keep up with who was who and who was on which side, something that can sometimes be a problem in a history book. The authors gave a pretty balanced perspective--I do think they were a little more on the Catholic side, but overall, it was balanced. I do wish they had gone more into the background. Why did the British send the Protestants to Catholic Ireland in the first place, and how did the two sides get along before the 20th century? This is glossed over, though I guess what information is given is sufficient. It does whet my appetite to know more, however.

David McKittrick and David McVea present a thoughtful, excellent overview of sectarian strife in Northern Ireland since the 1960's, giving a balanced look at both the Protestant and Catholic communities. They begin with a superb brief historical sketch on the origins and early history of Northern Ireland, chronicling its major events from its inception in 1921 through the 1960's. They offer many fascinating portraits of prominent British, Irish and Northern Irish politicians and terrorists, ranging from the likes of diehard Protestant minister Ian Paisley to former IRA member Gerry Adams. This is quite simply one of the best books I've read on recent Northern Irish history and may be the best historical overview on the origins and current state of "The Troubles".

I read this before a trip to Northern Ireland this summer, where I met with politicians, community leaders and artists. After reading the book, I felt very comfortable with the main themes and events of the Troubles, and several people commented that I seemed particularly well-versed in the history of the conflict (I knew next to nothing even a year before my trip). The book is well-written and balanced, and gives a thorough introduction to the troubles. I recommend reading it after a brief overview of general Irish history (such as "Modern Ireland: A Very Short Introduction") and, of course, as much Joyce as time allows.

I love everything Eknath Easwaran writes and this book exceeded my expectations. The stories and information are priceless - buy this book if you want to know about the life of Badshah Khan.

I request customers and other visitors to read the article by Arif H. Akhunzada titled "Bacha Khan legacy is Questionable" with caution because in Pakistan objective interpretation and description of history is mostly marred by the official stand on history enshrined in the so-called "Pakistan Ideology".

Pakistan Ideology i.e. the Idea that sparked the struggle for Pakistan is a highly communal, theocratic, and Pan-Islamist view of history that considers the people of the Subcontinent to be divided into two religious communities-Hindus and Muslims-with entirely different ways of life and very little in common to live in a single state or society. According to this ideology, the Idea of Pakistan was born when the first Arab Muslim invader i.e. Mohammad Bin Qasim invaded India (Sindh) and converted some of its inhabitants to Islam.

This divisive and jingoistic philosophy very well serves the interests of the military bureaucracy that has been ruling Pakistan since inception and the allied religious and fudal classess.

As Abdul Ghaffar Khan aka Bacha Khan espoused a non-communal approach to life in which the highest spiritual act and worship was the "service of humanity" irrespective of religious affiliation and practically upheld what he thought as the true purpose of life ( evident from his personal life and joint struggle with Hindus, Sikhs, etc. for freedom), he, therefore, is an anathema to Pakistani national elite. This elite, through a systematic campaign, has tried its best to malign Abdul Ghaffar Khan, mispresent him to the world and his own people i.e. Pashtuns, make him controversial, and permanently erase him from history and the memories of the successive generation of Pashtuns. These elite want Pashtun society to evolve the Taleban way.

There is also another dimension to all this. The political, bureaucratic, economic, and intellectual elite of Pakistan predominently comes from two communities; Punjabis and Muhajirs. The other three communities of Pakistan i.e. Sindhis, Baluchis, and Pashtuns have only peripheral rule in Pakistan. The Punjabi-Muhajir elite wants to build a Pakistani nation based on Islam and Hindustani Muslim Culture. Therefore, any thing that gives these marginalized communities (i.e. Baluchis, Pashtuns, and Sindhis) a sense of identity, pride, self-esteem, and confidence is virtually unbearable for the Punjabi-Muhajir elite that dominate Pakistan.

I will request the world not to forget Bacha Khan. The values and the view of life he upheld are eternal and humanistic. His legacy belongs to the entire humanity rather than a specific community. As a Pashtun, I believe that my people i.e. Pashtuns can achieve spiritual and material success only if they follow Bacha Khan's philosophy of non-voilence and peaceful struggle for personal and collective development. Unfortunately, initially British and later Pakistani state ruthlessly suppressed his movement and philosophy. The politics of the Cold War, in which radical Islam and Jehad were used as counter to communism, also have its share in weakening Bacha Khan's "Khudayi Khidmatgar Movement".

I will further request that readers should read anthropological studies on Pashtuns than relying on superficial views about them here and there.

Nonviolent Soldier Of Islam: Badshah Khan, A Man To Match His Mountains is the powerful written biography of Abdul Ghaffar Khan -- a great 20th Century Islamic figure who worked with the legendary peacemaker Gandhi to amass history's first nonviolent army of 100,000 men. Khan's leadership in revealing how great numbers of unarmed men and women can successfully stand against injustice, stop the self-perpetuating cycles of revenge fueled violence, and help to change history, bringing inspiration to future generations, is a profound example for what is so badly needed today both with in Islamic communities and with respect to the interactions of Islamic and non-Islamic peoples today. A impressively descriptive saga of Khan's life and work, Nonviolent Solider Of Islam is very strongly recommended and timely reading.

This is a sweeping portrait of Badshah Khan, a courageous Muslim figure. I felt inspired as I read this touching work, though I wanted more.
I wish that Khan's autobiography, My Life and Struggles would be more readily available. Also, a more detailed biography would be helpful. This book is wonderful as an overview but one who wants to dive deeper should investigate further.
This book is an excellent introduction to Badshah Khan. It shows how one can use the bismillah (in the name of God the infinitly compassionate and merciful) as a means to internalize compassion and mercy in ourselves. This is the core of Islam and of the utmost importance today.

All the Amazon reviews for this book below perceive Abdul Ghaffar Khan superficially, only from the angle of the non-violent doctrine and rural Islamic philosophy he preached, rather than any practical political accomplishments and impact on history and his society that may have been made by him - or the lack thereof. High ideals are fine, except that they are a little ephemeral as far as practical reality is concerned - unless they help achieve something effective and concrete. And sadly this is what this otherwise good and simple man failed to do. Living in the same society as he did, I will focus on him from the angle of Pashtun social realities and issues, unlike the other foreign reviewers who are just content with the usual wishy-washy praise of his non-violent Islamic ideals. It must also be kept in mind that Eknath Easwaran is a pacifist Hindu thinker, and so has written this book mainly from the viewpoint of highlighting his pacifist aspect above all else. Which is true, since Ghaffar Khan's pacifism was largely Hindu inspired, but for Pashtuns he is basically a politician and cultural figure, and pacifism is just a facet of his character, albeit a key one. 20th century Pashtun political history is an obscure issue but still crucially important, inspite of its failed and forlorn character. I consider this book as perhaps the most useful introduction so far for the foreign reader, of the man at the centre of it - and I rate it at five stars because there are only a handful of books worth the name on the international level that deal with his doings, and this one is about the story of the man himself. Ghaffar Khan aka Badshah (or Bacha) Khan was a towering figure mainly because of his personal qualities of head and heart - infinite patience, steely determination and simplicity. He himself belonged to the Hunnish origin "Khan" Pashtun landowning class. He is acclaimed by most Pathans (Pashtuns) as being the father of their "nationalism". He founded a simple rural political-cum-cultural-cum-religious movement in the countryside to "dignify" Pashtuns and their culture and language and free them from first British and then Pakistani rule. They were known as "Red Shirts", the name being derived from their uniformed cadres and were first affiliated politically with the All India National Congress of M.K.Gandhi and later merged into and then broke with many other Pakistani groupings (when they couldn't dominate them). They were finally turned into a formal political structure of their own by 1986, which came to be dominated by his late son and daughter-in-law, and is now very much their family concern, a "lucrative" political party in the hands of his grandchildren and their in-laws and other cronies. They now use his image and "philosophy" to keep their fortunes alive. He was the key regional ally of Gandhi in his non-violent independence struggle for India. His position on Pakistan was varied and inconsistent. He had earlier tried vainly to oppose the dissolution of the Turkish Caliphate in the 1920s. All these activities earned him long spells in jail. But his anti-British stance didn't stop him from getting his sons elitist British educations and properties in Britain, as well as good political positions and alliances in later Pakistani governments.

Let us now review Badshah Khan's accomplishments - and those of his successors - for those are what really count in the historical long run. What is there visible to us that he has achieved for his people through his struggle and philosophy? Nothing but a vague demand for some sort of a "Pashtun nation" of sorts that even its proponents very conveniently refrain from defining exactly - and some sort of "unity" for the Pashtun ethnicity divided between Afghanistan and Pakistan. That was never really elaborated upon either. First of all, he desired Pashtun political union with India, after it became independent; later, he toned that down and would give the impression of wanting total Pashtun independence; otherwise, he would only demand Pashtun provincial autonomy within Pakistan; and many a time, he swore fealty to Pakistan's integrity! He is also known for his advocacy of Afghanistan as the "real" Pashtun state, and that is where he now lies buried. In the end, he merely wanted to change Pakistan's Pashtun province's name from NWFP to the more realistic "Pakhtunkhwa". That was the nature of his ever efflusive politics. No doubt he talked about some vague Pashtun independence and national self-determination, but avoided really important issues like improving and reforming their cultural quality. Otherwise he was just a popular rustic social figure, wearing the rude homespun cotton garb of a village simpleton who gave his society nothing of particular merit other than going around from village to village drinking green tea with the men and extolling the virtues of rustic Pashtun goodness and their good old rough Red Shirt camaraderie. Now let us see what effect this influence of his has had. When we look at the Pashtun society in 2006 and compare it to what it was in 1930 - at the height of his movement - we see no real changes in it at all: their dirty mud caked village roads and stinking ramshackle bazaars are the same, their rich, exploitative landowning upper and noveau riche classes, who use their educational skills and government jobs to enable their legendary corruption, plunder and pelf (and who are the local comprador dependents of US global imperialism) - are the same; the great masses of the Pathan populace are boorish vicious tribesmen and illiterate peasant artisans, cultivators and daily wagers, little better than animals in any respect, going around swathed in their rough stone age felt sheets and caps and turbans, working with much the same equipment in their fields as they did 3000 years ago in the days of their Gandhara predecessors, and living likewise: the open drains by the roadside and walls serve as the men's public urinals. The only notable differences between Gandhara and now are that there are some dilapidated roads, vehicles, electricity and various other trappings of modernity that were introduced here by British influence; and lately Pashtuns have been inundated with cell phones, in an unnatural and despicable mix that I call "neolithic globalism" - and Badshah Khan or his marvellous legacy are certainly not responsible for that. (It is because of the folly and misdemeanours of the modern world that we see the likes of backward Bedouin sheikhs sporting chunky Rolex watches and Rolls Royces, and medieval Pathan ruffians of all hues - and other such "natives" - having undeserved free access to the latest electronic gadgets and vehicles, and taking them for granted. Sad paradoxes indeed). The modern state institutions that exist in the Pashtun areas under Pakistani rule are those bequeathed by former British rule, and they exist merely as a modern verneer beneath which things go on here as they have been doing for thousands of years. With these institutions existing just as rubberstamps, the real decision making power lies with informally constituted tribal councils made up of "elders" and "influentials" and "notables" at the local level, extending all the way up. Bribery, patronage and coercion and are considered normal business procedure. Nobody pays taxes, and smuggling constitutes trade. Gun running, narcotics and counterfeiting are traditional lucrative sources of income here. Merit doesn't exist. People tend to settle all disputes personally owing to police and government ineffectiveness in such a society, and given the extreme and proud Pashtun temperament - often end up using guns whatever the nature of the problem. Grasping, greed, jealousy and lawless behaviour are customarily extolled as being "manly". "Insults" have to be avenged - often by death - and so many things are regarded as insults, that normal people elsewhere can't even imagine: for instance, asking someone to remove his car parked wrongly behind yours can be regarded by him as insulting, and among most Pashtuns in general such incidents are the norm because of their lack of adherence to and cynical disregard for proper procedure and manners is so universal as they haughtily dismiss all such procedural "fuss" as being beneath strong, clever men. Even someone overtaking another person's car is often regarded by the one being overtaken as an insult... Pashtun fracticide, treachery and tribal disunity are unparalleled and legendary. Extreme religious fervour has always been the norm in this claustrophobic society. Its conventions are extolled and enforced ruthlessly. Marriages are all arranged. Women are still bought and sold in marriage deals. Polygamy is considered normal and even a prestigious aspiration. Pashtun society is infamous for its sub-human and extreme cultural attitudes regarding its women and their rights. Afghan tribesmen use the Pashto word "kaddah" for wife which literally means "baggage" or "belongings". Women are made the cornerstone of a twisted all-pervasive male "code" of feudal-tribal "honour" that rules day to day Pashtun living, involving senseless butchery, blood feuds, duels and land and money grabbing. What is more, the women willingly and "proudly" accept their place in all this too, may I inform those shocked western and other liberals who read this! (After all, it is they who make sure to pass on these noxious traditions to their sons).

In short, Pashtun society is a lowlife jungle society in every sense of the word, at a time in history when all should know and do better. It is stuck in a time warp. All this is what Badshah Khan (and now his brood) endorsed and glorified as the "Pashtun nation's precious cultural identity", a situation to protect and be proud of. His non-violence was mostly a tactic for political activities against the British, and later the Pakistani administrations. And not all of this was non-violent either, if one cares to read about the Qissa Khwani Bazaar massacre of 1930 and the Baburra massacre of 1948, where he got hundreds of his uniformed cadres slaughtered as they were preparing for confrontations. No doubt the reader will come across gushing, over-reverent Pashtun views regarding him. (An example is a Pashtun's Amazon review for the 1998 edition of this book, on a separate webpage). But these are worthless tinsel, the bombastic rigmarole typical of the blustery and exaggerated Pathan mentality and "public morality" that they show to others, especially foreigners. You can ask me instead about what Badshah Khan & Co. accomplished. I belong to the same provincial district as the Badshah Khan family, called Charsadda, and my family is even distantly related to theirs.

So honestly, what did this man achieve in his society that merits such a fuss? His successors are nowadays typical Pakistani politicians, who run an opportunist business venture of a party devoted to robbery and thuggery. That is what characterises Pakistani politics nowadays. Not only have things not changed in Pashtun society, but they have in fact taken a turn for the worse since America revived and equipped Islamic fundamentalism here to counter the USSR in the 1980s. Whatever little cosmetic good 100 years of British rule did the Pashtuns in Pakistan has now been effectively wiped out by that. Badshah Khan could not give his people what their British "oppressors" had given them, and he merely created a cheap circus troupe, a cheerleading carnival performing in red uniforms for the benefit of bored peasants and later, corrupt politicians. Although he himself definitely had a strong character, with a deep sense of genuine personal committment and he suffered greatly for his rustic nationalist causes, that alone amounts to nothing on the real level as he had nothing significant to offer and improve his society with other than calling for some ephemeral nationalist unity based on a decidedly decrepit culture. If Pathans honestly realise that, then there might be some hope for change in their dark lot. If not, then they should happily keep Badshah Khan as their icon along with their pathological, medieval state of being for as long as they exist. It is indeed sad to see how the exaltation of the lowest common denominator factor pervades all affairs of life globally nowadays - whether that means praising rarified ideals, or eulogising inferior and bad culture among other things. After 9/11, these negative potentials become very clear indeed.

Winston Churchill wrote this book during the 1930's while in political exile. His masterful handling of Hitler, Roosevelt, and Stalin is presaged as he tells the tale of John Churchill, who overcame party strife in England, baseness and shortsightedness in coalition partners, and (finally) Louis XIV of France. WSC tell the story with his brilliant flair and style, but he also pauses with the reader to reflect on such matters as how to blunt a violent political storm without being yourself destroyed, how best to handle superiors who will hold you responsible for results but will not let you do the job, and how to act honorably when all of your life's work is thrown away by your enemies. These trenchant insights were pertinent in 1700, in the 1930's, and today. You are in for a treat, read this one.

Winston Churchill was a man who rarely met a topic upon which he didn't harbor a strong opinion that he was willing to share. The Duke of Marlborough is no different. Churchill is clearly enamoured with this relative of his and lets it show. That said, Churchill plainly states that there are two camps on Marlborough and tells the world which camp he falls into. By doing so, he opens up the reader to get a feel not just for Marlborough and his times, but also for the debate by historians that rages around a polarizing historic figure like Marlborough. (Sound familiar to anyone else?) The result is a richly layered work.

Winston Churchill viewed history as something that was alive and tangible and his historic writings capture that feeling for readers. Marlborough's battles - both military and political - come to life in the hands of Churchill. We get to see one of the great military minds of the 18th century push military science closer and closer to its modern form. We also see him perform less well on the political front against his foes there.

Through the entire book, we get to listen to Winston Churchill in his element, telling us a story about a topic he feels passionately about. So many of the trials, trevails, and reactions that Churchill ascribes to Marlborough are so obviously parallels to Churchill's life and his reactions that the book has a clear autobiographical tone to it as well.

Highly recommended for history buffs and for people who want to understand Churchill more deeply.

John Churchill, Duke of Marlborough, is the uncontested military genius of late Stuart England, the uncrowned political/military heir to William of Orange and the famous ancestor of Winston Churchill. In tandem with Austria's general, Eugen of Savoy, he led the coalition armies in the War of the Spanish Succession, defeating in detail several of Louis XIV's French and Bavarian armies, most famously at Blenheim, but also at Ramilles, Ourdenarde and Malplaquet. Meanwhile, on the domestic front, his wife, the beautiful but intemperate Sarah Jennings, later Duchess of Marlbourough, became a "favorite" of Queen Anne and secured for him (at least for most of the war) the political support that necessary for him to field an army on the Continent for the many years.

As a writer of history, Churchill ranks with Gibbon for his mastery of prose and his ability to use vivid imagery to hold the reader's attention to minute detail. For each year of the Spanish Succession War, Churchill opens with a strategic appreciation of how the Anglo-Austrian forces plotted out each year's campaigns, and goes to great pains to explain the reasons behind Marlborough's various deployments. And he paints on a simply massive canvas: he begins with a detailed account of Charles II's Restoration, of James II's abortive reign (and Marlborough's role in ending it), of William III and Mary II's joint reign (Churchill is NOT a fan of William and Mary) and of the underlying workings of the French monarchy. He is not afraid to address the various failings in Marlborough's character, particularly his secret negotiations with both the enemy and the exiled Stuarts, but does seek to defend Marlborough (and Sarah) from the more libellous charges.

This book was written in the 1930s, politically Churchill's decade of exile (and personally, his worst years of depression). If everyone turned unemployment, financial crisis and depression to such good use, the world would be a far better place.

Winston Churchill, in a relatively well-known bad patch during the 1930s, began to write this history of his famous and much maligned ancestor. The first volume contains the first two books of the original four book set. The life of John Churchill, Duke of Malborough, is both a fascinating look at an historical era as well as a personal portrait of a great military general. Book One consists of a large chunk of history, spanning the downfall of Charles I through Cromwell, to the Restoration of Charles II, through the overthrowing of his brother, the Catholic James II by William of Orange married to James II's daughter, Mary, to the crowning of Queen Anne. The second Book of Volume one concentrates on a mere 3 years of Anne's rule.

I will not reiterate what other reviewers have already said. However, I would add that in the writing of this book, Winston Churchill prepared himself to become even greater than his general ancestor. It can hardly be surprising that as this history was being written, events were conspiring to lead Winston Churchill into the biggest world confrontation ever. After studying the campaigns in Europe of Lord Malborough, it can hardly be surprising that Churchill fully suspected the coming of the war long before his fellow MPs.

This is a scholarly work and shouldn't be undertaken without serious patience. Each of the two volumes are in themselves close to 1,000 pages long. The history is written from the point of view of a defender, though Winston Churchill is careful not to gloss over details that might cast an unfavorable opinion of his ancestor. Well worth the effort.

BOOK TWO -

Since I reviewed Book One, I felt it was important to follow up with a review of Book Two of this work. My initial comment is that sticking with something this huge is a task in itself, but often the reward is hard to describe. For me, I feel each time I finish a huge work like this (or Hegel, or Kant, or ... well, anything "Big") I sense my own mind has been exercised a bit. It's a reward in and of itself.

Firstly, like Book One, this is really Volume Three and Volume Four of the a Four Book series bound together in Two mammoth volumes. Reading these 2000 plus pages is like running a marathon: the beginning is difficult, then you break the pain barrier and coast for quite a long while until the last staggering climb to the finish. In Book Three we continue with the war of Spanish Succession. These 500 pages are essentially concerned with the gigantic battles Marlborough fought. It was a time in which his glory was highly esteemed. As we get into Book Four, much like Book One, the narrative returns to the over all political scene which dominated and brought down the Great Duke. It is also the point where the reader might become overwhelmed again by both the multifaceted political machinations as well as the constantly revolving names (John Churchill becomes the Duke of Marlborough, etc.)

However, for all these difficulties, the overall sense from both volumes is as thorough and detailed and enthralling as history can be written. There can be no doubt that Winston Churchill, as he surveyed the ever-mounting rearmament of the Germanic states and looking over the ancient maps of Europe imagining both the current and past, felt an immense burden of responsibility. By undertaking the task of "reforming" The Duke of Marlborough's image, he delved deep in to the vaults of history and warfare. It was not surprising that at the same moment he should be the first to recognize (at least in Britain) the significance of Hitler's intensions.

One other thing struck me as fascinating about this era. The whole course of European politics, war, peace, and financial stability were tied up in the lives of three bickering women: Sarah (Marlborough's wife), Abigail (cousin to Sarah), and Queen Anne (whom both served and guided with gossip and whisperings.) Out of this small time period bore the seeds of Napoleon, the American discontent with England, and Slavery. Big stuff.

I recommend these Four volumes (two books). The paperbacks are perhaps overstuffed, though. Book One split right down the middle. I was more careful with Book Two, though my hands suffered from it. Perhaps spending the money for the hardback editions in this case is worth it?

Winston Spencer Churchill's biography of his ancestor, John Churchill First Duke of Marlborough, stands out as a restoration of Marlborough's reputation, an account of England under the reigns of Charles II, James II, William III and Queen Anne, and an in-depth military and political history of the War of Spanish Succession.

WSC gives us a picture of the whole man, including his faults. One of WSC's purposes is to rescue Marlborough's reputation from the attacks of generations of historians. The book becomes a brilliant defense and of course it cannot be unbiased. WSC is Marlborough's defense attorney, not his judge.

By the 1920s, Marlborough had been called miserly, greedy, ambitious, duplicitous, disloyal and treacherous. As he recounts Marlborough's life, WSC continually picks up an episode that seemingly illustrates one of these traits, but turns it around.

Where unsympathetic historians saw miserly habits, WSC saw thrift and WSC goes further. Marlborough was miserly when it came to his own needs, such as when he insisted surgeons cut his stocking along the seem so that it could be resown. Yet he paid his army's bills and wages on time; apparently this was unusual in those days. He paid, from his own discretionary funds, which other generals often pocketed as a matter of course, for military intelligence that proved crucial to securing many of his victories.

Where accusers saw ambition needlessly prolonging a difficult war, WSC presents Marlborough has being bound by duty to achieve the best results possible, and to reject a timid peace, which would have left Europe in the hands of a despot.

WSC has a more difficult, but no less successful time defending Marlborough's continued correspondence with St-Germain, the exiled English court of James II and later his son, as recognized by Louis the XIV. The problem here is that today such acts would indeed be treason, but in the seventeenth century they were part of the normal workings of diplomacy, war time or not. After all, if passports and safe conduits were routinely given to enemies to allow them to rest and confer in between campaigns, it could not have been that unusual to keep in touch with people one knew, even if they were officially enemies.

WSC also presents Marlborough's most important relationships: with his wife Sarah Jennings; with his military ally Prince Eugene, with whom he won at Blenheim; with his political colleague Godolphin, who secured funds for his military work; with the kings and queen of England from James II to George I;

But WSC does accuse Marlborough on occasion of having been unwise. He is particularly critical of the Duke's obsession with his palace at Blenheim (where WSC himself was born). Marlborough didnft want an opulent residence, rather he wanted to leave a monument that would survive centuries and remember his name to future generations. WSC writes that as such Blenheim was a failure: it added nothing to the Duke's reputation and the worries it caused may have taken years from his life. Winston Churchill must have felt his biography was a better memorial to his ancestor.

This is a great book. There is enough information and technical data to keep me reading and learning for a long time.

This book has everything you need to know to hone your skills or become one of the best. Definate good purchase and I would recommend this item to all.

This is the type of book that you will never really finish; as you will be constantly referring back to it for training. I read through it cover-to-cover like a novel; now I'm dissecting certain chapters that pertain more to my line of work. A superb manual, packed with information, photos & illustrations. Mr Lau is a true professional. Use this manual in combination with other manuals such as Major Plaster's "The Ultimate Sniper" to gain the most.

This book really covers all topics you need to know about sniping. A great book for somone who is trying to become a sniper or for a seasoned veteran who wants to brush up on their fundamentals. The book covers things like rifle and ammo selection, range estimation, wind, weather factors, mil-dots, and everything else. Especially nice was a chapter on how to fill out your log book. The log books are so important, but no one else really shows you how to fill one out.

This book covers just about everything you need to know, and reads easy - it is not dry and overly technical. The end of the book covers several tactical scenerios and explains how a sniper in these situations would accomplish their shot. Definitely recommended.

This book has tons of information. I found typos on practically every page, so the editor needs to be fired, but overall there's so much here and it's written so well that I would highly recommend it. Mike Lau has a friendly writing style, and does not overload the text with technical jargon and $5 words, though there is plenty of technical info in there. Reading it is more like talking to a shooting buddy than reading an engineering manual. There are also tons of pictures, and although I would have gladly paid extra for some to be in color, they are all clear, helpful, and interesting. This is not the end-all, be-all of shooting manuals; rather, it is really one person's knowledge as well as his experienced opinions. For non-fiction, it is quite a page-turner. Mike Lau was a soldier and is still a competitive shooter and is an accomplished custom precision rifle builder. Great book!

My Life is a fascinating book. I was most attracted to the style in which Trotsky took responsibity for his mistakes. He didn't try to blame others for what happened at Kronstadt. My Life is a wonderful show of a great and bizarre life. Since the McCarthy era, it has become fashionable to slander revolutionaries or look for "Physcological" motives. My Life is written from a bias, but it certainly has none of taint of an author who tries to discredit someone smarter than them. My Life also show Trotsky as a complete person- bound by unbreakable ties to an idea. My Life is written as many different things- half autobiography and half history of the revolution. The only thing I found bad about My Life is how absorbed it is in its time. My Life is entertaining and readable, and includes some rather funny incidents- like Trotsky naming his socks after Soviet leaders. The only fault is that My Life requires a basic understanding of events to be fully understood. For instance, if you haven't the foggiest what permenant revolution is, you may need to find out. My Life is idea-based, and challenges readers to discover those ideas- and then to do something about them. Buy the book-it is worth a $1,000

Today we expect our political memoir writers to take part in a game of show and tell about the most intimate details of their private personal lives on their road to celebrity. Refreshingly, you will find no such tantalizing details in Russian Bolshevik leader Leon Trotsky's memoir written in 1930 just after Stalin had exiled him to Turkey. Instead you will find a thoughtful political self-examination by a man trying to draw the lessons of his fall from power in order to set his future political agenda. This task is in accord with his stated conception of his role as an individual agent at service in the historical struggle toward a socialist future. Thus, underlying the selection of events highlighted in the memoir such as the rise of the revolutionary wave in Russia in 1905 and 1917, the devastation to the socialist program of World War I and the degeneration of the Russian Revolution especially after Lenin's death and the failure of the German Revolution of 1923 is a sense of urgency about the need for continued struggle for a socialist future. It also provides a platform as well for polemics against those foes and former supporters who have either abandoned or betrayed that struggle.

At the beginning of the 21st century when socialist political programs are in decline it is hard to imagine the spirit that drove Trotsky to dedicate his whole life to the fight for a socialist society. However, at the beginning of the 20th century he represented only the most consistent and audacious of a revolutionary generation of Eastern Europeans and Russians who set out to change the history of the 20th century. It was as if the best and brightest of that generation were afraid, for better or worse, not to take part in the revolutionary political struggles that would shape the modern world. As Trotsky notes this element was lacking, with the exceptions of Rosa Luxemburg, Karl Liebknecht and precious few others, in the Western labor movement. Trotsky using his own experiences tells the story of the creation of this revolutionary cadre with care and generally proper proportions.

Many of the events such as the disputes within the Russian revolutionary movement, the attempts by the Western Powers to overthrow the Bolsheviks in the Civil War after their seizure of power and the struggle of the various tendencies inside the Russian Communist Party and in the Communist International discussed in the book may not be familiar to today's audience. Nevertheless one can still learn something from the strength of Trotsky's commitment to his cause and the fight to preserve his personal and political integrity against overwhelming odds. As the organizer of the October Revolution, creator of the Red Army in the Civil War, orator, writer and fighter Trotsky he was one of the most feared men of the early 20th century to friend and foe alike. Nevertheless, I do not believe that he took his personal fall from power as a world historic tragedy. Moreover, he does not gloss over his political mistakes. While one would not want to be on the receiving end of his rapier tongue neither does he generally do personal injustice to his various political opponents. Politicians, revolutionary or otherwise, in our times should take note.

The phrase "Life is Beautiful" in the Italian film came from Leon Trotkys's last testament. It was written in exile in Mexico. At the time Trotsky's friends, family, and comrades were being harassed, slandered and murdered by Stalin, when he himself faced imminent assasination. He also faced death from the growing illnesses that had slowed him. Yet, in his testament he proclaimed that life is beautiful. Life must be cleansed of the evil and garbage Capitalism and Stalinism have left to this world.

Read this book and you will see how Trotsky's life became valuable for him because he decided to fight oppression, decided to learn about the world to fight, and never stopped fighting. Maybe your life can be beautiful if you read this book, and decide to fight like Trotsky did.

The introduction by the late Joseph Hansen Trotsky's secretary in Mexico is worth the price of the book. Joe explains how the household and work center in Mexico functioned, about how Trotsky valued hard work, but also valued celebrating comrades birthdays, hobbies like raising rabbits, trips to sites of Mexican history. Reading this also tells you how Joe organized the staff at World Outlook/ Intercontinental Press, working with him was one of the great privileges of my life.

In these pages and memoirs of Trotsky by Joe, George Novack, Farrell Dobbs, and other comrades who knew Trotskty, you could find how serious Trotsky enjoyed and embraced life. In Turkey if he wanted to go fishing, he went to sea with Turkish fishers in their trawlers. If he wanted to raise rabbits as a hobby, he soon was taking care of something bordered on a commercial rabbit farm. Both in valuing work--chained to his desk was the term Trotsky passed down--and valuing parties and celebrations of new people coming onto the staff and leaving, Trotsky made his life beautiful.

Read this book, valued as much as a literary work as a political statement, and learn how you can make your life beautiful.

This is many books in one. A fine autobiography from a literary point of view, a historical document with brilliant insights into the time period and major players, and, most important, a rich and sustained polemic in favor of a life of commitment to revolutionary, working class politics. Trotsky dedicated his later life to keeping alive the continuity of Lenin and the Russian Revolution, and what a fascinating, courageous life it was, full of prison, exile, escape, insurrection, and more exile. Trotsky was an inspiring man of action, one of two or three figures who matter most to the working class. The politics of the working class struggle for total human emancipation is the piston that drives both the man and his autobiography.If not available from Amazon, booksfrompathfinder will have it. Click on "New and Used" near the top of the page.

When I decided to write this review, I had to choose between the various reasons why it's so beautiful and important. But, above all, I think that, in a world where the necessity of Marxist was supposedly to be more deeply felt than ever, what repels most people that would be liable to lend an ear to it is the repelling Stalinist mythology of the revolutionary as the relentless, ruthless, single-minded, google-eyed fanatical. Trotsky, on the contrary begins by assessing that, although his life was out of the ordinary, he neverthless remained a men with a penchant for a well-ordered ordinary life; that he found pleasure in seeing a well-ordered table or a well-kept fence; that he didn't becomne a revolutionary out of a feeling of opression, but because of being faced with a life that, although prosperous, offered him nothing but grey drudgery and no opprtunity for individual achievement; that he, like all revolutionaries, was a man like any other. I think that would be reason enough to commend this modern classic to the reader of today, outside from the wonderful style, the importance of the events narrated and so much else.

I highly recommend NGNM as a starting-point for anyone with an interest in philosophical anarchism. It's an anthology of writings from the major figures that provides not only an introduction to the foundational concepts but some sense of the different themes within anarchism as well. Well done!

Let me first say that Paul Sharkey deserves a lot of credit for a wonderful job on the translation of this work. Beautifuly done, it is a major boost for the book. But in no way should it diminish the wonderful selections brought together by Guerin as well as the writers themselves. Although it can be very heavy reading at times, it is well worth it.

Both volumes of "No Gods No Masters" are a magnificent contribution to anarchist thought and its ongoing traditions of libertarian justice and fraternity.Daniel Guerin states that "the constructive ideas of anarchism retain their vitality, that they may, when re-examined and sifted, assist contemporary socialist thought to undertake a new departure...[and] contribute to enriching Marxism."

In "No Gods No Masters" Guerin is concerned not only with anarchist thought but also with the spontaneous actions of popular revolutionary struggle. He is concerned with social as well as intellectual creativity. He attempts to draw from constructive social achievements of the past, lessons that will enrich the theory of social liberation.

One of the better books on Anarchism available for those who truly wish to understand the world and who wish to act constructively to change it for the better. Essential reading for any advocate of direct action for social change.

For those who wish not only to understand the world, but also to change it, this is the proper way to study the history of anarchism.

No Gods No Masters is a work of monumental proportions. Daniel Guerin has created a masterpiece of libertarian socialist literature, a truly comprehensive look the history and practice of anarchism. The work brings together hundreds of source articles and declarations, from the original documents of the International Working Men's Association, on through Kropotkin, to Malatesta to the intricacies of the Spanish Revolution. There is an excellent balance of theoretical manifestos and documents and reports and interpretations of actual revolutionary events. This is a prime source for information on some of this centuries most important events, from the point of view of the participants.

I was quite satisfied with the huge amount of excellent information in these two books, so much so that I think there should be more. Although he covers the most important aspects of anarchist history an practice, Guerin leaves a few things out, while focusing too much on other things (Proudhon for example.)

Overall, though, it is an excellent read, and an inspiring and useful addition to the long list of anarchist literature. No God's No Masters is not so much an introduction to anarchism, or an argument for it, it's more of an enlightening look at anarchism throughout history. Definately recommended!

These books are difficult, sometimes torturous to read, at least as I read them, straight through, from front to back. However there is certainly a fair amount of good stuff in here.
In book one, Bakunin describes how the capacity of human beings for intellectual growth is severely stunted by the subordination of the worker to wage slavery, religious and nationalistic dogma, etc.
The Bakunin section includes an excerpt from a biography of the latter written by his disciple Max Nettlau, dealing especially with the Marx-Bakunin war. Marx and Engels, those well-meaning arrogant eccentrics, called a meeting of the executive council of the First International in 1870 in London. With their own flunkies being the minority of members present, they voted to give themselves dictatorial power over the International. A Russian flunky had been whispering into Marx's ear that Bakunin was an agent of the Czar and that Bakunin had intended to defraud Marx because of Bakunin's apparent inability to progress on producing the Russian translation of Das Kapital which Marx had paid him to do. Marx and Engels launched a campaign of defamation against Bakunin and his supporters within the International and had them expelled but a virulent backlash by 90 percent of the membership of the International foiled their plans. But the First International was dead.
Bakunin noted that the true freedom of the individual would be even more repressed than under capitalism under the vaguely defined State Socialism that Marx and his followers envisioned as necessary to transition to rule after the overthrow of capitalism. Giving complete power over society to a small group of people would corrupt those people, no matter how originally well intentioned they might be. Kropotkin and others are included in this book, like Bakunin giving pre-1917 warnings on the extreme dangers of authoritarian state socialism.

The issue is brought up as to what were Marx's true intentions in his embrace of the commune in Paris which briefly held power in 1871 before being crushed with a massacre of about 30,000 people. Since that institution was based on political democracy, it seemed to contradict Marx's own vauge notions about political dictatorship. However, Marx and Engels seemed to quickly disavow the Commune. The kindest guess on my part would be that they convinced themselves that it was an aberration not ever again possible as a governing institution for societies to transition to real Socialism.

Bakunin's disciple James Guillame is the first author in these books to suggest some specific operations of how an anarchist society might work. He argues for a central agency which will operate transparently, providing economic data to the public freely, etc. and which will collate such data and assign exchange values in trade between communes. Any administrative official, such as those who would work this agency, could immediately be fired by popular vote. Another author, Emile Henry, the French assassin of the dark age of anarchism (late 19th century) has a letter quoted here declaring that since there will be no waste production under anarchism like there is under capitalism, people will only have to work a few hours a day.

The Bolsheviks rode themselves to power on the principle of libertarian socialism: freely formed agricultural collectives and worker's councils controlling workplaces. But under the pretext of the Civil War, they crushed the independence of those institutions. The biography of Nestor Makhno, the leader of the anarchist movement in the Ukraine is extensively excerpted by Guerin. A vibrant libertarian socialist society of guerillas and peasants developed in the Ukraine but the Bolsheviks attempted to undermine Makhno's army fighting the Austro-German occupiers and White Armies. They cut off military supplies and then provoked Makhno's army into warfare by declaring that they considered all independent political activity as treasonous. By 1921, the foreign imperialists had been expelled from Russian soil and the White Army crushed but a totalitarian dictatorship remained. Sincere revolutionaries languished in Bolshevik prisons, guilty of nothing more than disagreeing even slightly with the divine wisdom of Lenin, Trotsky, Kamenev, Zinoviev, etc. Gaston Laval's account of his attempt to negotiate with Lenin and Trotsky on the release of anarchist political prisoners, I found to be the best piece of writing in these two books.

With meager food rations being distributed to those highest in the party and the citizens descending into even deeper squalor than before, general strikes broke out in Petrograd. The sailors, soldiers and civilians of the Kronstadt naval base arose in rebellion and set up their own libertarian society but Trotsky started screaming that the rebellion was being financed by French Intelligence and led by Czarist generals, of which, of course, no evidence existed. Then the rebellion was crushed in a mass slaughter. An excerpt from Emma Goldman's memoir and selections of discourses from the principal newspaper of the rebellion are the principal documents shown.

Reports from 1936-early 1937 are provided from different persons, including a dry analysis from Gaston Leval, describing the creation of anarchist societies in large parts of Spain. Peasants and workers organized themselves in many areas into communes which chose coordinating agencies to organize distribution of resources. These operations apparently were fairly successful, given that they operated in the midst of Franco's army and hostility from the Republican government and the Stalinists. The latter of course, eventually launched a successful bloody campaign to exterminate anarchist institutions in Spain. Guerin includes a rather lengthy section on the romantic career of the guerilla leader Benaventura Durruti, including a 1937 account about him, after he died, from Emma Goldman. Of course, the anarchist trade union, the CNT decided in late 1936 to accept cabinet seats in the Spanish Republican government. Guerin covers the intense controversy about whether this compromise of the joining was necessary.

I understand that these two books have now been made into one, in a new edition put out by AK Press.

The title of this book is well chosen and its publication is very timely. North Korea is indeed facing perilous times. Then again it has in the past. From the 1950 war, the transition of power Kim Il Sung to Kim Jong Il, and the nuclear weapon agreement brokered by Jimmy Carter the recent history of North Korea has certainly been turbulent.

In more recent times, Korea has launched some very long range rockets and appears to have at least a few nuclear weapons. President Bush has identified them as a "rogue state" and part of the "axis of evil." North Korea along with Cuba remain as practictioners of the failed Communist system. These systems have proved that they can sustain huge armies, exercise strong control over their people, but also proved that centralized control of everything from farming to industrial production simply doesn't work very well. Friends of mine who recently visited North Korea report that the famine of the 1990's continues, although not as bad as it was.

A small book, at only 232 pages, it is a concise summary of the countries 4,000 year history and a political analysis of the recent past. Combined with this are several alternatives of what the future might hold. Can the status quo continue. Certainly not forever. Could the collapse of the Government bring about another war - certainly it could. The options and their likelyhood form a major part of the theme of the book, and they are carefully considered and disucssed. Excellent reading.

Professor Kim's writing is engaging, thorough enough for scholars and the general public alike. Readers wishing to understand the enigma of North Korea, its relationship with South Korea and the rest of the world, and where to go from here, will be pleased with this book and its measured, balanced perspective. After reading this book, you will be conversant in all the relevant topics. For those who are interested in further study, the book includes questions and study aids, as well as extensive references. Highly recommended.

For any person wishing to understand the North Korean situation, since it has now hit the world stage, this is an excellent first place to go. It enables the reader to get up to speed quickly by first providing a potted history of the peninsular. Then political, humanitarian, and particularly economic aspects are explored in appropriate detail for a book that is easily readable. Finally, chapter 9, reasons for reconciliation, provides a constructive ending to the present dilemma. For further study, the comprehensive lists of references make it easy.

No country is more mysterious than North Korea. After reading this short text, there is no more mystery for me. It is easy to read and understand. Even though the book's author is a finance or economics professor, and I am currently studying political science and philosophy, I still found this book to be very valuable. A great way to get up to speed.

Fifty years after Korea's division the Koreans of both North and South remain at an impasse, leaving North Korea embroiled in international crises. North Korea seemingly faces four choices: collapse, more war, a continuing status quo, or peace with the south. Suk Hi Kim's North Korea At A Crossroads provides an historical and political analysis covers 1948 to modern times and is a 'must' for any college-level collection strong in modern Asian issues or non-specialist general reader wanting a competent backgrounding in contemporary American/North Korean international relations.

If you are wondering why the Black woman in your section of your company doesn't seem to want to socialize with you or seems guarded around her White co-workers or why the White women in your organization get all riled up about sexism but are silent when it comes to racism this is the book for you. I recommend this book along with Divided Sisters for those who really want Black and White women to unite in the workplace. These two tomes will give you more than a clue. They'll give you guidelines as how to build a truly "diverse" workplace where everyone is welcomed AS THEY ARE and not as stereotypes others want them to play out. If you are a Black woman, you'll understand why you see your work status merely as a "job" and not as a career and why you feel so much like an outsider looking in at your organization.

The only reason I didn't give this book 5 stars is that I wanted more in-depth analysis of how the White female managers confronted the idea of Black women as equals (and not just on the job), something I've experienced that White women have a difficult time doing in the workplace.

This book is a must for anyone who is interested in the career paths of women in the corporate world. That would include spouses of, grown children of, and parents of women. It is based upon Harvard research including in-depth case studies of both white and black women from childhood to the present day, career journeys one will find fascinating. When the reader returns to his/her workplace after completing this book, diversity will take on a more significant meaning. This book is also a useful tool in college career development classes. Rather than a dull read, it keeps the reader coming back for more.

GOOD BOOK. BUT I HAVE NEVER HAD AN INTERRACIAL FRIENDSHIP WITH A WHITE AMERICAN WOMAN. MY FRIENDS WERE EITHER EUROPEAN, ASIAN, AFRICAN, CARIBBEAN, SOUTH AMERICAN, OR BLACK. IM NOT EVEN INTERESTED IN CLOSING THE GAP WE'VE HAD BETWEEN EACH OTHER SINCE SLAVERY. AND EVEN IF WHITE WOMEN AND BLACK WOMEN ARE FRIENDS IN CORPORATE AMERICA, BLACK WOMEN STILL GET PAID LESS. ITS UNFAIR AND I DONT WANT ANYTHING TO DO WITH SOMEONE WHO THINKS THE WORD WOMAN, FEMININE, OR LADY MEANS WHITE.

If you are wondering why the Black woman in your section of your company doesn't seem to want to socialize with you or seems guarded around her White co-workers or why the White women in your organization get all riled up about sexism but are silent when it comes to racism this is the book for you. I recommend this book along with Divided Sisters for those who really want Black and White women to unite in the workplace. These two tomes will give you more than a clue. They'll give you guidelines as how to build a truly "diverse" workplace where everyone is welcomed AS THEY ARE and not as stereotypes others want them to play out. If you are a Black woman, you'll understand why you see your work status merely as a "job" and not as a career and why you feel so much like an outsider looking in at your organization.

The only reason I didn't give this book 5 stars is that I wanted more in-depth analysis of how the White female managers confronted the idea of Black women as equals (and not just on the job), something I've experienced that White women have a difficult time doing in the workplace.

Bell and Nkomo dive straight to the heart of the matter. They base their findings on comprehensive personal interviews of African-American and white women working as managers or executives. Ultimately, the authors hit the reader over the head with the obvious: People from strikingly different backgrounds bring profound personal differences to the workplace. Too often, organizations stupidly attempt homogenizing everyone into minor variations on the existing (typically---older, white, and male) leadership theme. Unusually (Bell and Nkomo cited no such cases), organizations may wisely embrace the differences so that the organization and its people benefit from a more perceptive and inclusive world view.

Folks who need not spend their working hours "fitting in" contribute (A) more (B) less to the organization. Leaders who accept their people for who and what they are get (A) more (B) less from their subordinates. Guess where the authors suggest the readers take their outfits.

This is one of the best books of nonfiction I've read. Not only does it function as a primary-source document for study, but it is genuinely good reading. Subcomandante Insurgente Marcos is a powerful writer, and this book documents a selection of his poems, letters, communiqués and even fables for young children. Marcos, the most wanted man in Mexico, will go down as a major figure in Latin American Literature.

Since reading this book (actually, before I was even halfway finished) I had decided I needed to buy copies for family and friends as gifts and recommend it to pretty much everyone. Marcos is an amazing writer, and the story of the Zapatistas is extremely relevant and intriguing for anyone interested in modern society, politics, Latin America, social movements, civil wars, literature and poetry, what "integrity" means in such troubled times, and so much more. No matter your interest, you will not be dissapointed by this purchase.

Too often those of us who seek social justice for people who have been traditionally oppressed tend to just reminisce on the past.

However, this book proves that there is a great social movement that ordinary people CAN , RIGHT NOW make a diffrence about

The history of Mexico, like the history of Latin America, is a history of pain, struggle, and exploitation.

Marcos shows us a movement that seeks to right some of the wrong, and leads a movement of the oldest of the old, the oppressed of the oppressed: Indigenous campesinos (farmers) of Southern Mexico. Where pictures of Jesus Christ stand right there alongside of.....Che Guevara.

A people that have been traditionally been treated like dirt, for lack of a better word, now taking an inspirational and highly moving stand and demand an end to exploitation and a better way of life.

Through their charismatic and briliant leader, Marcos, he tells us the story of the people known as Zapatistas and their struggle for dignity.

The dignity of a people no longer willing to tolerate centuries of injustice.

What human being cannot be moved by such extroadinary courage?

Without a doubt, Subcomandante Marcos is one of the most important present day writers and activists in the Americas. "Our Word is Our Weapon" is a huge collection of his essays and short stories about the Zapatista rebellion in Chiapas.As such, I highly recommend it for peace and justice activists engaged in Latin American solidarity work, the anti-corporate globalization movement and indigenous struggles. Moreover, it is an interesting study of grassroots participatory democracy in action. Read it and be inspired!

Subcomandante Marcos is not just a man, he is a myth in his own lifetime. The cult of personality that surrounds him is completely deserved. His poetic voice is so sharp and poignant you can not help but feel sympathetic for his Zapatistan cause.

The highlight of the book is the last third which features primarily his writing. The stories and poetry he shares are accessible to almost anyone. He is the antithesis of stuffy. His anecdotes and points are so simple yet so perplexing you wonder how he does it.

With the Roman Catholic Church as a central character portrayed in a less than flattering light, Papal Reich begs an obvious comparison to Da Vinci Code. Like the latter, Papal Reich also possesses international sweep and plot complexity with many surprises leading to a satisfying denouement, but while Da Vinci Code excels at detectiving framed by historic and artistic clues, Papal Reich is superior in character development, with many of the principals that the reader cares about revealing unexpected dimensions. Pereira's work makes accurate reference to many Roman Catholic Church documents, historic facts, processes, and practices, and it should be clear to most any reader where fact end and fiction begins. In doing so, he avoids the controversy that has dogged Da Vinci Code, whose seeming misrepresentation of fact has offended many readers. In any case, most who liked that book should like Papal Reich as well.

The action occurs mostly in modern day and near future America, but the plot is anchored in World War II era events in Germany, where a cabal of three oddly matched Nazis are tasked to undermine efforts to hide and transport Jews to safety by infiltrating Catholic parishes in Germany. In league with a Papal official, the conspirators amass a fortune in assets that only one has access to. The main storyline is dedicated to the search for those characters and the ill-gotten fortune, but along the way, the paths of many other characters of interest cross.

It would be unfair to give away more detail, because there are many mysteries that unfold throughout. This is a cleverly written page turner. Enjoy.

As the world prepares to annoint a new pope, this work suddenly becomes topical. The author shows a close understanding of history and expands it into the realm of fiction effectively. This interesting ying-yang between history and fiction keeps the reader tied all through the book and at the end gives a feel of having experienced the journey all through.

While the selection of pope has always been behind closed doors, the book raises a suspicion that we all hope is pure fiction. Or is it?

A thoroughly enjoyable read.

MB

This book is a well-researched masterpiece of historical fiction. Pereira skillfully brings to life a diverse cast of characters and weaves their disparate lives and circumstances together across time and place. The author deftly draws the characters together, building suspense page by page. The novel picks up speed and intensity until the gripping climax explodes off the final pages. Each individual's story is well-written and engaging, and although neither the Catholic church nor Nazi war criminals are typically topics I seek out, the plot easily sustained my interest. In particular, trying to anticipate the links among the various characters and subplots before they were revealed kept me focused throughout the book. Enjoy!

I didn't know what to expect from this book by a new author. But once I began Papal Reich, I found that I couldn't put it down. Each time I thought I had figured out the plot, there was a twist or a turn that compelled me to keep turning those pages! Although this is a work of fiction, the tale is nightmarishly plausible due to Pereira's careful interweaving of historical facts. The author's painstaking research and documentation provide interesting and thought-provoking information about the Nazi regime and Catholicism that is, in itself, worth the read! But, the value of this book goes well beyond a history lesson and a good story. Pereira provided this reader with much to think about regarding her own willingness to 'go along with' the leadership and influences of established institutions, which of course are headed by human beings whose passions and egos and motives can be less than pure. To me, the book encourages intelligent people to question everything in order to find the Truth that protects the essence of what institutions are supposed to stand for. This is perhaps something that cannot be underestimated in today's world.

Rather a unique blend of fact and fiction against the backdrop of the papacy, Nazi Germany and post World War II intrigues. The glitter of Da Vinci's colorful Swiss Guards compells admiration-but there are disturbing shadows in the murky corners of the magnificent splendors of the Vatican. Hold your breath as you move from one awful surprise to another incredible revelation.
Altogether a spellbinding story.