Politics Books

The Bishop writes and speaks from the heart and from a wise standpoint. But don't get it twisted: He writes as a means of communicating with and empowering those who come into contact with his ideas, not as a way to show off. In other words, he writes so that anyone may understand and appreciate. He's a hip-hop scholar, but it doesn't mean that people need a degree's worth of knowledge to grasp his perspective. I'm looking forward to Vol. 2, which I know is about to come out.

This books touches on the spiritual aspects of Rap and Hip Hop. The perspective of the book examines a viewpoint that many writers have overlooked in past publications. A world view of the Hip Hop spirit, it acknowledges the music and culture in relationship to religion, specifically Islam and yoga as the book look to an inner space. Hip Hop and Politics in the Mix looks to the heart and soul of Hip Hop life.

Adisa Banjoko's "Lyrical Swords" is a "must read." If you are looking for legitimate, first-hand knowledge of the Hip-Hop culture, you will find it in this book. Banjoko has a profound knowledge of the community and its potential to change the political mix in America. His book suggests that the many contemplative, spiritual members of the Hip-Hop community are a political force to be reckoned with in the future. This little gem of a book is written in a refreshing, free-style manner, similar to that of the Hip-Hop culture. While it is written in B-boy style (free-style), it is clearly a uniquely intellectual pursuit. Everyone can enjoy this little gem. It is a bridge between those who understand the Hip-Hop culture and those who wish to understand it.

Maria Carr

This book left me with a feeling to do some good for the world and the people around me, but it isn't a tree hugger testament or anything like that (no offense to tree huggers). It also opened me up to some completely different apsects of hip-hop culture that before I hadn't given much thought to. Adisa continues to lay it down, take advantage of the knowledge that the Bishop has to offer. READ THIS BOOK AND YOU WON"T BE LET DOWN.

Banjoko's book is a smart and critical examination of contemporary Hip Hop culture. His analysis does justice to the culture, discussing all of the aspects of Hip Hop and various Rap genres. His colloquial use of language is fun and easy to read and very engaging. It's also very powerful and moving, especially when he speaks directly to the reader.

What struck me most was his demonstration of the wide distinction between the Rap Industry and Hip Hop culture; how the Rap Industry and Hip Hop media represent Hip Hop culture; and the inherent social implications of their representations. I love that he doesn't over-generalize or blame one party over another; he holds everyone accountable for their actions! As a result his book takes on great credibility and his messages even more repect and importance.

This book is a must read for everyone!!! Reading it would be an ENLIGHTENING experience not only for the lover of Hip Hop and the curious layman, but for all U.S. citizens who are bombarded by the dissemination of Hip Hop images in the media everyday.

still AGREAT BOOK TODAY AS IT WAS IN 1979WHEN PUBLISHED . SHOULD BE REPRINTED.

There have been huge volumes written about Adolf Hitler. These have gone into great depth about the nature of this evil man. Haffner writes a concise brief book about what Hitler was really about. He shows the man in all his details including successes, and crimes. Haffner experienced Hitler during his early life in Germany. He then emigrated to Great Britain and went back to Germany after WWII. Haffner details all the essentials of this man and his history. He shows the true evil of this man, and how Germans were fooled into following him. In the end, Hitler treated the Germans as a enemy too, and sought to destroy the nation.

This is my second book by this author. He was a good political historian of the German people. His treatment of this subject is right on the money. Each sentence is thought provoking and sums up the nature of this man.

As one who has read more than my share on the 3rd Reich and WW II in general, I didn't expect to be too surprised or enlightened by this book. I was wrong; it shows well how Hitler came to the point of being a demigod to many Germans and thus was able to eventually lead them (and Europe) to a destruction beyond their worst nightmares.

The one thing in this book that struck me as an idea that was totally novel to me was the thought that with the near miss to capture Moscow in 1941 Hitler knew that the war could never be won in the manner which he wanted. Basically, Haffner contends Hitler now knew that World Domination could never be attained in his lifetime and he turned to his other goal (mass murder of Jews) as his leading motive in his decision-making process. It is a very interesting theory, especially how it helped lead to his mysterious decision to declare war on America. I wish I could read historians response to his conclusions, but I don't totally buy it (although it is a fascinating view). I think it gives Hitler too much credit.

It may explain some of his strategic inertia but if he truly was resigned to defeat and wanted to kill as many Jews as possible before the end there is no reason for him to commit so many obvious strategic blunders that mounted on top of each other more and more. I think Haffner underestimates the effect of Hitler's drug use, sleeping habits, and his unshaken belief (maybe more than any other German!!!) in the "Hitler Myth".

I hope someone else with more expertise can comment. Also, Hitler's decision to declare war on America had to be madness more than anyhting else.

I know so many people have complimented this book, but I have too also. The insights that Haffner puts forth explain much of the confusion of Hitler's moves during World War II.

The book is powerful in its clear ascersions. It is also highly readable, though there are passages that must be read more than once to probe their depths.

Haffner offers a fresh perspective on Hitler, about whom most of us WWII buffs think we know a great deal. His major point--that Hitler was, in effect, a self-hating guy who turned his hatred in the end against the country he professed to love--is a very interesting viewpoint and one that can be argued and discussed forever. I'm encouraged to read more by this insightful writer!

Noticia de un secuestro is one of Gabriel Garcia Marquez most dry books in terms of the literary style used. It could be because the theme does not allow for much variety but just an honest recount of the truth. The book gives the reader a realistic view of daily Colombian life, a country that has struggled with guerrilla warfare and drug trafficking for the past forty years and more. The protagonists of the book are the victims of the kidnappers and throughout the book we learn about the cruel reality of these people who have changed the life of many Colombians by use of violence and cruel killings without mercy. I think the book was well written with revealing details of how the victims feel (mentally and physically) and how their families suffer when they are forced to negotiate with the drug dealers etc. for the safe return of their family members. Also, we clearly see the role that the government plays in the rescue process. The style used by the author is very journalistic, thus making the book and story very dry in comparison to his other literary works. However, perhaps this style was chosen simply because this is the reality of Colombias daily crisis. The book is excellent, has much eye-opening information and is a wonderful read if you wish to learn more about the socio-economic problems of this great South American country. Arriba Colombia.

This book is really interesting, because tell us the political and social problems of one of the most important countries in latinamerica: Colombia.

One of the best books I've ever read about Colombia and its problems.

Noticia de un secuestro

Para: Gloria Leticia Fernández, en Cali.

Noticia de un secuestro de Gabriel garcía Márquez es un libro que se deja leer y que presenta y representa la narrativa en su forma más pura. Con un estilo periodístico claro y directo el Gabo nos hace penetrar en lo más hondo de las vidas de los secuestrados y nos hace sentir sus horrores de la manera más sutil, pues en ningún momento se centra su atención en los crímenes o torturas sino en la vida en común de captores y capturados, y los esfuerzos del gobierno y de sus familias para liberarlos. Una cosa parece cierta y es que la realidad supera siempre a la ficción y este relato de la vida real lo demuestra por lo novelesco que a veces nos parece y lo increíble de las cosas que pasan en Colombia sacudido como esta por el trafico de drogas, las guerrillas y las constantes luchas internas. Aun así sus habitantes aun viven y trabajan, tratan de forjarse un futuro y muchos luchan por el bienestar de su pueblo. El libro esta narrado de forma magistral como un gran reportaje en que el autor se abstiene de intervenir y es simplemente un narrador de hechos contados por otras personas. Nunca nos deja ver el Gabo sus sentimientos ni estropea la obra con rebuscados sentimentalismos que hubieran hecho de este libro un dramón insoportable. Nota: en Colombia se produjeron mas de tres mil secuestros el año pasado y la practica llamada pesca milagrosa ( asaltar gente en las carreteras sin saber bien quienes son para luego de depurarlos pedir rescate toma fuerza). Los cuerpos elite no dan abasto y el país tiene un índice de peligrosidad muy alto. Espero que mi amiga gloria que se encuentra en Cali este bien y si estas leyendo este articulo, sepa que tiene un amigo en uepa.com y que me puede escribir. Espero que este todo bien en su amada Cali y que la paz llegue pronto a Colombia, que los latinos podamos unirnos en un interés común y hacia objetivos nuevos, que todo el mundo deje de halar para donde más le conviene y que al final podamos progresar en paz.

Mis saludos al pueblo Colombiano.

Crazzyteacher.

La verdad es que le hice el quite a este libro durante tiempo, pensando que era una especie de producto de los talleres que hace G.M. pero hace poco lo leí de una sentada y me sorprendió. No está a la altura de ninguno de sus libros de ficción y tampoco es gran periodismo, pero todo el trozo que cubre la reclusión de las mujeres y la forma que buscan para sobrevivir al encierro es notable. Lo que más molesta del libro es que no toma ningún riesgo. Es plano, ultracorregido y sobreeditado. Y además, esa tendencia a describir a todos los parientes de las secuestradas poco menos que como personajes de teleserie es desagradable: son unidimensionales, incorruptibles, incansables. No hay drama ni interés ahí, sino que en el encierro. Lástima que el libro no comenzara y terminara dentro de esas cuatro paredes. Para leer una pura vez.

I read this book years ago and it still sticks with me. As a reporter in Vietnam, Halberstam was a thorn in the side of the Johnson and Nixon administration. He was watched by Nixon's plumbers and the FBI; Nixon thought he was a subversive. What he is is an exceptionally perceptive historian. In this book he follows the growth of the media industry from newsprint to magazines, radio and television. He told the Edward R. Murrow story before anybody else and his details on Watergate are even more frightening than Woodward and Bernstein's "All the President's Men." Halberstam seems to have that unique capacity to crawl inside the heads of people like Luce who gave us Time magazine. From their perspective, and those of everyday reporters, we see the struggle to balance grasping for the truth and the glory of the headline. We begin to understand how McCarthy could rise to power by using the deadline to sneak in enuedos about people. The author does a masterful job of showing the frustration of reporters and editors and how they finally overcame McCarthy's sinister power. This is an excellent book, not only for journalist but also for those who wish to understand the power of the media in shaping our world.

Please rate this review. Thanks.

This book is big and thick and it is hard to put down. It opens the reader to the media-the reporters-the owners-the news broadcasters and the men and women behind the scenes. He tells in vivid detail how the reporters all over the world as well as covering wars are supported or not by the publications that put them there. And he vividly relates the love-hate relationship of the above people with the various presidents of the USA. I have recommended this book to everyone who will listen to me. I would go on a book tour to get people to read it.!

David Halberstam proves again what a thorough and engaging journalist/historian he was. He presents a detailed account of the rise of the great media families and individuals of the 20th century without being pedantic or tedious. Anyone who wants to understand The L.A. Times, The Washington Post, Time or CBS should start here. The book unfortunately highlights the huge loss that Halberstam's death represents.

Author David Halberstam takes us behind the scenes as he analyzes U.S. media from the 1940-1970's, showing many factors and internal squabbles that influence the medium. The author shows how a mix of professionalism, sloppiness, arrogance, and favorites affects what the media reports, plus how it reports. We see how the media sometimes kowtows to corporate sponsors, and often allows itself to be manipulated. Consider the 2004 campaign, when the media routinely filmed President Bush before cheering crowds, but never his secret service illegally detaining silent dissenters at rallies. Readers also learn about skilled leaders like Edward R. Murrow, capable if imperfect executives like William Paley (CBS) and Katherine Graham (Washington Post), and shysters like Henry Luce (TIME) that avoid truths when they don't fit the agenda.

This book arrived in 1979, before the advent of Internet and most cable news. Still its lessons remain appropriate, even if media often fails to live up to the hopes of the founding fathers and the First Amendment. Halberstam is a talented observer who capably follows George Selby, Theodore H. White, and many others with a critical eye towards the media. I gave the book just four stars because the prose is a bit thick, but this remains an important read.

Read all the other reviews for the media impacting intent which is only a small part of Halverstam's real message in spite of the title of this epoch. Halberstam's media message ranges from imformative to scarry.

But that which will stick with me forever is the way Halberstam delivers the frailty and fate of America to a mere mortal, the President of the United States. Eisenhower fiddles, Kennedy charms, Johnson screams and Nixon frightens. It took Halberstam seven years to research and write this book and after you read it you will wonder how he did it so fast, a monumental effort.

Fortunately the truth is often downright funny. Nixon's twenty eight year old publicity man making a side comment that Nixon looks like he drops down out of his closet every morning in the same rumbled suit and badly in need of a shave.

Halberstam conveys how power was for the taking and that those who had it developed it primarily in accordance with their own agendas, personal or family politics and use it and us in the process.

No matter that this is now just history ending with Watergate. Halberstam's real message is that the circumstances he describes will remain the same in any generation.

The Powers That Be may change the way you think of power and how it affects you.

The funds for cultural revolution rest in the coffers of a bankrupt society. That's not to say that change is meaningless. Raoul Vaneigem believes - along with the rest of the troupe from THE SITUATIONIST INTERNATIONAL - that if change comes from within the very culture being critiqued, then the only way to effect change is to change the way culture affects.

UNDERNEATH THE PAVING STONES - THE BEACH!

Urban renewel and changing the economic goal posts cannot prevent the inevitable exploding of the plastic society. Sometime. When the world becomes its own refuse the voices of refusal will echo down time until it pins the world against its own refusal.

If madness is the only remedy against the insanity of our contracting world, then THE REVOLUTION OF EVERYDAY LIFE might be a good guide. Its truth will speak to anyone whose heart is passionate, whose soul is strong, and whose mind is as yet still taciturn; it will help them express the homily:

I TAKE MY DESIRES FOR REALITY BECAUSE I BELIEVE IN THE REALITY OF MY DESIRES.

I concur wholeheartedly that this is momentous writing:
one that is even now more critical and urgent than 40 years ago, when it was first published.

Each page offers words-thoughts that ricochet long after their initial bang! Here's a sample:

+ to work for delight and authenticity is barely distinguishable from preparing for a general insurrection.

+ the surest chances of liberation lie in what is most familiar. Was it ever otherwise?...
the living reality of non-adaptation to the world is always crouched ready to spring...
it confronts you at each self-evasion, it grasps your shoulder, catches your eye, and the dialogue begins...

+ docility is no longer ensured by priestly magic, it results from a mass of minor hypnoses...
ideological hypnosis is replacing the bayonet.

+ people who talk about revolution without referring explicitly to everyday life,
without understanding what is subversive about love and what is positive in the refusal of constrains,
--such have a corpse in their mouth.

+ if the word 'innovation' means anything it means transcendence, not camouflage.

+ consume, consume: we take ashes for fire.

+ the young are already old and everything we are building is already a ruin.

+ the obligation to produce alienates the passion for creation.

+ affluent survival entails the pauperisation of life.

+ the dictatorship of quantified exchange (market value) colonized everyday life... the bourgeoisie traded in BEING for HAVING.

+ the fight is unfair. words serve power better than they do men...
at this moment language swoops down on living experience, ties it hand and foot, robs it of its substance, ABSTRACTS it.

+ the system of commercial exchange has come to govern all of people's everyday relations with themselves and with their fellows.
every aspect of public and private life is dominated by the quantitative.

+ ideology still has one trick up its sleeve--that of posing false questions,
raising false dilemmas and leaving the conditioned individual with the worry of sorting out which is the truer of the two.

+ even when it is co-opted and turned against its original purposes, poetry always gets what it wants in the end...
no poetic sign is ever completely turned by ideology.

+ the long revolution means that we have to build a parallel society
which can counter the dominant system until such time as it is strong enough to replace it.

+ the fight for language is the fight for the freedom to love, for the reversal of perspective.
the battle is between metaphysical facts and the reality of facts:
i mean between facts conceived statically as part of a system of interpretation of the world
and the facts understood in their development by the praxis which transform them.

And on and on the explosive phrases go, injecting heavy doses of adrenaline into our resolve.

Even though I take exception to Vaneigem's advocacy of violent resistance,
his book comes the closest to diagnosing the cause of our present narcosis and, even better,
grounds the revolutionary turning on the rich dirt of everyday life.

How could we ever think it would be otherwise?

This book, along with Debord's "Society of the Spectacle", forms the core of the theoretical output of the Situationist Movement which emphasized the necessity of spontaneous, joyous creative activity to overcome the alienation and oppression of mass consumer culture, giving inspiration to the youthful insurrectionists of Paris '68.

The book is peppered with witty, canny, and memorable aphorisms on revolutionary struggle, and its emphasis on spontaneous activity motivated by felt needs for freedom and self-expression was at the time an important corrective to the Stalinist model of the revolutionary as selfless, altruistic drone. Vaneigem and the situationists go overboard at times in emphasizing the revolutionary value of selfishness, pleasure and spontaneity-- the shortcomings of 1968 are the proof. These shortcomings have been stretched to the point of parody in Hakim Bey's "Temporary Autonomous Zone" and the writings of the Crimethinc collective, but there are important elements of truth in them.

The presentation of the ideas is hobbled by Vaneigem's writing style-- you have to slog through 5 pages of bloated abstractions before coming across one of the keen one-liners that make the book worthwhile-- I think the ideas come across much more powerfully as street graffiti than in a 200 page manifesto. For a more palatable presentation of situationist ideas, check out American situationist Ken Knabb's wonderful piece "The Joy Of Revolution", available online or in his book Public Secrets: Collected Skirmishes of Ken Knabb.

No Amazon review can really do this masterpiece justice. This is simply one of those classics that will sweep you away, leaving you stunned that someone was able to so precisely articulate the mechanical alienation from self and palpable inner decay that you feel daily as you sit in your cubicle (wash, rinse, repeat) and mimic the farcical motions assigned to humans in modern industrial civilization--a hierarchical vaccum in which "survival" is contingent upon our economic value, obedience to Power and our ability to force others to either consume or produce. The dominance of the lie of economic value has poisoned every area of our lives and left us defunct as human beings, most notably stealing from us the innate urge to spontaneously create and give.

Vaneigem attacks the dead, vacuous nature of modern life with all of the venomous intensity conceivable. He does not misuse or mince words. Each sentence is filled to the brim with harsh truth, the sheer brute force of which will take your breath away.

[...].
I recommend at least printing it out to fully revel and enjoy the intensity, though!

This is one of the most viscerally exciting political / philosophical books in history. You can't help but be swept up by the force of Vaneigem's appeals... and though one may not assent to all of his positions or specific interpretations, all in all you will have to say that he had managed to tap into something very true.

read it, ponder it... and get out and live. you have nothing to lose but your boredom.

Hello avid readers of true stories. I appreciated The State Boy's Rebellion, as I too was a victim of the mental health system when I was 8 years old. I remained institutionalized for 10 years; even though authorities were informed I was not retarded. Like the kids in The State Boys Rebellion, I was deprived of my civil liberties, denied an education, and horribly abused. If you want to read a remarkable story of the human spirit to survive horrific odds, read my true story. You'll be glad you did.
Charles A. Carroll, Author, Victim/Victim's Advocate
HARD CANDY: Nobody Ever Flies Over the Cuckoo's Nest

A must read for anybody. I am currently employed at one of the said institutions in MA and heard of this book through a co-worker. I have worked here for over 20 years, long after they stopped admitting people. The residents that currently reside there get the best of care available and the staffing ratios way outnumber the amount of clients residing here. I am in no way condoning what happened to Freddie and all the other state children, I just wonder how some of the residents would have turned out if not institutionalized. My supervisor and I have roamed through the old dormitories and found a wealth of info and pictures. Some of the pics show young children about Freddies admission age that looked scared to death, it brought tears to my eyes to think of what these poor kids went through and reading Freddie's story helped me better understand just exactly why these children were admitted. When I started working here, over 1,000 residents lived here, now we have under 300 and the remaining people really do benefit from the care they receive. I just could not comprehend why some of the residents were there 20 years ago, now I know. My family has welcomed in a former resident in the shared living program and it has been benificial to both him and my family. After reading the "State Boys Rebellion", my only regret is that I never got to meet Freddie Boyce. In my eyes, he and all the other state children are true heroes for surviving the great injustice done to them. In closing, I have to truly say that I have been humbled.

Michael D'Antonio has provided us with a very interesting book that he has subtitled "The Inspiring True Story of American Eugenics and the Men Who Overcame It". There is no doubt that he cares tremendously for his subject, but this is not a comprehensive history of the Eugenics movement or even of the the State Boys Rebellion at the Fernald School for the Feebleminded.

From a journalistic perspective, this is a tremendous piece of writing & investigation. Evaluating the events primarily through the eyes of Fred Boyce, the author skillfully weaves in the stories of fellow inmates at the Fernald school and the events leading up to the rebellion. Unfortunately, the key point that I see as the "rebellion" only gets about 4 pages of treatment, with regular references to the people involved in the riot throughout the rest of the book. Boyce's life is traced up through the time when the book was written, and is a compelling story.

From a historical standpoint, although there is no clear thesis, the book obviously was written to educate the reader about the Fernald school and a few key residents that were able to make great strides in their lives and lead a relatively "normal" life after being released from the institution. The most interesting argument the author presents is that some of the medical experiments conducted within the confines of the Fernald school were reflective of Cold War America, where government aims included furthering science in an effort to find a way to defeat the Communists.

Overall, this is a very interesting book and an easy read. The story is enthralling, and keeps the reader entertained throughout. If the reader is looking for a comprehensive story of the American Eugenic movement, this is not the book; I believe there are probably better scholarly works out there that address eugenics in America. I would recommend this as a book to start one's understanding of eugenics and how this one school in the Boston area plays into the bigger picture.

I never gave the imposing Fernald School campus much thought, even though the house I shared with my friends was literally across the street from the large brick buildings. It was not until I researched the effects of radiation on soldiers during the Cold War that I learned Fernald's dirty secrets. I immediately bought this book, and it filled me with rage and despair. D'Antonio's style is not preachy, nor does he editorialize. He allows the recollections of those who were there to speak for him. Wherever he can, he uses several sources to shade each event, from conversations with the boys, to the memories of the staff members, to the cold, un-enlightening medical records from the school. As others have said, the story ends not in misery but in triumph. It is a cautionary tale about society's complacency and willingness to let the horrors of our past remain behind the locked doors of our crumbling institutions.

The State Boys Rebellion tells the story of the Fernald State School in Massachusetts. Michael D'Antonio does a great job of telling the story through the eyes of Freddie Boyce, a child that grew up in Fernald. The story is quite chilling, specially to those of us who did not live through that time period. It is disgraceful that we, the United States actually started Eugenics, although I was taught in school that Nazi Germany was the creator. This book should remind us that as a society, we sometimes leave out the bad stuff our forefathers did, even if they meant no harm. I would highly reccomend this book to anyone, but it will touch the heart of anyone with a child who is considered "special".

Mr. Horovitz has written an excellent account of both the personal side to living in a time of constant terrorist attacks as well as a factual account of the detail that have been overlooked or misreported by most of the world's press outlets. Included in this book are some brief analyses of the political climate in Israel before, during and after some of the more violent bombings as well as Israel's responses. At times the author disagrees with the government's decisions, and is not ashamed to say it. In general, an excellent read and a good look into the facts of the situations as seen by a reporter who has to raise his family while enduring these terrible bombings.

When peace talks at Camp David collapsed in 2000, a conflict began which was stronger than any previously: Jerusalem Report editor and author David Horovitz considers the effects of this latest conflict and its terrorism in Still Life With Bombers, a survey of life in Israel since 2000. Israeli experience is the focus in a survey of daily lives, violence, and politics, with chapters juxtaposed between interviews with government officials on both sides of the conflict to experiences of relatives, refugees, and his own friends and family, creating an intimate social and political portrait of a country at war within its own boundaries.

This book is absolutely incredible! Thank you so much David Horovitz! I want to read your day-to-day accounts of life in Israel beyond the end of this book.

I have been a religious right-wing supporter of Eretz Israel, anxiously awaiting the time that I am in a financial position to make aliyah. I have strongly supported the anti-disengagement fighters.

Your book has made me think. It has opened my eyes to the Arab side of the story, as well as details of politics on both sides that I was not previously aware of.

This book has filled me with hope of someday living in the holy land and at the same time has made me cry, and evoked terror. Reading the chapter on Yussuf makes me wonder if there is ever any hope for peace - on the political side there is, but on the religious side it seems hopeless, as religious Jews can never voluntarily relinquish the Temple Mount or any of Jerusalem.

There have been times that I have had to put it down and walk away for a while to digest what I have just read (and cry) - and I'm only on page 166!

For a long time I have thought the solution to this problem was for millions of North American religious Jews to make aliyah and change the government in Israel, now I'm not so sure... More to come...

Reading through a volume of literature having to do with the Arab-Israeli Conflict, one is sooner or later impressed (or depressed)in realizing how little new ground is ever, really covered by the defenders of Israel, and by those of the Arabs. The same ground is laboriously traversed, over and over and over; the same charges thrown at the opponent, the same anger and outrage, the same impossible hopes floated. To paraphrase an unnamed British military man from Mandate days, "and Jew will kill Arab, and Arab will in turn kill Jew, now unto the end of time."
Horovitz's book, written by an Englishman who emigrated to Israel in the early 1980's, belongs to the Arab-bashing, or in his particular case, Arafat-bashing variety of books in this genre. He soon dispenses with his worm's eye view of fellow Israelis in the midst of the horror of the al Aqsa Intifada, perhaps the strongest and most interesting part of the book, and gets to his main argument.
To wit: all the violence that has afflicted Israel since the collapse of the Camp David Summit in 2000 can be left at the door of Yasir Arafat, who opted, at Camp David as after, to ignore substantive negotiations, even with a negotiation-mad Israeli leadership, and to proceed with the bombing.
Well, yes, this argument is possible, but Horovitz dins it into the reader's memory, again and again and yet again. There is nothing, he argues, that might explain Arafat's evident loathing for dealing responsibly with Israel save his long-harbored malificent desire to wipe out the Jewish state, by short range suicide bombings, or long-term Palestinian overbreeding. I resent propaganda, especially from a side I would otherwise support, and Horovitz's so-evident desire to "put the account straight" makes for a tedious, maddening reading, where objectivity is thrown out the window when it might uncomfortably intrude into his little truth.
How might he improve his work? Well, here is one way: tell the reader why so many Palestinians are willing to strap explosives under their belts and assure their own extinction, along with those of so many complete strangers. What, in other words, has Israel done to the Palestinians to make them so desirous of death?
I do not expect Mr. Horovitz to pick up the cue on this one. Whether or not he admits it, his political sentiments are that of the political right. He might have been a wet-behind-the-ears liberal naif back in the later 1980's or early 1990's, when he was still finding his feet on the treacherous Israeli soil, but he now, in this book, shows himself to be a Likudnik back to front. He never, ever, finds fault with the Israeli policy of saturating the Territories with Jewish setlements, depriving Palestinians of their land, their water, and their hopes of national sovereignity. He doesn't note the right wing religious-nationalist Jewish psychotics (Baruch Goldstein, Meir Kahane and his "Kach" neo-fascist thugs) whose own merry band of terrorists have further poisoned the atmosphere between Palestinian and Israeli. He doesn't talk much, most importantly, about the atmosphere of everyday Israeli inhumanity that makes Palestinian life so tedious and hard. But he does blame, vociferously,monotonously and uncritically, the string of Palestinian terror bombings, that he, again,views as Arafat's mark of Cain.
He forgets that Israel herself bears the mark of Cain, in bloodying the Palestinians, in taking their land, in treating them as second or third-class citizens of "Greater Israel".
In short, Horovitz's book is propaganda, not a study of history or current events; comforting for die-hard supporters of Israel, but in the end answering no new questions, breaking no new ground.

After the collapse of the Camp David talks in 2000, Arabs launched a wave of terrorist attacks on Israel. And while some people in faraway nations may have failed to see just who the aggressors were, those who lived in Israel could not avoid noticing.

Horovitz does a superb job of describing living with the threat of terrorist attacks. We see how both Jews and Arabs react to all the fighting. And he also explains the extent to which the conflict is misdescribed by many in the media. I was shocked to discover that several star reporters were under the misimpression that the West Bank and Gaza had been some sort of independent sovereign territory prior to 1967. Other disturbing signs were the reluctance of reporters to believe Israelis who disagreed with Arab lies, the eagerness of reporters to believe that Israel Prime Minister Ariel Sharon was some sort of wicked war criminal, and the "conventional wisdom" that Israel was to blame for the conflict since it was holding territory that it did not stake a sovereign claim to. In addition, I was puzzled by the fact that a reporter insisted that Israel had to be held to a "higher standard."

The author explains how the Big Lie technique was used to accuse Israel of war crimes at, of all places, Jenin (where Israel went in with ground troops, dramatically sacrificing the lives of many soldiers to reduce Arab civilian casualties). And he quotes Kofi Annan, who maliciously asked "Can the whole world be wrong (in condemning Israel)?" Horovitz has a one-word answer. Yes. Any reasonable person would, if shown the facts that European Union officials were demanding to punish Israel for trying to thwart terrorist bombings and simultaneously shown that the EU was supporting the bombers financially, letting them buy explosives with its money, would see that the EU is wrong. His point is that a misinformed world will indeed be wrong.

For me, the mangling of truth by the media stood out in this book as the most serious aspect of the fighting. It is sad that Arabs are attacking Israeli civilians. It is good that the media are positioned to report on this. I think even vaguely honest reporting would bring enough political pressure to bear so that the attacks would stop. That is why it is such a pity that we are seeing nothing of the sort.

There are many other regions in the world where there is plenty of violence. They don't have anything like the media coverage we see in the Levant. If the media are failing so utterly in covering the Arab-Israeli conflict, one has to doubt their ability to get anything right.

I highly recommend this book.

... it is sad that this happened but when bad things happend to us, we become stronger...

I am still reading it, but this book is riveting. It is better than I expected, because it includes interviews with all kinds of people involved in the 9/11 tragedy. If you have become absorbed by this event and, like me, are trying to define it for yourself by reading and watching everything you can about it, add this book to your collection.

A few survivors of the Towers are interviewed, but so are "ordinary" people like those who work(ed)or live(ed) in the general area, rescue/recovery workers and the volunteers who helped transport, feed, water, comfort, and clothe the workers.

This book was very gripping. Some of the stories raised the hair on the back of my neck. We should never forget what happened that awful day. More of these books with survivor stories are needed.

This book is an awesome look into what really happened with People who were involved with the Towers. It is very touching and inspirational as well. I would recommend this to even go into schools for future children to understand more about the Awful time in our history. Excellent

This is a fantastic book. It gives a clear accounting of what happened from each person's point of view, people who were actually there, in their own words. Some of their descriptions are pretty graphic, but they are telling it like it is, the way they saw it. This is a book that should be read, cherished, kept and passed down through the generations to children and grandchildren, so future generations will be able to read about what happened and get the truth from the people who experienced this horrific crime against America. You will shed many tears reading this book, but they are necessary tears....may we never forget what these awful, amoral, barbaric murderers have done to us. This is one book I will never sell or let out of my family. You need to get this book!

Democrat-Republican,Liberal -Conservative,Left-Right,Socialist-Capitalist are all labels we attempt to apply to the political aspirations and ideas of people within society.And they are only broad descriptions.To those,we have can add an endless number of terms we apply to special interests ,such as; Free-Traders,Pro-Lifers,Bleeding-Hearts,Hard-Liners,Appeasers,Self-Reliants,Fundamentalists,Libertarians,Fascists,Secularists,Isolationists,Enviromentalists,Freedom-fighters,Nationalists,Patriots,Dissenters,Free-Speechers,people who believe in big Gouverment and those who believe it should be restrained,and Activists of all descriptions;just to name a few.
However;all these philosophies ,more or less fall into two broad categories;namely Socialist or Conservative. While;at times, there are some overlappings. Nor is it possible for any one person to agree with either of the two main camps on every issue.Political expediency is an everpresent force and for that reason some people tend to alter their political party affiliations over the years;while others hold to their party of choice;regardless of issues.
The Author has done a magnificient job of defining what a Conservative in America ,and in fact,the whole western world,really is at these times in history. In other words ,if you believe in the ideas professed in this book;you are a Conservative thinker;and if you don't ,you are by default, not.
Rather than write a ling disertation,the author has chosen to approach a large number of Conservatives and have them write short essays of a couple of pages,to explain what being a Conservative is all about.
In all,we can read what 54 well known Conservatives have to say about defining Conservativeism.
Personally,I came from a very staunch Liberal background and considered myself one for many,many years, However as the 60's came to an end,I found there were many things that changed the way I thought and I no longer felt compfortable with that side of the political spectrum and for the last two decades have moved to the Conservative philosophy.
What I found startling is that so many of the people who wrote the essays in this book went through the same prosess as did I.
This has always concerned me and I think the words of Ronald Reagan pretty well explains things when he said ;"I didn't leave the Democratic Party;they left me".
Another thing I liked about this book is that it stays with defining what it is to be Conservative in a positive manner and is virtually free from negativism towards other points of view.
I really believe even someone who is not a Concervative could enjoy this book,they may well not agree with the philosophies of the writers.That is all well and good because the book does an excellent job of informing without being insulting,dismissive or disparaging to other points of view.

This little book is a collection of 54 essays on the subject of "Why I Am a Conservative." Each essay was written by a well-known member of political or media class, ranging from Bob Dole and Bill Frist, through Michael Medved and P.J. O'Rourke. Overall, I found them to be quite interesting and quite often a lot of fun (especially P.J. O'Rourke, naturally). So, if you want to understand the Conservative movement more, you really should read this book. I highly recommend it!

This book contains synopses from several figures on what it means to them to be classified as a Reagan Conservative. Great book. A really fun read if you're on the go. Read a chapter or two in the airport at Atlanta, read another on the plane, read another when you arrive at JFK, read another in the cab...
Well composed! I was very happy with this book!

This book is a collection of short essays from different politicians, activists and writers that claim to be Reagan conservatives. It's a truly entertaining, uplifting and colorful compilation; most of the essays are only a couple of pages long and will reveal personal stories - and the message of each of them is beautifully obvious, yet thought-provoking. Don't expect detailed academic papers - we have enough of those in other books. The miracle of this one is actually its modesty and simplicity. You'll get several up front, honest, extremely hard to argue confessions that might "satisfy the skeptic as well" - as it says on the cover.
As of today, it's undoubtedly one of the greatest tributes to the man whom history books are likely to be going to call the greatest American President of the 20th century.

Edited by Michael Deaver, this is a series of essays by prominent Republicans who are remembering Ronald Reagan. Reagan will probably go down in the history books as one of the better presidents during this time period. After all, at the beginning of the period we were in the midst of the Cold War and at the end it was over, the Soviet Union was no more. Untold fortunes spent, tremendous risks of nuclear war, all were gone, the Cold War was over.

Note that this is concerned with Ronald Reagan conservative views. This is not necessarily the same as the George W. Bush views. Mr. Bush seems to have taken the conservative agenda re abortion, affirmative action, and other issues much further than did Reagan.

The present day conservative Republicans would have you believe, would like to believe themselves that the country has made a major turn to the right wing. They view the past election as confirmation of this rightward shift. I believe they are ignoring the fact that a couple of week candidates in the form of Kerry/Edwards, and good fundamental politics on the part of the Republicans (especially the Ohio grass roots effort) enabled a victory.

It is at their risk that they forget that the country isn't as right wing as the stalwarts of the Republican party. Nor is it as liberal as the hard core of the Democratic party. One thing about our country, there's another election coming. The country votes for the one considered the most center oriented. The country doesn't want gun or abortion control.

This book is worth reading as a view of what these particular party members are thinking.

This reviewer is an avowed conspiracy/cover-up supporter regarding the 1960s assassinations of JKK, RFK and Martin Luther King. He welcomed the opportunity to learn more of the MLK murder. Author Pepper's voice rings loud and clear: "James Earl Ray did not shoot Dr. King!" Unfortunately, in buttressing that statement, author Pepper over examines the evidence and overstates his case. Pepper tries to be thorough but succeeds only in being repetitive to the point of confusion. MLK's opposition to the Vietnam War and proposal of a Poor People's Campaign had angered too many powerful people who wanted him eliminated. It is totally unclear who those individuals might have been. Mysteriously one name that does emerge is that of New Orleans Mafia Boss Carlos Marcello, just as it also does, on the fringe of the JFK hit. The bottom line is that while Mr. Pepper may be a superior lawyer, he has failings as a writer of long and detailed prose. To his credit, Chapter 9 does attempt to marshal the supporting facts in one place-one ray of sunshine where more light is needed. An interesting sidebar to "An Act of State" is Pepper's unabashed skewering of Gerald Posner. GP is the Establishment's point guard in debunking any conspiracy theories, be they related to MLK or JFK. Pepper goes after Posner with a vengeance that can only emerge from the deepest sincerity. The final word here is that "An Act of State" is too important to NOT rate 5 stars. Potential readers are urged to focus on Pepper's efforts and not his results. Mainstream media (what a great term!) has ignored the MLK hit. We should be grateful that the William Peppers of the world have the intestinal fortitude to investigate and publicize periods of our history that many would just as soon ignore.

I rode once in a pickup truck associated with a black college professor running for a city council seat, which was soot blackened because it had been fire bombed. That was in the early 1980s in a progressive university town. The threat of violence in reaction to political activism is not academic. It is out there and it is real.

It is chilling that one of Peppers' interviewees matter of factly states that he thinks the book will be buried, so his testimony can just be part of a record without his drawing consequence from providing it. The mainstream media certainly does bury stories that don't fit an establishment narrative. That they have done so in this case shall be a stain on the Fourth Estate for all time.

This is an important work. Every citizen should read this, and it should be taught in all the schools along with material on who King was. One of the things that Pepper does best, in addition to show a lot of persistence in seeking evidence, is reflect on King's value as one of America's leading thinkers of all time.

Given the state of the world, King's moral force is no less and his call to action to bring America back to its original vision still rings out like the echoing of the Liberty Bell.

I think that Pepper's work brings a lot of implications that need to be seriously addressed, especially since there might be some sort of connections or parallels to the JFK and RFK assassinations. What does this mean for any attempt to gain power for a more progressive vision of America in the future? What can we do to make sure our civil processes are not to be trumped by those with a will to do violence in response?

William Pepper's exhaustive research could be better served-- An Act of State meanders in and out of consciousness with a loose structure and story line--it's confuing. There are seemingly several relevant and compelling theories layed out on King's murder but the book is so convoluted it is sometimes difficult to follow Pepper's aruguments or thesis if there is one. Lloyed Jowers, the centeral figure at the heart of the conspiracy surrounding King's murder (According to Pepper) is presented as a relativley one dimensional character? With so much riding on Jower's involvement the reader begs to know more about the credibility and character of the man who came out of the shadows and pronounced to the world a mass conspiracy of murder involving the New Orleans Mob (they always get blamed--think JFK) the FBI & Hoover, and the local MPD. One missing componenet in all Pepper's research is Hoover's motive--Hoover no doubt despised King, spied on him and thought him a hypocrite but why would he want to Marytr him by having him killed?? These are not stupid people, Hoover must of known King would be canonized if he was murdered and naturally Hoover would be subject of hate as being such a public adversary--Pepper brings forth the theory of "Raul" the gun runner and hired assasin--perhaps the most intriguing charcter...Overall worth reading--labor intensive--Something happened down in Memphis on April 4th in the shadows of the Lorraine and downtown but by reading this book-- Pepper and everyone else are none the wiser.

An excellent book, William Pepper's An Act of State can be read alongside Waldron and Hartmann's Ultimate Sacrifice, the best available book on the murder of JFK. The links between these two "hits" are particularly intriguing.

This book is written by an English lawyer, who comes to these events with an analytical eye. He compiles evidence, and draws conclusions based on the evidence. The resulting portrait is not flattering to the US government. The evidence he cites points to apparantly rogue elements of the FBI and intelligence services actively involved in plotting and cover-up of the assasination attempt. This book deserves a film or investigation of its own, as it reverses the commonly-held view that a lone gunman succeeded in the assasination attempt. Taken in context with later relevations of J.Edgar Hoover's abuses of power, spying on US citizens, the Nixon Enemies list, The Pentagon Papers, the growing power of the mob over political figures, and the insidious intersection of the drug trade with the arms trade and politics, this book shows a way that institutionalized violence by elements of the US government can undercut the democratic process.
Students of English repression of the Irish, Indian colonies, double-dealing in Egypt and the Middle-East, and so on, will recognize the symptoms of absolute power corrupting absolutely. If the evidence in this book were demonstrated with the modern techniques of 3-dimensional (3-D) animation used in modern courtroom investigation, it would be even more convincing. As a sidenote, fans of the distinguished journalist Earl Caldwell will note how his eyewitness testimony (along with that of others) was ignored or contorted to the detriment of the evidence. If DNA analysis were available at the time this book was written, it is quite possible that the level of proof would be even more conclusive. This book, even at this late date, argues convincingly that the MLK investigation was absolutely inadequate. A potential remedy would be independent investigating commissions, perhaps under the aegis of the UN's Human Rights Commission. Modern investigations are failing to protect democracy and human rights; indeed, they are becoming part of the problem. An issue for schools of science to advance seriously, for the common good.