Current Events Books

The Third Freedom is an excellent book that gives countless suggestions, answers, and reasoning for World Hunger. After reading George McGovern's theories I now see how simple it is for the world to end starvation and to make a difference. I recommend The Third Freedom to anyone interested in the issues around World Hunger and to anyone who wants motivation to make a change in the world.

This is NOT a utopian dream. This basic blue print should not be objectionable to conservatives, moderates or liberals. The elder statesman and historian puts forward some straight forward and relatively inexpensive proposals to end world hunger in our time. Sen. McGovern goes out of his way to praise the contribution made by some of his Republican colleagues especially Robert Dole. He recognizes the need for open markets and the value of liberalized global trade while seeing the need for sensible adjustments to deal with the social and economic upheaval. He calls upon the U.S. to lead the United Nations in an integrated approach involving the private sector, the world market system, governments, NGO's, religious communities and grassroots organizations. This book is MUST reading for anyone looking for realistic and practical solutions to the world's gravest and cruelest injustice, malnutrition caused by poverty.

In his simple prose and humble middle-American manner, former Senator George McGovern addresses one of humankind's moral imperatives: world hunger. It is a great tragedy that the majority of Americans are overweight (or have access to three square meals, at the least), while people across the globe -or even across the city- suffer from hunger.

Mr. McGovern presents five possible solutions that may mitigate the plight of millions, among these worldwide WIC and school lunches, an increase in the food stamp program, and a minimum wage increase. Unfortunately, many of these measures seem implausible, for the ironic reason of their political inviability; FEW Americans favor an increase in taxes, to say the least.

I found this book to be more than an overview of hunger's politics. It is a window into the soul of a great man. In truth, world hunger would be a fading memory were we like Mr. McGovern: compassionate and selfless.

Every caring person will be glad that she or he reads this book, because each of us can help eliminate world hunger in our lifetimes. The reference to the third freedom is to the idea of creating "freedom from want" that is found in FDR's famous speech about the four freedoms.

Senator McGovern has been close to the issue of hunger for many years, having first headed the Food for Peace program for President Kennedy and more recently working with the United Nations on food issues for President Clinton. In this book, he describes many of the lessons learned about allievating hunger in the United States and elsewhere around the world, the benefits from eliminating hunger, the barriers to making faster progress, the plans for making the next steps, and his proposal for eliminating world hunger for humans by 2015.

I remember hearing much about this subject in the 1960s, and especially recall the CBC special from 1968. Historically, American farmers had excess production that was hurting farm prices while people were hungry. During the Kennedy administration this was turned into a series of initiatives to reduce the surpluses to strengthen the prices and feed more people. Large gains were made in students attending school and in their academic performance through free school breakfasts and lunches for the poor.

What has happened since then? Well, the good news is that these and many other good ideas have been expanded around the world. The number of hungry people is still enormous, 800 million, but it is many fewer than 40 years ago. As Senator McGovern rightly points out, we now have the technology, expertise in food distribution, and financial resources to eliminate hunger for the final 800 million. All we lack is a focus on the issue, and the will to make a difference.

The U.S. contribution would be less than the cost of a building a B-2 bomber annually. It turns out that most people think that more than 10 percent of the Federal budget goes for foreign aid, and that is almost all food. Actually, foreign aid is less than 1 percent and most of that is armaments. In recent polls, over 70 percent of Americans favor ending world hunger. Throughout the last presidential campaign this issue got lost. That's a shame, because here is an area where we pretty much agree.

His proposal focuses on the following elements:

(1) Extend the school lunch program around the world (the bulk of the poor hungry are children, and this gets them to school and improves their ability to learn)

(2) Favor women and children in food distribution (because of their better use of the resources and the fact that this by-passes corruption the most) usually by providing the food at the schools for pick-up

(3) Create local food reserves around the world of the sort we have in the United States so that emergency food can be more readily available to respond to natural disasters and wars

(4) Train local farmers to be better at what they do and provide them with better technology, appropriate for their part of the world (especially better ways to irrigate that don't harm the soil)

(5) Support research into better agricultural practices, including biotechnology

(6) Reduce the arms made available to countries where on-going wars are likely since such wars cause much hunger

(7) Clean-up the water supplies to reduce disease at the same time, and eliminate the risk of future wars over water

(8) Further encourage democracies since they make avoiding famines a high priority.

One of the nasty surprises I got from reading the book is that despite world progress, hunger is growing again in the United States due to cut backs in food stamps and other programs aimed at hunger. If we have been making mistakes in this area, that's pretty bad . . . at a time of unprecedented prosperity and government surpluses.

I also hope that private companies and individuals will step up their efforts to take a hand in eliminating hunger. I suspect that the know-how of these individuals is probably even more valuable than their money and time.

I strongly encourage you to read this book. Write to your congressional leaders and to our new president about this subject.

Also, I suggest that if you can afford it, that you allocate $30 per person per year in your household for donations aimed at eliminating hunger. That's about what it would take. At least you would know you are doing your part, even if the rest of society sleeps. Ultimately, that's all any of us can be sure of, is that we have stood up and been counted.

This book should be shared. If you belong to a book reading group, I hope you will suggest it. I also ask that you give a copy to your spiritual advisor. This book could become the basis of some good projects for your house of worship.

Love thy brother as thyself.

George McGovern, former senator from South Dakota, has written a compact, layman's guide, The Third Freedom, on the politics of hunger. McGovern, long-time workhorse of food and agriculture policies, makes the case for a 5-point program to end hunger. The book's biographical anecdotes are as compelling as the case he makes. The author, World War II bomber pilot and Democratic presidential nominee, draws upon experiences from the Great Depression to the Clinton administration. Along the way, the reader learns how McGovern's father, farmers, Franklin Roosevelt, Henry Wallace, John Kennedy, Maryknoll missionaries and Pope John XXIII infulenced his thinking.

In the 1960s, McGovern's origination and stewardship of food and agriculture policies led to programs that benefited the U.S. economy. In the new century, McGovern uses his national visibility and standing to propose fresh political remedies: food policies that favor women and children; universal school lunch; genetically modified crops; fresh water; and agricultural aid modeled on the Peace Corps. The author endorses government action, rooted in biblical teachings, to feed the hungry. While the book is short on documentation, it is long on policy. The title from Gary Hart's memoir of McGoven's ill-fated presidential bid, Right from the Start, may aptly sum up this new work.

As Christian Potholm's former student, I've seen first-hand his enthusiasm for Maine politics and his depth of knowledge on the subject. Therefore, I was not surprised to find This Splendid Game to be a wonderfully entertaining account of politics in the Pine Tree State and a must-read for anyone with an interest in Maine's political history. Potholm captures the importance of the campaign effort and proves that the outcomes of political races are never preordained. He shows that while a candidate's personal qualities are a factor in being elected, it is the "ebb and flow" of the campaign that inevitably distinguishes victory from defeat.

Having been personally involved in many of the campaigns discussed in this book, Potholm skillfully provides an insider's perspective while remaining balanced and objective in his analysis. He avoids the partisan sentiments that dominate so much of today's commentary, and in turn provides a refreshing and honest look at politics in the state.

There is no doubt that one would be hard-pressed to find a more comprehensive assessment of Maine politics. Potholm acknowledges every person who has ran for major political office in the state in the last five decades, and provides biographical information for some of Maine's past and present political titans. However, his scholarly interest is clearly directed more toward the inner-workings of the campaign effort, as well as the many staffers, pollsters, consultants, journalists, and others that make politics so exciting to watch and be a part of.

From the story behind William Cohen's 600-mile walk across the 2nd Congressional District to the strategy behind both James Longley and Angus King's electoral success as Independents, This Splendid Game is truly a splendid read, one that undoubtedly fills a literary void in Maine and honors the countless men and women who have participated in the state's political process over the years.

With this feat to add to his ever-growing list of achievements, Christian Potholm has made yet another indelible impact on the academic discourse in the state and further solidified his reputation as the professor of Maine politics.

Do you ever wonder how Maine Government reached its current size and scope?

Perhaps you have a historical interest in the strategies and unique abilities of the winners and losers of high political office in Maine over the last 60 years.

Or maybe you're curious about the decisions and influences of the key people behind the political leaders of our time- from Margaret Chase Smith and Ed Muskie to Angus King.

Whether you're a student of politics or just wondered how our government has evolved to where we are today, you will find Bowdoin College's Dr. Christian P. Potholm's new book This Splendid Game answer these questions and more from his intellectual and first hand account of the people and policies which have created the Maine we know today.

From the rise of Margaret Chase Smith by virtue her strategy of a "personal campaign organization" over the traditional political party campaign; to the "Muskie Revolution" in the 1950's where he deployed television for the first time in Maine elections combined with "retail politics" which converged to toppled the reign of Republican Party dominance.

Chris Potholm's insight and wit enables the reader to wade past the tedious attention he paid to dates and election results percentages, which well serve the researcher of Maine politics and those of us with a curious eye about the people and issues that has defined and branded Maine.

His success in interviewing candidates, their family and advisors enabled him to paint a vivid picture of our political leaders. Here is a glimpse. He traces Ken Curtis' victory from the jaws defeat in the 1960's and the baker's son Bill Cohen's rise to the rank of United States Secretary of Defense beginning with an arduous 600 mile walk across Maine's 2nd Congressional District in 1972 resulting in the reemergence of the Republican Party.

No account of Maine political history would be complete without an understanding of how the referendum process has enabled special interest groups to get their proposed law decided by the public and not their legislature. Here Dr. Potholm takes you inside the dynamics of why referendums are so different from candidate elections. His political science and keen instincts show you how; the Maine Yankee Power Plant earned the support of Maine voters and remained open.

Potholm proves his theory that Angus King duplicated the dynamics and savvy of Jim Longley's amazing election as Governor in the 1970's worked again in the 1990's when King upset the two-party system to be elected Maine's second Independent Governor.

Finally, Dr. Potholm weaves together the realities of how the press, political insiders and scientific polling determined the eventual outcome of most all races long before Election Day. Along the way he rightly acknowledges the courage and integrity of the men and women who at the end of the long election season did not have the sweet pleasure of giving a victory speech. For the scholar and the casual observer of political dynamics alike, reading This Splendid Game is time well invested.

Philip Harriman is a former Town Councilor and State Senator. He actively participated in many of the elections covered and for 25 years has operated a financial services business in Portland Maine.

In the first chapter of Chris Potholm's latest book, he opines, "Lecturing on the important figures and campaigns over the years [in Maine], I often wished I had a single book to assign, one that would put the past fifty years of accomplishment and failures in some common perspective."

Well, Potholm has answered his wish with the publication of This Splendid Game. If there was one feeling that I had to put aside while reading the book it was that I should be making notes on the chapters as there was surely going to be a test in the near future.

Politics has always been an interest of mine and Maine politics has been a consuming one for a part of my life as I served eight years in municipal government as a city councilman and mayor and was elected to two terms as Chair of the Maine Republican State Committee following my municipal service. I have been active in several gubernatorial campaigns in varying capacities as well as most of Bill Cohen's many campaigns going back to the time when we were both mayors of our respective cities.

The book that Pothom has produced is an analysis of what he deems to be the seminal elections of each decade since 1940 and in it he also weaves through the years the lessons that were learned or not learned by those that were invoved in "this splendid game.

If you were any kind of a player during those decades, you are most likely mentioned in the book. In fact the book reminded me of many people whose names had dimmed in my memory and also revealed to me that people I had known growing up were involved in Maine politics in ways I did not know, If you are from Oregon, some of the details of the past might make your eyes tend to close from time to time, but if you are from here or have been here "from away" for some time, you will find it interesting to realize how much you have forgotten.

From the 1970's on, Potholm brings a special perspective to the matters he writes about as he was in the middle of all of it in one capacity or another.However, this is not a chatty, tell-all about Maine politics. It is an analysis and a chronicle of a system in the poltical microcosim of Maine. That a state with Maine small population has harbored and nurtured some of the larger political names in US history remains a mystery to me, but it is a fact. Margaret Chase Smith, Edmund Sixtus Muskie, William Cohen and George Mitchell are clearly in the elite section of such people. But their stories and the stories of other elections have hundreds of names invoved in that melange of political activity. In stirring and disecting the melange, Potholm has no peer.

If you lived through those times you will enjoy a studious analysis of what you thought you already knew. If politics is something you are considering, this is required reading. No matter your reason for reading this book, you will be the wiser for it and I'm pretty sure there will be no test.

Potholm's Splendid Game

Although our lives are governed by politics, few understand how the political game is played and even fewer participate as an active player.
There is one man in Maine who understands and plays the game better than any other: Bowdoin College professor, Dr. Christian Potholm, a nationally recognized pollster and strategist whose campaign won/lost record is the envy of all who aspire to political office and participate in our electoral system.
In Maine, Potholm has dominated what he calls "This Splendid Game," since he managed Bill Cohen's first Congressional campaign in 1972. Few venture into a major political campaign without making a pilgrimage to Potholm's office in the Bowdoin Tower.
Potholm's new book, "This Splendid Game," is a fascinating and informative tour through all of Maine's major elections and campaigns from the 1940s to the 1990s. The professor has been working on this book for ten years and his final product is impressive. Published by Lexington Books of Lanham, Maryland, these 241 pages describe the election results of all major races in each decade, and then focuses on what Potholm calls the "seminal election" - the most critical and defining - in each decade.
I must disclose that the button collection on the book's cover is mine. Look carefully and you will spot a smiling "Smith" button in the middle of the collection. And it was my privilege to work on several of Potholm's seminal election campaigns in the 70s, 80s, and 90s.
Potholm offers amazing insight into these campaigns and wins my admiration for being able to step outside campaigns in which he participated to present objective and illuminative analyses of these campaigns. He does this well.
In the introduction, Potholm asks, "Over the last 50 years, what were the sea changes in Maine political processes? What changed over time in terms of how to run and win a campaign? What are the enduring patterns and trends? Why did some candidates succeed and others fail? What techniques were introduced when and what impacts did they have?"
And then he answers all of these questions and more. While other books have focused on the political leaders, none has looked with such scrutiny at the campaigns that elected those leaders.
I learned a lot from this book. I did not realize, for example, that Republicans were so slow to grasp the power of television and that my friend Jim Erwin lost the governor's race in 1970 "in large part because he did not make use of it."
Did you know that Angus King and Jim Longley won with identical coalitions of Franco American voters and small town Republicans?
The Kennebec Journal and Morning Sentinel win Potholm's praise, while other larger daily newspapers are criticized for poor campaign news coverage and an "interventionist endorsement style and a rush to assist one candidate over a need to inform the public as to the actual state of affairs."
"The Sun Journal, Central Maine (Morning) Sentinel, and Kennebec Journal seem to routinely do a better job at keeping their editorial comment separate from their reporting arm and their endorsements seem to be more balanced than their larger rivals," writes Potholm.
Potholm's premise is that the outcomes of the major elections that shaped Maine's political system and government were determined not by the candidates, but by the campaigns. And he effectively proves his case.
In these pages you will learn about how Maine's dominant politicians succeeded - but you will also learn about the smaller - but vitally important - roles played by others, including one of my favorite unsung political leaders, Judge Frank Coffin.
I found the description of Margaret Chase Smith's 1948 U.S. Senate race to be particularly captivating - and the account of how Smith won four congressional elections in one 6-month period.
The special sections describing the reasons the seminal campaigns were victorious, and the impacts of those campaigns on Maine politics, make this book particularly valuable.
It is when Potholm turns to referenda that the professor offers insightful lessons that campaigns pay big bucks to learn today. His analysis of the 1980 anti-nuclear referenda includes his ten ballot measure rules and an explanation of why Franco Americans and women who work in the home are Maine's key swing voters.
There is so much fascinating material in this book that I can't begin to do it justice in this short column.
I have purchased several copies of "This Splendid Game" for the leaders of an upcoming referendum, because no one should enter the Maine political arena without the lifetime of knowledge and experience provided in this book by Maine's foremost political guru.
And all citizens should read the book to understand how their votes are influenced by political campaigns - and why they should be paying attention to and participating in this splendid game that rules their lives.

As many Mainers know, Bowdoin College Professor Chris Potholm is Maine's premier political pollster and campaign strategy guru. He has been an insider in some of the state's biggest and most important political battles and is regularly quoted by the press on Maine issues. Naturally, this book will be especially interesting to people who are into Maine history and politics -- but it's not just for Mainers. It provides a lot of basic political insights that will be interesting and useful to anyone who's involved or interested in candidate or ballot measure campaigns. Each chapter reviews the reasons why a particular campaign succeeded or failed, providing excellent lessons that apply to campaigns in any state. The chapter about the referendum campaign on the Maine Yankee nuclear power plant is probably the best analysis of a ballot measaure campaign that I've ever read. As a professional political consultant and a former Mainer, I really enjoyed this book and highly recommend it.

Like its companion, The Torture Papers: The Road to Abu Ghraib, Torture and Truth is an essential resource for scholars or researchers on this subject. However, because of its length (500+ pages)and scope it is an excellent choice for the more general reader. It is a compilation of reports and letters, mostly from the Bush Administration, on the Iraq War and torture issues. Because of its primary source components, it is invaluable for anyone doing research on the subject. It is well-organized, and will find a place in many dissertations in the years to come.

This book offers a chilling rendition of the events that occured at Abu Gharib. It fairly reviews the events through official reports, which are quite chilling! A must read!!

This is by far the best journalistic account of the torture of suspects at Abu Ghraib. This is also the best book to read after reading the books of documents, which give you the vital context for understanding Danner's book. Read them first and then this one - you will then be able to understand what really happened and why. British and US troops really did commit terribe acts against their prisoners, with tragic consequences for the reputation of both nations in the Middle East. Read Danner and the documents books to discove why. Christopher Catherwood (author of CHURCHILL'S FOLLY: HOW WINSTON CHURCHILL CREATED MODERN IRAQ: Carroll and Graf, hardcover 2004, paperback 2005)

The author strongly makes the case that the Abu Ghraib torture scandal was not caused by a few rotten apples on the night shift, but was systematic torture as policy. The Red Cross report and other valid reports are in the book so that the reader can see for himself that the torture at Abu Ghraib was certainly far more than a few rotten apples that were military police serving in the reserves that were sent to Abu Ghraib.

There was sadism at Abu Ghraib. There was a breakdown in law and order at Abu Ghraib. There was a breakdown in discipline at Abu Ghraib. This, of course, puts our entire Country and our entire military at risk.

Not only is the torture wrong, but, beyond that, torture is ineffective and many of the prisoners at Abu Ghraib had no intelligence value in the first place. Torture is very harmful to our Country politically speaking. It is certainly the case that any information that was obtained by torture would be overshadowed by the political damage caused by the activities.

I bought Mark Danner's TORTURE AND TRUTH several months ago from Amazon, and find it ever more relevant to current events. For the numbers of people detained and tortured in the War on Terror-- many of them believed by reputable individuals and organizations to be innocent-- continues to rise, and extends far beyond Abu Ghraib. The very fact that the majority of these people have never been formally charged with involvement in terrorist activity nor tried seems to prove their innocence, for it would be very easy to keep someone in jail these days if one could present solid evidence of their involvment in terrorism. Those who object that the tortures inflicted on these detaninees is not as bad as that which some totalitarian governments inflict upon their victims ignore the fact that the "soft torture" techniques in development since the end of World War II have been found to be more effective in "breaking" victims than simple brutality (see Alfred McCoy, A QUESTION OF TORTURE: CIA INTERROGATION FROM THE COLD WAR TO THE WAR ON TERROR). The suffering of these wretched detainees keeps me awake at night, yet to this day most people seem unconcerned about their plight. Danner's comment from the Introduction to his book still holds true: "Like other scandals that have erupted during the Iraq War and the war on terror, it is not about revelation or disclosure but about the failure, once wrongdoing is disclosed, of politicians, officials, the press, and, ultimately, citizens to act."

I have given this cook to many people. It has some incredible insight on leadership, especially the positive impact that African Americans can make in their communities.

This is one of the most inspiring books I have ever read. The further I read into it the more I was moved by the narrative, and the stories.

The book has very few statistics and is not heavy in technical detail. But whatever its perceived fault could be, it pales in comparison with the passion, power and truthfulness of its message.

Learn about the small, scattered and underresourced groups of men and women that are transforming the inner cities of America and the implication that this has for the social renewal of all of our socieity.

This book is inspiring, practical, and immensely moving. I believe it should be read by every person in United States who has even a bit of honesty to face the problems of our communities, even a little strength to care about others, and a desire to have their eyes opened to the powerful solutions that are available in very humble quarters!

The Triumphs of Joseph is simply one of the most important books to be written since the Civil Rights Movement. I teach diversity classes and I use Triumphs as a primary text to offset the constant presentation by black leaders (often self-proclaimed) and the media that African Americans are somehow deficient in ordinary resilience and social strategies and need the paternalistic help of governmental and private agencies. Why do so many people who are not disadvantaged feel free to define for the disadvantaged what their needs, wants, and goals are? Dr. Woodson is sure to offend those who are the vicarious victims and parasitic victimizers of the poor but the validity of his message cannot be denied. Coming from a disadvantaged background myself, I have lived some of the situations he describes yet today I hold a doctorate and teach at the college level. Dr. Woodson is definitely a winner with a winning plan. If you want to be a winner, stick with the winners.

Dr. Woodsen gives an eloquent and powerful case for the endurence and ingenuity of the individual human soul versus the shocking waste and disregard of people caused by government social programs. He is definetly not "politically correct" in his assessment of the stark failure of the "poverty industry" to stop the tide of death and despair. Dr. Woodsen offers an inspirational solution that really works and takes the reader along to meet the brave and ordinary people who make a difference.

Every black person in the United States ought to devote an evening or two to reading this book. It shows in a concise 100-plus pages that "Black History" includes the triumphs of self-sufficiency which were considered ordinary before the Civil Rights movement taught the race that "progress" meant handouts and lowered standards of evaluation. The inner cities are slowly rising out of the ashes, not through government charity but through residents working the system to change their own destinies, making their peace with an unfair past. No book says this better. Everyone -- buy this book and regain your hope.

A great book for understanding what really shapes foreign policy and for also explaining todays foreign conflicts. Keylour covers everything from WW1 to the present reaching from the US, & Europe to Asia and the Middle East. If you want to know more than what CNN will tell you, check this book out.

The Twentieth Century World opens with a prologue that examines international relations at the outset of the twentieth century and sets the stage for the rest of the book. The book's three major sections then examine the period bracketed by the two world wars, which was characterized by German expansionist aspirations and attempts by the other major powers to contain them, the cold war era characterized by superpower rivalry, and the post-cold war era characterized by increasing disorder in international relations.

Author William Keylor is consistently strong in describing how geopolitical forces - geography, demographics, technology, and finance - affect national development and international relations. He shows that political arrangements need to be consistent with the operation of these forces to be successful. But he does not imagine that international relations are determined entirely by objective forces: he recognizes that ideas are important too. For example, because it holds itself out as a model of democracy, the United States is judged by the same ideals that it professes. The ideologies of democracy and national self-determination advanced by the United States have not eliminated its self-interested behavior but they have constrained it. Keylor also recognizes the role of leadership in international relations. For example, he describes how competent and farsighted leadership in many Asian countries has helped produce impressive economic growth over a period of many decades, lifting hundreds of millions of people out of poverty and exerting pressure on neighboring countries to adopt similar export-oriented policies.

In fact, I found his explanation of development processes in East Asia to be particularly illuminating. He describes how Japan pioneered a development path based on trade and government coordination of large, oligarchic export companies. Japan first specialized in textiles and other manufactures that relied on cheap labor. By postponing consumption and sustaining a high rate of savings and investment over an extended period of time, the Japanese achieved a comparative advantage in accumulating capital for investment in capital-intensive manufacturing industries. Finally, having developed a cadre of highly qualified scientists, technicians, and engineers, the Japanese became world leaders in high technology industry. This same developmental path was successfully replicated by the Asian Tigers (South Korea, Taiwan, Singapore, and Hong Kong), and is being followed now by the ASEAN countries.

The Twentieth Century World, now in its fourth edition, is suitable for lower-division undergraduate courses and will also be of interest to the general reader. It includes many useful and attractive maps but no footnotes. The book also includes a 23-page critical bibliography, two glossaries, and a detailed, reliable index. Since I finished the book a couple months ago, it has served me as a reference several times.

The Twentieth-Century World: An International History, by Dr. William R. Keylor, has been recognized as one of the foremost sources for a historical account of the twentieth century by several professors, students, and other applicable parties alike, and for good reason. There are several factors to take into account when determining the merit of such a text, including the tenability of the text, the efficiency of its organization, the cogency of its material, and its physical practicalities in terms of design and dimension, not to mention the price. This text is an assessment, in narrative form of twentieth-century world history which provides comprehensive coverage of affairs related to the United States, Latin America, Europe, Africa, the Middle East, and Asia, all of which is up to date as recently as the year two thousand. Dr. Keylor presents the political, diplomatic and military history of the twentieth century while putting an appropriate significance on the effects of economics as well as on the bearing that geopolitics has over a country, both of which are often overlooked. In doing so, this text sheds light on important yet presumably subtle factors that have played important roles in the development of twentieth-century international history. While this account of international relations in the twentieth century is not only concise and depicted with convincing sensibility, Dr. Keylor manages to accomplish this with coherency and clarity, which substantiates a prepossessing flow from page to page. Perhaps one of the most appealing factors of this text is the language, which is straightforward and understandable without diminishing the quality of the material or compromising its effectiveness. In fact, this method likely affords Dr. Keylor to reach a wider audience that ranges from the individual with only an intermediate comprehension, to the educated and experienced history buff. Furthermore, another important element of this text is its ability to cover the history of the twentieth century concisely and clearly, in an intense analytical framework without boring the reader. This fact is among many of the others which separate it from many of its rivals.

This concrete account of international relations in the twentieth century stands out in its clarity and coherence. And unlike many history books, it's not BORING, perhaps because it offers more than merely a narrative account; it is also set within an analytical framework. My attention was thoroughly held as Professor Keylor imparted his insight into the struggle among the major nations in the world for power, prosperity and prestige. Everything seemed to click into place, and the chapters just flow into one another. As Paul Kennedy said of it: " ...The style is pleasing and extremely lucid, and the emphasis on economic and geopolitical trends is greatly to be welcomed... An excellent synthetic work, and one which can be recommended to students and to interested laymen alike."

Dr. Keylor portrays the political, diplomatic and military history of the twentieth century in the most understandable and straightforward language. He shows how history is responsible for what is currently happening around us, and why we should know the causes of the conflicts he writes about. He pays special attention to World War One, the rise of facism, World War Two, the rise of the Cold War, Latin America and the US, Africa, the Cold War in Asia, Israel and the Middle East, the triumph of and expansion of capitalism throughout Latin America and East Asia, the end of the Cold War, arms control and many other topics. The book is a very valuable reference for any student of law, international relations, politics or anyone else who wants to know more about the world that we live in.

Jennifer Van Bergen has given us a book that should be must reading for every American. If you think we might be on our way towards a Fascist state in America, you need to read this book. Ms. Van Bergen explains how the PATRIOT Act has damaged the United States Constitution. She also tells us what we must do to correct the current state of America.
The book is very well done, in easy to understand language. This book should be on the reading list of every American.

Jennifer Van Bergen has written a most important book that is a must read for all Americans who cherish freedom.
Miss Van Bergen,a member of the ACLU and The National Lawyers Guild,is a most articulate spokesperson for the point of view that under the leadership of President Bush America is drifting slowly,but surely,toward a corporate state(read fascism).She points out that it is NOT only the so called "Patriot Act"that threathens the rights of Americans(circumventing the 4th amendment)but also such things as The North Free Trade Agreement(NAFTA) and the lesser known The Free Trade of (the) Americas Agreement(FTAA),both of which deny benefits to the average person,curtails labor rights,but also hands over all kinds of new "rights" to "corporate bloodsuckers"(my term), so that they can continue to plunder the environment and enforce "wage slavery" on 90%+ of the population.She examines the state of the courts,and the three separate,but equal branches of our government,and with the GOP already claiming The Presidency and a having a majority in both houses of Congress the independence of the judiciary is in great question,and with the Democrats sitting back and allowing Bush to stack the courts with hard right thugs,the future of this country as a free democratic republic is in great jeopardy.For all their talk about opposing "judge made law",and being in favor of "strict construction"(original intent) the GOP members of Congress are making the road to fascism easier by NOT OPPOSING Bush's vision(as if he ever had a vision concerning anything)of a unitiary goverment,which if allowed to proceed will only lead to dictatorship,slavery,and death. Ms Van Bergen book was written before the (anti)immigration debate really started with its harsch provisions conerning "aid to illegal aliens".These provisions are so reactionary and hateful that key leaders of the Catholic Church(Cardinal Mahoney,of L.A.for one) urge Church members NOT to cooperate with these fear-mongering articles,of the new immigration bill.For once a Church leader standing up for the teachings of Jesus!
This 228 page book includes the very helpful Britt's List -the fourteen points common to fascist regimes,and "The Cheney Plan for Global Dominance,a truely frightening scenario.
As I write this CBS News reports that the governments wants all internet companies to keep the records of ALL internet users,in order to fight terrorism and sexual abuse cases.I sure believe that one!1984 is here!!
Ignorance is Strength.
Slavery is Freedom!
War is Peace!
This is an excellent book!!!

An attorney with the South Florida Branch of the ACLU and an adjunct faculty member at the New School for Social Research, Jennifer Van Bergen understands that making the case for her position is essential to having the American people understand the danger which we and the country remain in.

Van Bergen uses factual evidence to demonstrate how the Bush administration is eliminating democracy under the guise of 'homeland security'. Using very loaded flag-waving rhetoric, this government is attempting to have people believe that any criticism of their actions is infact support for 'the terrorists'.

The problem is that 'the terrorists' are never actually identified and remain annoymous masses in this same scenario. After all, the real focus of the Bush administration is keeping people scared so many will not question the actions of their government and there is a greater chance that those who do dissent can be labeled as 'troublemakers'.

During the 1960's the federal government used 'red menace' rhetoric to justify the wiretapping and surveliance of left wing activists. The 'remote' possibility of communist infiltration (and subsequent social impacts) in these organizations were considered enough to justify the actions. Following Hoover's death, Congress placed long-needed restrictions on the FBI's ability to place American citizens under surveliance and made that information available through public request. To read the administration's support for the PATRIOT Act honestly feels like we are ignoring all of this history and failing to learn from the past.

This failure is also how a 'conservative' administration squares the obviously expanded bureacracy against their public promotion of limited government. PATRIOT Act expansions are a big exception to their usual rules specifically because the conservatives are the ones who are doing the government expansion and surveliance. The ultimate impact on citizen freedoms is secondary (if weighted at all) to the president and his buddies getting and maintaining their absolute power over everybody else.

The conclusions in this book are chilling---and ever more accurate with each passing day. It is an accessible read for people wanting affirmation that they are not reading into things, but is also important for audiences who need to know what their government is really doing.

The one point on which Jennifer Van Bergen as author of "Twilight of Democracy" and George W. Bush agree is over the assertion made by the latter that "America has been changed forever by the tragedy of 9-11." From that point forward Van Bergen, an attorney active in the South Florida branch of the American Civil Liberties Union, and Bush travel widely disparate ideological paths.

Van Bergen shrewdly delineates the path traveled by the Bush Administration in the wake of September 11, 2001 as it declared war against terrorism and sought to acquire powers held by chief executives in totalitarian states and denied them in democratic nations. Only Congresswoman Barbara Lee of California voted against granting the executive branch the sweeping powers it sought in the wake of 9-11 as the House and Senate voted in an otherwise unanimous manner.

One important point that Van Bergen makes that has been mentioned all too infrequently is that the entire war on terror announced by Bush after 9-11, and used as an immediate basis to launch a fierce military attack in Afghanistan, is predicated on spurious constitutional and common law grounds. In any military or police action a specific nation or organizational entity needs to be identified. Bush's war on terror does not meet that important criterion since its fails the specificity test.

As Van Bergen carefully delineates, by declaring war on a non-specific entity and stating that such a conflict has no measurable end in sight, the opportunity is ripe for an octopus-like executive branch to, in the interest of preserving democracy, bring about its demise in the interest of safeguarding the nation and its people from terrorism. The instrument of accomplishment was the infamous Patriot Act, which left the Bill of Rights in tatters.

The sweeping arm of the law swooped down on innocent citizens and aliens in America who were Arabs and practiced Islam. The umbrella expansiveness of the Patriot Act permitted them to arrest suspects without a warrant and detain them for non-specific periods of time without charging them. The dangerous abrogation of rights extended beyond this slippery slope and into the constitutional guarantee of right of counsel. In instances where attorneys were permitted to speak with such defendants, authorities were permitted to listen in on the conversations, rendering the privilege of counsel essentially null and void through destroying confidentiality. Again, these tactics are hallmarks of totalitarianism and anathema to democracy.

A tactic used to circumvent dealing with defendants in traditional constitutional circumstances is to declare any individual suspected of terrorist acts or giving support to terrorist groups as enemy combatants. This has been used in the infamous Guantanamo Bay prison to evade American constitutional or international safeguards such as the U.S. Constitution and the Geneva Code. Democracy is denied on the pretext of saving the institution, a tragic contradiction through which freedoms have been trampled and America has come closer to representing apartheid South Africa than a constitutional democracy.

In addition to laying out the legal case against the usurpation of democracy by the Bush Administration, Van Bergen also lists fourteen basic points cited earlier by Lawrence W. Britt as dangerous common threads associated with Fascism.

They include such totalitarian hallmarks as excessive nationalism, media control, pervasive scapegoating, obsession with militarism and national security, protection of corporations and denial of workers' basic rights, obsession with crime and punishment, rampant cronyism and corruption, and fraudulent elections.

Americans should remember with caution the words spoken by Benjamin Franklin when he left Constitution Hall and was asked what kind of government had been bestowed on the new nation called America, t o which he responded, "A Republic if you can keep it."

Author & lawyer Jennifer Van Bergen's thought provoking book "The Twilight of Democracy" "ferrets out principles of constitutional law and juxtaposes them with ... statutes, regulations, international laws, legal strategies and actions of the Bush administration." There's no love lost here for President Bush, and the author isn't shy about giving her personal opinion. With blistering criticism of the Bush administration, Van Bergen argues that America is well on the road to fascism, and that we are experiencing an erosion of democracy through a systematic attack on the constitution. Taking Laurence W. Britt's handy-dandy 14-point guide to fascism, Van Bergen systematically examines current trends in American political, social and legal systems.

The book is subdivided into two distinct categories: Book One "Deciphering the Democratic Code" and Book Two: "The Bush Plan." Book One is basically an overview of various aspects of the constitution, international law, due process, the 1st, 4th and 6th Amendments, types of courts, etc. In Book Two, the author tears into (amongst other things) the Patriot Act, America's withdrawal from the International Criminal Court, the Abu Ghraib scandal, detentions in Guantanomo Bay, the coup in Haiti, and the Free Trade of Americas Agreement.

Of particular interest is Van Bergen's argument that there's a movement underfoot "to clear the way for the concept that 'activists = terrorists'." According to the author, it's all about the administration's goal to achieve "control, suppression, and eradication of opposition." And there are some mind-boggling examples here--including the "sailor-mongering" charge levied against the Greenpeace protestors, and the use of the Patriot Act against activists who simply express their beliefs. Van Bergen also touches on the Lynne Stewart case. Ms Stewart was the court-appointed attorney for Sheik Abdul Rahman, who was subjected to electronic surveillance, and her offices raided. This, Van Bergen argues, is a direct challenge to the Sixth Amendment rights. (Interestingly enough, after finishing the book, I looked up Stewart's case on the Internet, and I did discover that many in the legal profession are indeed concerned about exactly how one is supposed to represent a terrorist suspect after what happened to Stewart. I found many sites pro and con Stewart's case, and found it much more difficult to find out what she is actually accused of.)

The book also includes information about the MATRIX "data mining system" (Multistate Anti-TeRrorism Information exchange)--a system which according to the ACLU "is controversial because it involves not the attempt to learn more facts about known suspects, but mass scrutiny of the lives and activities of innocent people ... to see whether each of them shows any signs of being a terrorist or a criminal." The MATRIX creates a "terrorist quotient" that "measures the likelihood that individuals in the databases are terrorists." In theory, we could all have our own "High Terrorist Factor" (HTF). According to the author, those with the highest scores have their names passed on to such agencies as the INS, FBI, and the Secret Service. MATRIX is "financed and managed" by the Dept of Homeland Security. The book goes into detail about the MATRIX system, and the information here is startling. The ACLU states that the MATRIX system "constitutes a massive invasion of privacy, and a violation of the core democratic principles."

Another fascinating chapter is devoted to the Patriot Act, which, the author argues, allows the government to stomp on the Fourth Amendment (right to be free of unreasonable searches and seizures). By redefining the standards of "terrorist investigations", categories are expanded and the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Acts (FISA) allows investigators "without probable cause to get your library records, your educational, financial, or medical records as long as an FBI agent" claims the records are required "in connection with an ongoing foreign intelligence investigation."

The book finally, and appropriately ends with a chapter on torture and abuse, and the author touches on the historical significance of the Geneva Conventions (they were never called the Geneva Suggestions).

There's a mine of information here, and it's a good thing the author follows the text with scrupulous chapter-by-chapter notes. I'm not a lawyer, so I can't defend or oppose the merits of the legal arguments here, but I would be fascinated to see how lawyers feel about the book's arguments. As a non-lawyer, however, I can honestly say that I learned a great deal from reading this well-written, eye-opening book---displacedhuman

I will try to avoid getting involved in the heated debate that the two previous reviewers wrapped themselves in. Instead I will focus my attention on giving my opinion pertaining to the quality of Ian Shapiro's work. The book itself is laid out beautifully. As a poli-sci student it is a blessing to have such a well laid out book to use in my studies. The choice of font only serves to amplify the intensity of Locke's ideas. Ideas that inevitably shaped the society we live in today. If you are studying the works of this man, or just reading for leisure don't hesitate to read this version, you will not be disappointed.

I'm no genius. A pedant, perhaps, and an arrogant jerk, but not a guy with the kind of education it seems other reviewers have. I can't tell you who Locke's friends were or what his political connections were, either. I have some vague notion that Locke's and Mill's ideas influenced the philisophical basis of the American founding documents, but I'm just a soldier who sometimes likes to bite off more than he can chew--I wan't to know the stuff them smart people do, and don't see any reason I shouldn't!

So if you're like me, let me encourage you to get this book. Your friends will almost certainly call you a nerd (after all, who reads 17th century political philosophy for FUN?), and it'll take a few pages to cut your teeth on the language, but after you get going, this book is a breeze. I can't tell you the philisophical doctrines nor their framework in several distinct points, but I can tell you this: the language, to one of average education, was a little hard to wrap my brain around, but what worked for me was just to set a pace and trudge through it without getting hung up on the one sentence that twisted my mind into a pretzel. After a few pages (maybe 10 or 15) I found that my brain was correcting for the nature of the wording, and for the rest of the book, I swear, I understood what was going on through the second treatise and the Letter, too.

After I got going, I was all highlighters and folded corners, but it had too many profound and simple statements to save them all in my head. If you're even vaguely political, this book will make points as absolutely applicable to today's world politics as it did to those of the bygone time. It applies from everything from the crazy long haired hippie communist democrats to the crazy power-mad Neocons, but it'll make you wish with all your heart that both ruling parties of American Government would give it a quick read over the recess.

Anyhow, I rate this work as 4 stars out of 5. Mostly that's because I have absolutely nothing to compare it against, and am therefore hesitant to give it 5 stars, because it's the first political philosophy I've ever read. But dammit, it seems like a pretty good one to me. Just don't let it scare you off, you don't need to be a genious to understand this. Let's even the playing field between us regular people and the academic jerks (love you guys, really, just making a point) that like to write reviews even Locke wouldn't understand :) This stuff is great, and it's great for even those who, like me, are only moderately intelligent readers.

John Locke (1632-1704) wrote "Second Treatise of Government" in 1690, it was the main political philosophical source that our "Founding Fathers" went to in writing the "Declaration of Independence" and in forming our government. I think you should know something of Locke to understand what influenced his thinking. His father was a small landowner, attorney, Puritan and his political sympathies were with the Cromwell Parliament. Like Hobbes, Locke attended Oxford Univ. and did not think much about the curriculum or his professors. Most of his education came from reading books in the Univ. library. Renee Descartes and Sir Isaac Newton's writings greatly influenced Locke. Like Hobbes, he took a tutoring job teaching the son of the 1st Earl of Shaftesbury, and traveled Europe. His friendship with the Earl was beneficial in obtaining government appointments. During the political unrest in England, (1679-83) he fled to Holland because his liberal notions put him at odds with the government.

Locke writes the "Second Treatise of Government" to justify the Revolt of 1688 and the ascension of William of Orange to the English throne. The book argues against two lines of absolutist ideas. The first is Sir Robert Filmer's "patriarchal theory of divine right of kings; secondly, Hobbes argument for the sovereign's absolute power in his book "Leviathan." Locke argues that government emanates from the people. Locke's treatise rests like other political writings on its interpretation of human nature. He sees our nature opposite the way Hobbes did, decent and not as selfish or competitive. Man is more inclined to join society through reason and not fear. Man prefers stability to change.

His very important contribution to "law of nature" theory was his bias toward individualism. In state of nature, before government, men were free independent, equal enjoying inalienable rights "chief among them being life, liberty, and property." Where have you read that before? Property rights receive much attention in this treatise. Locke argues that government based on consent of man can still preserve freedom independence and equality.

His political writing had immediate influence in the world and influenced our founding fathers in their struggle against tyranny. He is an excellent writer and his theories are easy to understand by the laymen. As a graduate student of political philosophy, I recommend if you have an interest in politics, philosophy, or government then you must read Locke's "Second Treatise of Government"

John Locke died nearly ninety years before the constitution was written. The likes of Jefferson and Hamilton referenced this book in their respective endeavors to frame our constitution and sunbsequent government.

John Locke did not "steal" his ideas from the constitution; his writings were the basis for many of Thomas Jefferson's ideas in the Declaration and subsequently influenced the American constitution. His treatise is a defining moment in political writings and a must read for anyone who is interested in history, politics or philosophy. This is a good book that covers his key writings.

John Taylor of Caroline was arguably the best farmer in Virginia during the first quarter of the nineteenth century, carrying out experiments and advocating scientific farming techinques. In addition, he was a sometime politician and constant cultural critic. Tyranny Unmasked argues that the moneyed class in the north and especially in the cities created conditions that would eventually destroy American freedom as conceptualized by Thomas Jefferson: the freedom created by the independent "yeoman farmer" beholden to no higher power for his livelihood. According to Taylor, the emerging finance-oriented capitalist economy developing during this period distorted the "pure" capitalism in which an unmanipulated market provided the best measure of price for goods offered by productive workers. In this work and others, and especially in his uncollected congressional speeches, Taylor rails against the "pecuniary aristocracy" of big financiers that he saw as having undue influence on American laws and policies.

The main caveat I refer to for potential readers has to do with Taylor's advocacy of slavery. Some commentators have justified this advocacy with the typical appeal that southern culture demanded that he support his region's beliefs. While the pressures of social and cultural acceptance were intense, even admirers of Taylor should be disturbed by his (as well as Jefferson's) promotion of a type of American freedom founded not only on denying African Americans any freedom at all but also on horrendous treatment that literally worked many slaves to death and made even those in less oppressive situations live in constant fear.

Taylor was truly a genius in critiqing the society in which he lived but he also supported the continuation of a monstrous blight on American life and identity.

John Taylor of Caroline is one of the most brilliant political philosophers that America has ever produced. This work in particular demonstrates a compelling critique of government interference in economic matters that also demonstrates Taylor's firm grasp of political economy. Above all, this book is an absolute joy to read.

Taylor's Tyranny UnMasked opened my eyes to the difference between where we have gone, and the course our nation's founders sought to follow. I never considered myself a conservative before reading it, and I still do not - today's conservatives are the descendents of the very radicals whose policies Taylor condemns. I do think of myself as the wiser and better for it.

John Taylor of Caroline's " Tyranny Unmasked" is a brilliant analysis of enonomic and political economy in the early 1820's. Taylor points out the injustice and folly of protective tariffs and their effects. He astutely shows how by " protecting" an industry from competition you effectively raise the price of the product and foster a government- business alliance destructive of liberty. He shows how financial interests use tariffs to unfairly gain advantage over other competitors and also how they
attain dominence over the representatives of the people through
their influence. Taylor recommends a Jeffersonian ideal of free trade, low taxes, and an abolition of protective tariffs. Overall a great Jeffersonian read.

Once upon a time, educated Americans could be presumed to be familiar with the writings of the Greeks and, especially, the Romans. This familiarity prepared them for republican citizenship in a way that today's smorgasbord approach to post-secondary education manifestly does not prepare contemporary Americans. Read _Tyranny Unmasked_ for evidence of the first of these assertions: John Taylor of Caroline, self-consciously provincial Virginia planter, foresaw the following 150 years' course in America with great clarity, and he lamented it the whole way. This is a great book by one of America's all-time great political thinkers.

Brilliantly new! An historical perspective that you don't get in history classes, and it explains and probes the present mess we are in. Also musical to read.

This is a very interesting book, particularly on the early restrictionists. It gave me a new perspective on why Americans restricted immigration in the early 20th century, and gave me historical insight into today's immigration policy crisis.

If you don't think 400 million people living in the US by the year 2050 are too many, then I guess you don't have to read this book. But if, like me, you are tired of gridlock, crowded everything, degraded schools, unpaid hospital bills, crime, etc., to say nothing of the loss of civic duty and responsibility, then Graham's book explains how we got here.

The last part of the book is expecially good at explaining how elites and vested interests keep the discussion of immigration control out of the public forum. Every poll says Americans want less immigration, but it never happens. Why?
Graham explains why.

Surprisingly, he also explains why 9/11 hasn't made that much difference in the immigration flow.. What is it going to take for the public's voice to be heard?
He discusses the entire issue very convincingly. This is a great book. If you read only one book on immigration, this should be it.

In Unguarded Gates Professor Graham provides a much needed corrective to what passes as the history of immigration restrictions from the 1880s to the present. Any suggestion in the current debate that perhaps the lifeboat of immigration is nearing capacity is sure to be greeted by a reminder that the Statue of Liberty stands as a permanent testament to our historic invitation to the world's "huddled masses yearning to be free."
In truth, in the view of the generation which placed the statue in New York harbor it was seen "as a symbol of America as a model to inspire other lovers of freedom," rather than some sort of illuminated welcome mat. It was not until the 1930s, Professor Graham informs us, that journalists and history text book writers began to link the statue not with liberty but with immigration.
Such distinctions are particularly relevant as the nation again comes to come to grip with the consequences of virtually unchecked immigration amidst emotionally laden charges that any suggestion to moderate the flow is akin to racist exclusion policies of the past. Indeed, the book shows that there was much more than racist exclusion to account for immigration limitations in the past and that the authors of the 1960s immigration reforms got much more than they bargained for on this account.
The book is a must read for anyone interested in where we came from, and, more importantly perhaps, where we are going as a nation of immigrants if the discussion is not properly addressed.

Professor Graham provides the reader with a master's class in American immigration history. Cutting cleanly through a lot of the emotional hokum that surrounds this volatile issue he presents American immigration history with an eye to debunking popular yet false myths that have cropped up over the last several decades. A must read !

Joan Veon was at first confused by the conflicting messages from the U.N. and its advocates. So she attended the Cairo Conference on over-population and began her education. Many conferences later, she has done her homework, gives professional quality analysis in a no-nonsense way, and exposes the United Nations for what it is -- a burgeoning One World Government. You can think yourself educated on this subject if you are not familiar with her work, but you are cheating yourself of hard-core information to not add it to your reading list.

If you are a Christian this is a must read. Joan M. Veon has had a hands on experience with the UN. She extensively goes deep into what are the real goals of the UN which are sugar-coated to the general public at the moment. With actual UN documentation, and very reliable info resources; Joan M. Veon presents without question that the main aim of the UN is a NWO One World Government. Get this one - prophecy students !!!!

Joan has done much better with first hand
info than phoneys like Cliff Kincaid and
Don McAlvey. I heard her first on Tom Val-
entine's fine Radio Free America show spe-
aking on this subject. I highly recommend
this work!

Very comprehensive book with a lot of documentation. An excellent book to have in your library, as well as "The Unseen Hand" by A. Ralph Epperson.

Joan Veon has been studying the internal workings and the politics of the United Nations for a great portion of her life. If there is anyone in the world that can be considered an expert on the U.N. she is it! She attends every UN-connected meeting in the world and she reports in-depth on all of them. Through her research it has been discovered that the United Nations is not the "good guys." As a matter of fact, when one reads about the UN and finds out the truth it becomes downright frightening.

Now, if anyone reviews this book (and any other anti-UN book) and calls it a "right wing nutcase conspiracy junkie" book you will know which side they are on. And it won't be the good side.