Current Events Books

Hakim Bey is a hero in his own post-heroic age. But forget about him and read the book, an inspirational instruction manual for reclaiming real meaning and community through creating events and situations outside of money-culture. Immediatism insists on privacy, even secrecy, lest it find itself touted as the next flavor of the week, hence the paradox inherent in the book's very publication. Maybe it'll change your life, maybe it'll confuse you, maybe it'll just keep you occupied on your next flight to Vegas, but "Immediatism" is a must for those of us looking for a way out.

if you've ever felt the impulse to rebel against society, not just in a political or formal way but in a truly volatile, existential way, bey is the writer for you. he does NOT advocate violence or murder, although he considers values with respect to these actions as relative as all other values. he exhorts us to bizarre, unconventional, 'abnormal' behavior and says explicitly that there is no real certainty as to the meaning of life, the purpose of being, etc, but does not draw pointless doom gloom conclusions from this as so many of those whiny french intellectuals did. on the contrary, he tells us to take joy in the life of the mind and the senses, and he does what very few revolutionaries even attempt:he launches an all out war on the media and it's primary evil medium, the television. he is in favor of the individual, or group of individuals, creating their own 'imaginal values' and wants to free us from the death grip of mental slavery imposed by authority of any kind, be it secular, religious, economic, etc. this is not quite as good as TAZ, but it comes damn close.

In the temporoary Autonimous Zone, Hakim Bey evoked a spirit of insurrection. In Immediatism, he gives ideas on just what to do with this wild spirit or "strange attractor" once it's flying around your kitchen.

Immediatism basically entails a return to an economy of the gift, or reciprocity rather than commodity. Bey suggests forming secret societies of "art terrorism" and quilting bees with a twist. The point is to keep your art away from the Spectacle. If THEY get ahold of you, you're (...).

This is not a political program for those who enjoy dry sessions of critcism/self criticism and "non-violent" resistance. It is about creating a new society "in the rotting shell of the old". It is for true radicals, not "reformers" or "progressives". Bey is as hostile toward leftist values as he is right wing morality. Immeidatism is about life, not theory. It is for those who wish to dance with Chaos.

Immediatism is inspirational and beautiful, but at the same time terrifying. Bey challenges everything we thought we knew about art, about community, and about life. A book you won't soon forget, no matter how you try!

A collection of relatively short essays all circling around a specific subject: immediatism, in both senses of the word; both as immediate, now and without mediation. It's a way of life that appeals to me, and likely to any other sensualists who find the stale repitition of pre-formed media dull.

You're likely able to enjoy this work with only one dictionary at your side, though of courseit does still give you a lot to think about, and even more to put into action. The style is easy and more readily accessible, the suggestions and manifestos are more likely to become realized in a smaller environment. It's become another book on my recommended reading list.

In Honor of America is a patriotic shot in the arm! This is a visually stunning book with heartfelt prose that reminded me how proud I am to be an American. Photos from the author's travels across the country show the geographic, cultural and ethnic diversity that has made America a melting pot for people from around the world. The landscapes are breathtaking and the historical trivia included in the captions makes it an interesting read.

I have this book out on my coffee table and everyone who looks at it finds something that captures his or her interest. The book says that half the proceeds go to a charity for children of fallen Marines and law enforcement officers which makes me doubly glad I bought it!

This book is really well done! It is a wonderful tribute to this
beautiful country and its people, pride and freedom. I especially like
the way the quotes and caption tell the story. It is a great gift for
someone that enjoys photography.

I think this book is one of the nicest photography books that I have seen in a long while. It is interesting the way the book has been categorized. I bought the book for myself and enjoyed it so much that I've already given it to a friend.

I really enjoyed paging through this must-have coffee table book. The images are thought-provoking and enhanced by the creative, sophisticated design. Von Hassell's multi-faceted experience as a German immigrant made me reflect upon my own heritage, and evoked a sense of gratitude in the opportunities our country offers.

Agostino von Hassell has captured America, it's poor, it's sick, its rich and famous, its soldiers, heroes and patriots in a modern day eclectic presentation of what America is in the early 21st century. This book is for all Americans to revel in its greatness, to appreciate its accomplishments, to understand its true fabric and way of life. This book belongs in every household, it's a wonderful way to reflect on what has passed and what is still to come in what makes this country great. I've read it to my kids so they understand the true meaning of being an American and what their country is all about. Highly recommended.

Jeff Riggenbach's thesis in this book is a pretty straightforward one: that libertarianism is the real legacy of the 1960s, and that periods of "decadence" (really, disrespect for traditional authorities) are the most creative and inventive in history.

He makes it stick, too. Oh, there are parts I'd have handled differently, and I wish he'd ridden a couple of _my_ favorite hobby horses (the influence of science fiction being one subject to which I wish he'd devoted more space). But I learned to live long ago with my disappointment that not everything will fit into one book.

And what _is_ in the book is pretty uniformly excellent. Riggenbach begins, for example, by locating libertarianism/anarchism in U.S. history, correctly naming e.g. Emerson, Thoreau, and some of their contemporaries as examples of this tradition. And he has a fine chapter on Ayn Rand that goes far toward explaining why hippies liked her so much better than she liked them. (He notes -- correctly, in my opinion -- that Rand never really got around to writing any serious philosophy. He treats her, though, as a brilliantly incisive essayist and polemicist, which I think is partly true but too kind by half.)

I could disagree with bits and pieces of it. (I think, for example, that Riggenbach tends to exaggerate the allegedly rightward turn Murray Rothbard took in later life.) But it's all very well done.

At any rate, Riggenbach supports his thesis well; libertarianism is indeed the hippie/counterculture legacy, at least in its political aspect. Be warned, though: since I so largely agreed with him before I read the book, I may not be a fair test of how persuasive he is.

Truly there is material in this book which will both delight and dismay folks from all over the political map. Mr. Riggenbach has an inaccurate reputation as a conservative, but he is really a staunch libertarian. Even libertarians will find chapters in Decadence that disappoint, or at least lack a good sense of taste! So be it, though. The chapters lead one into the other in an agreeable way, making the book hard to put down. Before starting it would be wise to bring the bowl of snacks, well stocked, to the table.

Everyone will find their "favorite" chapters or passages, even conservatives and liberals. Probably the best one has to do with big cities [chapter 16, "The Deaths and Lives of Great American Cities], as it shows how choice is king. Given a choice among cities which are favorable to modern growth, instead of cities which fight growth, people will largely choose the "favorable" as places to spend their lives. This is far different than what most urban planning advocates preach.

Almost as good, but likely more controversial, is chapter 7, "Neither Left nor Right," an argument for the 1960s producing libertarian adults in quantity. The common view is that the 1960s created a leftist generation. His argument is well reasoned, and would cause a lively discussion in any group. In any case, any 12 people will give 15 opinions on this book, making it worthwhile to read.

Jeff Riggenbach's In Praise of Decadence is a wonderful book.

Written in a style that combines Ayn Rand's clarity with Gore Vidal's turns-of-phrase and H. L. Mencken's acerbic wit, In Prasie of Decadence is both a compact introduction to libertarianism and anti-authoritarian cultural analysis. I can't think of any other libertarian book that could be better marketed to Gen-X and Millennial students.

Jeff Riggenbach's superb book, _In Praise of Decadence_, is many things: a historical exploration, an overview of the sixties and the Libertarian movement, a polemic for liberty, and a meditation on the nature of freedom and spontaneous order. Describing decadence as, at base, a desirable reawakening of individualism that flows from a breakdown in cultural authority, Jeff's discussion smoothly traverses the past and present, dropping gems of information along the way -- for example, the influence of anarchist William Godwin on one of America's Founding Fathers of liberty, Thomas Paine -- gems that serve both to inflame interest and to dash whatever simplistic preconceptions we might entertain about our philosophical heritage and the development of classical liberal thought.

In dissecting the popular notion of "decadence," JR points out that periods traditionally awarded this epithet were in fact characterized by extraordinary outpourings of creativity and technological accomplishments. (For example, the "Gay Nineties" saw the "invention of the airplane, the automobile, the motion picture, radio, and color photography, [and] also the discovery of mechanics and relativity which have revolutionized modern physics.")

What *was* in decline in the 1890s and 1920s, Jeff argues, was not productivity or creativity or the quality of life in general, but rather the "overall decline in the influence of authority *as such*."

Jeff then turns his acute eye on the "crisis of civility," where he finds that the attempts to legally address the issue of manners has had the unintended effect of supplanting civility with governmental rules of force -- in effect destroying the object of the cure.

In my opinion, JR's analysis of the demise of civility and its causes is masterful and thought-provoking -- and one my favorite pieces in the book. It's hard for me to imagine how anyone who believes that government is the cure for bad manners could come away it without a severely altered perception of that hypothesis.

Jeff concludes his book, far too soon for my taste, with a discussion of the current state of affairs in this country, arguing that the predominantly libertarian views of the sixties are still present in shaping society today.

Being an ethical egoist, I'm not one to sing praises of "social consciousness." But it's this that I've always felt Baby Boomers lacked. They spent their youth as drug-crazed hippies (Note: I think Riggenbach deals with this issue quite adequately, discarding it as a myth); then became straight-laced going into the 70s, and made scads of money through the 80s and 90s. They've always seemed driven by political apathy (to the extent that apathy is at all causative). Their general failure to vote has allowed the political seesaw to rock back and forth, from Johnson to Nixon/Ford to Carter to Reagan/Bush to Clinton to Bush again. If they really had the conviction they came across as having in the 60s, you'd think the U.S.'s highest political office would reflect a bit more the principles held by the body politic.

But if it's true that the Baby Boomers are essentially libertarian, then their non-participation in the political process appears to be more an act of civil disobedience than the residue of apathy. Not even civil disobedience: a sort of unilateral expression of laissez-faire. "We have better things to do with our precious lives than attempt to choose the 'lesser of two evils.' We'll pass, thanks." This, in part, is what I think Riggenbach means by "decedance": if so, I'll join the chorus.

If this is true, then perhaps baby boomers have more of a "social consciousness" than they seem at first glance. For in order to be socially conscious, one must first be conscious of one's individuality; second, of the individuality of others. What's society, if not oneself living in some relation to other individuals?

As a Generation-Xer, I was left with a surprising optimism. Baby Boomers, as they age into the "senior" tranche, will become the "voting generation." As such, perhaps THEY will become the motive behind a libertarian reform, making explicit the implicit libertarianism of their youth and middle age.

Codevilla knows this subject. Years spent as a working intelligence professional and more years teaching the subject. His thesis, that intelligence is an instrument of conflict, is the most important place to start in understanding this book. As its title suggests, Codevilla wants intelligence server purpose, and that purpose is statecraft. Elsewhere, he enumerates the challenges of statecraft itself. Here, he focuses on a special - and especially important - aspect of statecraft: intelligence.

Written before 9/11, Informing Statecraft makes hay from Cold War intelligence experiences. Consequently, the book does not address the complex issues and consequences of pre-9/11 intelligence matters or those matters associated with weapons of mass destruction intelligence Iraq. Those issues Codevilla deals with in other writings.

To begin, Codevilla does a fine job of organizing the disciplines of intelligence. Guiding the reader through the thicket of terms and arcana, Codevilla structures his discussion of collection, analysis and production, counterintelligence, and covert action to provide the reader the foundation for the critique of these disciplines, which follows.

With respect to the collection disciplines, Codevilla argues that nearly any fact can be of great importance - or of no importance - depending on the use to which an decision maker might put it. It is possible for a political leader or military commander to choose the right course of action with little (or in spite of) information. Whether a fact turns out to be useful or harmful depends on timeliness, volume, intelligibility and inherent relevance. The consequences of poor collection capability are profound: not having a spy in the enemy camp means never knowing for sure about what is being prepared for the future. Not having a spy means relying on observation, with all its invitations to self-deception.

Once in a while a fact - a picture, a message, an event - is so clearly important that its value is self-evident. In such cases, an intelligence service may transmit the fact to policymakers without analysis, and the policymakers will see its meaning clearly. But even in such clearly obvious cases the key is knowing the difference between facts that can be treated that way and those that cannot. Consequently, the act of screening information for relevance itself becomes an act of analysis. Codevilla observes that two nemeses lurk behind every analytical process. First, there is rarely enough data to draw an unchallengeable conclusion. Second, since the data concern human struggles, it is likely to have been biased precisely in order to deceive the analyst. Moreover, the analyst, being human, comes fully equipped with bias.

Codevilla argues persuasively that serious interest and serious mind are the real prerequisites for quality analysis, and these characteristics distinguish professionals from amateurs. The author quotes Plato in saying that only an expert thief can understand thievery. Knowledge of perverse practices, argues Plato, is necessary but not sufficient to understand perversion. Vulnerability to such perversities is most acute during periods of urgency and stress. This is because, with regard to dynamic events, the analyst is at his greatest disadvantage: The data is sketchiest, the opportunities for deception and self-deception are greatest, and the time is shortest. The analyst must rely solely on his knowledge of the character of the people he is observing under such circumstances.

With respect to the contemporary question of intelligence failure in the nature of surprise, Codevilla's thesis is simple and clear: intelligence has done all it can when it delivers the best possible report that the facts allow to the right person at the right time. Distinguishing such intelligence failures from failures standing from other sources, he notes that the real intelligence failure at Pearl Harbor was not one of intelligence at all. The collectors instantly analyzed, and even managed to deliver. But the high officials who received the product did not order action.

Two factors intervene to complicate the proper delivery of intelligence. First, the providers of intelligence are jealous of their sources and methods. Second, the various users of intelligence all realize that the power to state officially what foreign conditions are like is at the same time the power to determine military budgets and foreign policy.

Codevilla addresses the discipline of counterintelligence in a refreshingly mature and disciplined manner. He thinks of the discipline of counterintelligence primarily as a quality control function. While intelligence services must busy themselves with a host of things, a part of them must be constantly devoted to collecting and analyzing facts about other intelligence services - in short, doing counterintelligence. Counterintelligence is often confused with security, that is, merely with protecting secrets and protecting against subversion. Whereas the objective of security is to cut and prevent all contacts between hostiles and those who are to be protected the objective of counterintelligence is to engage hostile intelligence, control what it knows, and if possible control also what it does. As others have argued, Codevilla acknowledges counterintelligence is the queen on the intelligence chessboard: when one side loses the contest for quality control, its intelligence services become a net liability.

Codevilla urges a fresh understanding of covert action as a complement to contemporary statecraft. Secret relationships, he argues are a means of playing some members of a government against others, or of dealing with an entire body politic under false pretense. The commonplace view that covert action, which Codevilla calls "covered warfare," is the weapon par excellence of the weak states is true, he argues, but misleading. First, covert action works for the weak no insofar as they are weak, but insofar as they are smart. Second, it works even better for the strong than it does for the weak.

Having established a framework for his discussion, Codevilla turns to a critique of contemporary American intelligence.

As he was in previous publications, and has been in subsequent ones, the author is particularly hard on the CIA. Among all other nations, the United States struggles with the human intelligence discipline. This truth is born out in the historical facts of America's human intelligence institutions. The notion of the gentleman spy who steals into enemy territory to sow treachery and steal secrets has no basis at all in the history of the real Office of Strategic Services, the CIA's forerunner.

Today, he argues, real American spies, following the tradition of British intelligence, live by the rule that they themselves should neither masquerade as natives nor steal documents, but rather that they themselves should recruit and manage the people who do such things. Lacking technical, cultural, practical competence with respect to their targets, such spies will at best be ineffectual, at worst, liabilities. Writing before 9/11, Afghanistan, and Iraq, Codevilla offers a long and detailed critique focusing on pre-9/11 failures of US intelligence. He concludes that real intelligence reform will be extraordinarily difficult.

First, Congress is not well-positioned to shape intelligence. Congress lacks the required expertise, and the rule that members of the Senate Intelligence Committee may serve no more than eight years, and members of the House Intelligence Committee no more than six, helps to hold down expertise.

Second, it was before 9/11 and remains today extremely difficult to focus intelligence activities on the most important strategic challenges the country faces. True reform, Codevilla argues, does not consist of procedures, budgets, or of drawing bureaucratic "wiring diagrams" much less of bureaucratic vendettas. It consists of figuring out how the needs of the future differ from what the present bureaucracies deliver, and then acting dispassionately.

Third, Codevilla expresses concern over the quality of America's ability to attract and retain quality intelligence professionals. As with military for foreign service officers, intelligence professionals must be selected from among those intellectually qualified people who want to join the fray on their country's behalf. Commitment to the ends of one's country truly frees intelligence professionals to search for the most effective means. Moreover, intelligence is a people-intensive business. Good performance depends on an unusually wide variety of talents. Many of these talents are rare, and most are not of the sort that can be taught, especially by governments.

Reform is essential, concludes Codevilla. Even - or especially - in the post-9/11 world, this book is important. In the long run, he argues, governments get the intelligence they deserve. Whether in the post-9/11 world the American people are benefiting from their nation's recent and acute struggles with intelligence remains unclear - despite a dedicated and energetic effort at reform.

Yes, Informing Statecraft: Intelligence for a New Century is relentlessly critical of the blundering past performance of various administrations, e.g., "Note well that liberals in America, when in charge of government at any level, of university faculties, or of CIA directorates, take care to hire and award contracts to likeminded folk and to exclude others." P 231.

And, yes the aphorisms are authentic, fascinating, and call for radical reformation e.g., "Sound knowledge of a disorderly world, rather than faith in a trouble free, post-end-of-history `new world order,' will best fit nations to thrive in the twenty-first century." P 72. "There is never enough intelligence to guarantee instant success at no cost and never enough to overcome entrenched prejudice." P 213. "It is more important to define what any particular job, e.g., espionage, is to accomplish, how it is to be accomplished, and to hire the right kinds of people to do it, than it is to decide for which bureaucracy these people will work." P 293.

But the roots of this work lie deep in lessons that humankind desperately needs to understand now at the beginning of the new millennium: the mystery of foreign lands and the mystery of the language, culture, and people integral to them.
o Despite superficial signs of a uniform world culture (cassette recorders, jeans, soda pop, burgers, rock groups), Africans are becoming more African, Asians more Asian, Russians more Russian, etc. The often astonishingly good English spoken by young people from Moscow to Mecca - never mind the Indian subcontinent, where it is the lingua franca - has led many U.S. analysts to the disastrous conclusion that foreigners can be understood in terms of what they say in English. On the contrary, their English words are our symbols, to which they do not necessarily attach the same meaning or convictions we attach. P 239.
o The characteristics of the person sent to gather information often make the difference between information that is useful and information that is worse than useless. P 301.
o The network is most important. Closed terrorist cells in the Middle East are part of the semiopen entourages of terrorist chieftains who are part of overt Palestinian politics in which Arab governments take major parts. P 311.
o Among the most effective forms of propaganda is the propaganda of the deed-the sight of a corpse, and the feeling that one may be next. Nothing so cements a movement for the long run as martyrs, nor changes a government so definitively as killing its members or supporters. P 375.

After my first reading of Informing Statecraft, I read it at random, and find that no matter where I pick up the thread, it produces a comprehensively researched and unrivaled account of the intelligence industry. As always, Codevilla navigates the shoals of this information with great skill and dexterity.

Glad it's back in print! The best book on intelliegnce out there, a beautiful sythesis of general principles and historical examples. In particular, Codevilla has grasped James Jesus Angleton's seemingly simple insight -- that our enemies, as thinking, breathing human beings, may actually go out of their way to feed us false intelligence, so that we will believe things that aren't true -- which has been totally lost to CIA for almost 30 years. Instead, it has been replaced with a naive faith that CIA is simply too smart and professional to be fooled.
Codevilla, from years as a Senate intelligence staffer, knows otherwise, and he chronicles one blunder after another. The lesson: since few if any of Codevilla's proposals were implemented, when CIA says something does or doesn't exist, you should be very, very skeptical. CIA has secret intelligence right? They know things we don't, right? Wrong.

"It is not too gross an exaggeration that when considering any given threat, DIA will overestimate, CIA will underestimate, and INR will blame the U.S. for it." From his opening chapter and his distinction between static, dynamic, and technical facts, on through a brilliant summary of the post-war spy on page 103 and lengthy sections on how we've gotten it wrong, how we can get it right, and what is needed in the way of reform, I found this book worthy of study. An analyst and political staffer by nature, the strength of this book rests on the premise in the title: that intelligence should be about informing policy, not about collecting secrets for secrets' sake.

Admirably writeen, lucid prose, outstanding thought, this book would be the first book I would assign to anyone looking to understand the nature of intelligence.

It is interesting to note that Codevilla wrote two of the best introductions on "how to think" about two major subjects- about war in "War, Ends and Means" and "Statecraft". It is a crime that this book is out of print, and one should do everything in ones power to obtain a copy.

The only other book in the intelligence field that approaches this level of worth is "The New KGB, Engine of Societ Power", an older 1980's book by Robert Corson. All the other poor books on intelligence either take the character of "The Puzzle Palace" (which is stupid and an insider's pro-old boys network hack job) or one of Noam Chomsky's blithering semi-conspiracy theories. "Informing Statecraft" is the only type of really usefull intellectual companion to intelligence work in all existance.

This book is exactly what an intelligence book should be- an attack on the structural inadequacies of the United States intelligence community in the guise of a "how-to" book on how to run things correctly. Flipping through the book, one will wonder at the bales of common sensical yet brilliant realpolitik critiques involved in his analysis of what intelligence should be about.

Although it was originally published in 1990, this book was the most relevant I read during my tour of Iraq. I found many direct comparisons between the concepts mentioned by Mr. O'neil and the operations of the Iraqi insurgency. If you are interested in learning the inner workings of insurgency, or especially if you are delpoying to Iraq (in an MI capacity), you need to read this book.

This author does an outstanding job of organizing, synthesizing and conveying the essence of insurgency and terrorism. The one drawback to this book is that you will need to have a specialized understanding of the art and science of war. If you are a novice, buy the book and continue to do your research and professional reading. This book will become invaluable to you later and you will be grateful that you have it. Side bar... of course you might not agree with everything that this author says; thats ok, look past that and focus on the content of what he is trying to convey.
Of particular note, What I like about this book is that it is organized and fits nicely with the notion that there are "many" centers of gravity. for those that believe, like myself, that clausewitz had more than just a narrow defintion of how the principles of war were tied to more than just the political, then this book will become an excellent source reference for your continuing professional development as you explore the nuances and variables of the many types of strategies. All in all, this book is worth the effort.

Terry Tucker, Prof Military Studies/History
Senior Doctrine Developer, SANGMP

Since the conclusion of the cold war, insurgency and terrorism have become the primary means for the disenfranchised to demonstrate their global discontent. During the same time, however, the defense and intelligence communities have staunchly resisted adapting to new threats and recognizing the new players on the international stage.

Simply stated ..."Insurgency may be defined as a struggle between a nonruling group and the ruling authorities in which the nonruling group consciously uses political resources (e.g., organizational expertise, propaganda, and demonstrations) and violence to destroy, reformulate, or sustain the basis of legitimacy of one or more aspects of politics." P. 13. "Terrorism is a form of warfare in which violence is directed primarily against noncombants (usually unarmed civilians), rather than operational military and police forces or economic assets (public or private)." P. 24.

Dr. O'Neill's Insurgency & Terrorism: Inside Modern Revolutionary Warfare is one of the best volumes I've found that focuses on cause and effect, along with viable solutions as a whole.

Academicians and practitioners alike had long given insurgency and terrorism little attention, instead stressing studies on the military/defense industry's technical structure - particularly ignoring the waning of human assets.

So the lack of a comprehensive and up-to-date counterinsurgency program is hardly surprising. "A key point to be addressed when evaluating a counterinsurgency program is how well the government knows its enemy." P. 126.

This book presents the most important, current challenges facing counterinsurgency and anti-terrorism policy, addressing key issues and analyzing solutions within the perspective of collective expectations and role definitions for both civil and military players. "Experience and the experts suggest that the most effective way to deal with internal terrorism and small-scale urban guerrilla attacks against soldiers and policemen is to emphasize police work, good intelligence, and judicial sanctions ...Police and intelligence agencies are also the main instruments for combating transnational terrorism. In today's world the problem of transnational terrorism places a premium on international police cooperation and intelligence sharing ...Numerous cases suggest that the centerpiece of successful counter-guerrilla campaigns are small-unit operations - that is, sustained and aggressive patrols and ambushes in guerrilla-infested zones." Pp. 128 - 130.

In "Insurgency and Terrorism", Bard O'Neill has provided his audience (whether a fighting man or a student) with a framework through which to analyse insurgencies, past, present and future. O'Neill states that he believes that insurgencies are likely to remain a key level of conflict in the future. I agree with him. This is an important area and one which receives all too little attention, especially, in my experience, among the armed forces of the United States. Hopefully Dr O'Neill will redress the balance a little.

The book is split into 9 sections;

- Insurgency in the Contemporary World
- The Nature of Insurgency
- Insurgent Strategies
- The Environment
- Popular Support
- Organisation and Unity
- External Support
- Government Response
- Conclusions

In each case, O'Neill splits the areas up into smaller sub-sections for easy reference. He deals with different types of insurgent groups, different ways insurgents operate, the effects of terrain and outside support, the coverage is fairly comprehensive. He also, usefully, uses historical examples to illustrate his points.

As O'Neill himself points out, no framework for analysis can be infallible or perfect, but this is a pretty good start, whether you are in a counter-insurgency situation or in a seminar room. Good stuff. It should, of course, be supplemented with further reading (a bibliography would have been useful) but all in all this is an excellent piece of work in a field that has been somewhat neglected in recent times (it isn't fashionable in America at the best of times and many of the classic texts are now out of print).

A good piece of follow-up reading to this book (especially for a student) would be Ian Beckett's "Modern Insurgencies and Counter-Insurgencies".

This is an excellent framework for analysis, but you will need specialist information which is both current and validated before you can do much more than generalize in any given situation. Still, even this can be quite useful.
I came across this book while reading "Peace Operations in an Insurgency Environment", a paper written by Major Grootendorst for the CSC in 1997. In this paper he effectively uses the marketing management model of Kotler to combine the Mackinlay and Chapra theory of peace operations with O'Neill's insurgency model. Very nicely done. (I like Kotler - he seems to view business as war by other means!)
O'Neill's treatment is necessarily very narrow. Except in passing, his scope does not include pre-insurgency nor post-insurgency. I don't find this a deficiency with his work, but I do find it a deficiency with our thinking about insurgency. A common agreement among participants at the recent Disarmament, Demobilization, and Reintegration course sponsored by the Norwegian Defense Force in Oslo is that we need to move beyond the central focus on insurgency. Necessary as it is to "calm the waters", current process does not seem to solve the underlying structural problems which then rise to a boil every decade or so -- and in addition the initial societal disturbance creates generational shockwaves that take decades of sincere and costly efforts to reduce to a manageable level. While O'Neill's is the close examination of a particular facet of a problem, we cannot afford to be so parochial.
I strongly recommend this book. Much of what we have seen come to pass in Iraq was largely predictable, at least in broad brush strokes, based on competent consideration of his model. (I actually read the book in early 2002 and have reviewed it again just this month.) Just keep in mind the broader picture -- think outside the box. We seem to be doing the same things over and over again, only harder and faster; and then seem surprised when we get the same results -- only quicker. A clear prerequisite is being able to empathize (as opposed to sympathize) with the opponent, no matter how we feel about his actions.

this is a great book on a complicated subject. goes beyond the headlines, written by the people who make the headlines. you can't go wrong with chris cerf's brilliant iraq war reader. another great read by cerf is "the experts speak", a chapter of which is excerpted in the current book.

I was impressed by how well this book is balanced. Although the editorial comments are on the whole skewed to the left, there is very little editorializing in the book. Many of the articles are historical documents, speeches or other matters of public record, while most are opinion pieces excerpted from books or periodicals. The reader is left to himself to make a decision on the politics of the situation. Regardless of your politics, nobody will be able to read this book without better grasping the complexity of the Iraq situation.

I've purchased and read many books on Iraq since it's what I'm studying at grad school right now, and this book is among the best I've read. There are so many different points of view offered here ranging from Noam Chomsky, Ann Coulter, and everyone in between. Even though Coulter's horribly titled (and written) article "Why we hate them" is a testament to how horrible a person she is, it's good to know all sides of the debate.

As the title suggests, in this book you'll find opinion pieces, articles from government officials, and government documents. The editors do a wonderful job at compiling a vast amount of relevant information. This is a good place to start if you'd like to familiarize yourself with the conflict, but most pieces are short and do not provide in-depth analysis of the topic.

This book provides an interesting and insightful look at Iraq and The Middle East situation. I was especially impressed with the list of contributors, the exceptional writing and the different perspectives presented. A must read, once you start, you can't put this book down.

This book was an excellent read. Both sides of the current Iraq War issue are well represented, with excellent footnotes for factual claims. Easy to differentiate between opinion and information. Each piece is from 2 to 8 pages. If you are willing to hear both sides of the story, this book is for you. But beware, I believe that the vast majority who read this with an open mind will develop serious doubts about what America is doing. For those who started out with doubts, this will give you some well-referenced factual support for your doubts. Enjoy!

A must read book for this excellent new author. Totally an eye opener on how people in other countries live in fear every day of their lives and this war has been going on for years. Myself being naive about how palestinians are treated and how their lives are so different from our own secure world. Americans are so engrossed in their busy lives and we hear very little of what goes on there. The author totally cares about these people and is so compassionate interviewing them. I highly recommend this book.

Cathy Sultan's book is a must-read. Most Americans don't have the opportunity of knowing what is happening to Palestinians in Israel. We mainly hear what our government wants us to hear, about suicide bombers, not about the millions of innocent Palestinians who are living (and dying) in extremely oppressive circumstances. They too want peace. Cathy Sultan provides a well written and well documented glimpse into the pain, humiliation and struggles that Palestinians face on a daily basis. She interviews both Israelis and Palestinians, asks tough and probing questions, and gives us a very readable, informative, and engrossing book. I highly recommend it.

An absolute must read!!!
Cathy Sultan recalls the painful past of the Middle East through very specific research. She experienced first-hand the present daily struggles of its people and documented them through her travels there. She invites you to help visualize a peaceful and vibrant life for those who have little voice in government.

A definite must have!!!

After reading Cathy Sultan's book, one certainly appreciates the freedom that we so easily take for granted here in the United States. Her book was clearly written and very educational. I'm going to recommend my high school age children read it. The people she interviewed were presented in a caring and compassionate manner. The men, women and students interviewed in "Israeli and Palestinian Voices" were diverse and yet ordinary people. After reading this book, I have a far better understanding and appreciation for the issues facing the people in that region of the world.

First and foremost I firmly believe that Israel has a right to exist and to defend itself. The Jewish people have suffered an incredible amount of persecution over the centuries, culminating in the events of World War II. Had there been a nation firmly representing the Jewish people, then the Germans would not have been able to engage in their extermination tactics. However, that does not justify the deliberate acts of "ethnic cleansing" that the Israelis have carried out since the first days of the emergence of Israel. The actions of the terror organizations the Irgun and Stern Gang in raping and killing Arabs are well known, having been documented by Israeli historians.
In this book, the author interviews Palestinian and Israeli people of all political persuasions. On the Israeli side the spectrum is from those who believe that they have a biblical right to the exclusive use of all the land of Palestine to those who think the only solution is a dual Jewish-Arab state. The Palestinians interviewed tended to be more towards the moderate wing, there were few statements advocating anything along the line of the destruction of Israel.
What you do get out of the book is the understanding that it is Israeli state policy to keep the tightest possible clamps on the Palestinians. Among many other things concrete rubble is dumped in the Palestinian streets to make it difficult for them to travel, centuries old fruit trees are bulldozed down to make room for Israeli settlements, and tariffs collected on goods that go through the Palestinian territories bound for Israel are not paid to the Palestinians. It is also clear that this attempt to keep the Palestinian territories a vassal state of Israel cannot be continued indefinitely.
Another thing that is clear is that the Palestinian people were very tired of the corruption exhibited by the Fatah organization of Yassir Arafat. In reading through the interviews with the Palestinians, one can sense the forces that led to the Hamas victory in their elections. The Palestinians voted for a change, and in their minds, anything was better than what they had.
Sultan has succeeded in presenting both sides of this seemingly irreconcilable conflict in a free and candid manner. The Palestinians describe the actions of the Israelis in the forcible confiscation of Arab land that began back in the forties. The Israelis counter with their history of centuries of persecution and their casualties as a consequence of suicide bombings. One can only hope that at some point both sides will finally realize that past suffering does not justify the persecution of the present and somehow reach an understanding that will allow both to eventually know some form of peace.

As a new employment rep for people with disabilities, this guide does a great job of going over the basics of forming relationships with the job seeker as well as potential employers. I was impressed with the respectful language the authors used, as well. I know I will go back to it again and again.

Griffin, Hammis and Geary take on Customized Employment (CE) in a powerful and thought-provoking way in this new book that is destined to become a "must-read" for professionals assisting job-seekers with significant disabilities, as well as families and friends.

The authors examine the roots of CE and lay out strategies for providing support services in non-traditional ways that bring each individual's gifts and talents into the forefront of job development. Explanations for frequently asked questions are both well researched and insightful. Strategies that are critical to successful job development - the use of discovery, job analysis and negotiation - are identified and defined in user-friendly terms.

This book goes a step further in navigating the reader through the array of viable resources that are often overlooked and generally misunderstood by both providers and job seekers. G/H/G take a close look at the important role that Social Security Work Incentives play in enhancing employment opportunities, and they articulate the role that business must play in successful customized employment when careers, not just jobs, are the goal.

Debra Noel
Project Director, Start-Up/Florida
Agency for Persons with Disabilities
University of South Florida
The Florida Center for Inclusive Communities

A MUST for all people doing Job Development. A great resource and guide for staff. I especially appreciate the emphasis on being person centered. There are strategies and resources in the book that are great assets to a team in assisting a person to find the right job. It is easy to read and offers many ideas for people to implement as they explore career opportunities. Very complete and you can see how implementing the strategies will lead to success in assisting people with their career development.

Again, Griffin-Hammis sets the bar high. This book, which attempts to teach art step by step, starts with the expectation that individuals with disabilities want to and can be economically self-sufficient. Providing real examples of how the road to successful employment is full of twists and turns, the tools in this book will be helpful to all job developers. But more importantly, they address this subject within the context of everything else in a person's life not treating employment as something extra, but as a part of life. If you can't work with Cary, Dave or Tammara in person, this is the next best thing.

Once again Cary and Dave have reset the bar for best practice in supporting people with disbilities to gain economic power. Over the past few years supported employment has slipped back a bit and lost some credibility. This book will help all practitioners, educators, families to understand Customized Employment practice in a hands on nuts and bolts practical manner and get to the next level. This is a great tool for SE teams who are always on the road and have trouble with training. This book will also teach how to leverage many new funding sources!!!! Corey Smith Director of Employment Services Via of the Lehigh Valley PA

J. Blaine Lewis, Jr. was fired in 1989 from his post of Connecticut state lottery chief. This is the story of his ten year legal battle against the state in which we gain an insight into the politics of lottery management, the courage and integrity of a man in a David and Goliath scenario, and the failure of the legal system to provide justice. It is also a love story of a devoted wife, who in memorium, is driven to vindicate her husband. The message conveyed deserves national attention. What a great story for TV or the large screen.

This book is an inside look at the politics of state run funtions and the effects on honest employees. A must read book!

This book is the story of a man with principles, written by the wife who loved him to the end, and loves him still. It is the factual account of a man who was ordered to lie by his bosses and refused, and was then hounded out of his job by men more concerned with kickbacks than doing what was right. The author backs every word up with transcripts and documents-not a word of it is unsubstantiated. In this little book is a magnified look at the workings of government. Read it and weep.

What is it about Tina Lewis's "Justice Denied" that so fascinated me? I couldn't put it down. I had to know the outcome of a man's decision to remain true to himself and to tell the truth-no matter the consequences. Blaine Lewis was that man and he accepted the disastrous results of that decision. His principles, however, remained in tact. Blaine Lewis could live comfortably with himself. Tina Lewis's book lovingly chronicles his life and their lives during that period. Great and fascinating factual reading.

J. Blaine Lewis, Jr. was fired in 1989 from his post of Connecticut state lottery chief. This is the story of his ten year legal battle against the state in which we gain an insight into the politics of lottery management, the courage and integrity of a man in a David and Goliath scenario, and the failure of the legal system to provide justice. It is also a love story of a devoted wife, who in memorium, is driven to vindicate her husband. The message conveyed deserves national attention. What a great story for TV or the large screen.

The fact that Trotsky tried to devise a revolutionary strategy to cope with the issues aroused by the existence of a Popular Front government in 1930s France made this collection of short pieces and pamphlets to remain consistently out of fashion for the next 70 years, as Marxists tended more and more to make a fetish out of Liberal Bourgeois political forms. Therefore the relevance of this book, as a discussion of the shortcomings of said Bourgeois Democracy in terms of the overall sclerosis imposed by it on the Body Politic.

Paris, February 1934: tens of thousands of rightists attempted to overthrow the French government in a violent demonstration. The Radical government was soon replaced with a Bonapartist ruler. How could the powerful working class movement respond? The French Communist Party was moving to the "Peoples Front" alliance with the Socialists and the Radicals, in reflection of Stalin's search for alliances with one or other of the imperialist powers moving towards war to redivide the world. Together with the Socialists, the Stalinists politically disoriented the French workers. Six years on from the 1934 demonstrations, Hitler was able to crush France, and the fascist Petain ascended to power. "Leon Trotsky on France", a collection of writings from throughout those six years, brings the light of Marxism and the experience of the Russian Revolution to bear in showing the way for workers seeking a revolutionary way forward. As the 21st century takes us deeper into a situation like the 1930s -- economic depression, political volatility and instability, rapidly sharpening inter-imperialist rivalry, the rise of ultrarightist forces -- the lessons of the 1930s loom large. With each passing year, books like this one are becoming more relevant for workers and fighters for social justice.

More than a history text, this is a compelling day-by-day analysis of the great political developments in France during the 1930s depression-- and incisive arguments for what working class parties needed-- and failed -- to do to fight their way victoriously out of the crisis. The brutal economic depression and the crisis of capitalist political rule, the approaching world war, the fascist uprising in 1934, the rise of Bonapartist-police state regimes, the great workers strike wave of 1936, the stakes in organizing a workers militia, the political basis for alliances in working class struggles-- all are explained clearly and logically, with the aim of helping working people understand and organize to defend their interests.

Trotsky writes with the experience of a leader of the 1917 Russian Revolution and the early years of building an international communist workers movement. He was particularly familiar with the French workers movement from years in exile before 1917, and spent time in France in the 1930s after being expelled from the Soviet Union by Stalin and his henchmen-- this experience helping him give rich political detail to his writings.

Above all, the questions posed here do not belong just to the 1930s. The perspectives of the capitalists, the petty-bourgeoisie, the workers and the peasants, and the question of leadership of the working class, of the forging of a revolutionary party with a correct program and the confidence to act are issues for today and tomorrow. Trotsky's writings here are invaluable in helping understand and organize in today's world.

Best part of the book -- Part Two: A Program for the French Revolution. For anyone who has had to deal with trade union brass who caution that the union membership must be careful not to alienate the friendly wing of management, for anyone who has had to suffer through debates in parties such as Canada's New Democratic Party, this book helps straighten things out clearly. As Europe thrashed its way through the 1930s, socialist revolution or fascist victory was put on the agenda in country after country. Trotsky goes over all the key issues as they arose concretely in France: elections and picket lines, workers armed defense versus reliance on the middle class, the relationship of general strike to the fight for a revolutionary change in government, how to win over the farmers. He hammers away at the fact that while capitalism was degenerating before everyone's eyes, nothing was automatic, nothing would inevitably change for the better without conscious action and organization by the powerful French working class. He pointed out that he was fighting for the lives of French workers who went into the streets in strike waves, who occupied their workplaces, who fought the police and fascist gangs over and over throughout the decade. And went down to defeat. Difficult to read simply as a historical document since so many issues are of burning relevance today.

France in the 1930s was wracked by mass struggles by workers, fascist, monarchist and other right-wing conspiracies two futures: the future of war, Nazi occupation and the Petain regime that aped fascism, and a victory of workers and farmers like the one in Russia in 1917 and Cuba in 1960s. Battles went on that could have prevented World War two, prevented fascism in Spain, and more.
Trotsky's advice here is not just directed to analyzing the big questions, but also discussing how small groups of revolutionists were affected by these big events, how they could deepen their role in the mass struggle.
With war, and what some call a gathering world depression looming in front of working people around the world, the same questions before French workers in the 1930s are coming before workers, youth, farmers and others who want to fight today. We are fortunate to read these writings by Trotsky to fight to avoid a future of war and fascism.