Current Events Books

This is an excellent book on the history of Saudi Arabia, but not a staring place for the casual reader. Serious scholars should love it. Vassiliev provides a comprehensive account of the Saudi Royal family and their alliance with Wahhabi Islam, telling the story of how Saudi Arabia came to be established as a state in 1932. Anyone who has not had any prior exposure to Islam or Saudi Arabia had better start elsewhere, but if you are looking for details on Wahhabi Islam, the Bedouin, or the Saudis, Vassiliev will have many answers for you. In the latter half of the book he become somewhat dry and statistical, but overall this is a very solid presentation on the history of a very important, and little understood country.

If you want one authoritative work about Saudi Arabia and its history, this is the book that you should buy and read.
Vasiliev not only thoroughly documents the history of the kingdom since ancient times and through the rise of preaching radical Wahhabi Islam in 1745, he couples this puritan movement with the socioeconomic trends of the Arabian peninsula resultant of its unfriendly desert weather.
Even for readers familiar with the history of the region, the author makes striking remarks saying that people should understand the Saudi modern history as the function of a unique event in history. Saudis had the most archaic society on the face of earth at the time they received the biggest fortune ever.
Readers might be also surprised to learn that the ruling Saudi family is almost exclusively composed of the sons of the founder and their sons. Another surprising remark the author makes is that, even with the huge budget this kingdom manages, it still has no treasury department.
Not very surprising, however, is the typical third world behavior of Saudi rulers who squandered their suddenly generated fortunes either to buy political loyalties or for self luxury.
The reader might be amazed at how many chances the Saudis have missed to modernize their country and make use of their once unparalleled wealth. Instead, they protected anti-modernization fundamental groups on which the stay of the regime itself depended.

That's for the moment the best available book on Saudi Arabia. Exceptionally documented, it stages the history of the most mysterious country of the Middle East from the beginning of the eighteenth century until 1998, coping with the socio-economical backgroung of that ideology which is named "wahhabism". It reverses the usual order of analyse, deniyng "islam" to be the only cause of the current shape of Saudi Arabia. A great work.

The biggest fault in the book is the absence of maps and pictures. It is annoying to have to open an atlas in order to follow a campaign that is otherwise described in such detail. The section on the last decade and the conclusion are generally anemic and provide no great insights into what the future may hold. But if you want to gain some idea of how Saudi Arabia came to be, what tremendous obstacles were overcome (or what great opportunities were lost, depending on your point of view) this is the book to own.

P.A. Seslavin and Jana Gough did a superb job of translation.The English syntax is impeccable But the pricipal value of the book is its completeness: A masterly review of the literature, in my opinion more thorough than any previously compiled, supplemented by a bibliography and keyed reference notes is followed by an excellent summation of early Saudi history and the governance of the restorer of Saudi hegemony, Abdul Aziz ibn Abdur Rahman ibn Faisal al Saud,(the main object of my own study) and his sons. The great changes in the mores of the tribes in the decades following the discovery and development of the oil resources of Saudi Arabia is covered only piecemeal by other authors, but summarized very well here and the threats to the existence of the current regime are discussed in some detail. The reasons for Saudi dependence on US support are given, but there could not be a discussion the post 1998 revelations concerning radical clerics and their support of terrorism.
Only one minor error regarding the number and leadership of the two forces sent to Asir in 1921-22 came to light in my first reading of this monumental book.

Joseph speaks out for a lot of the military. It amazes me that we let all the expulsions go on. Every year our military is depleted from these expulsions. No one has proven that homosexuality divides cohesion in a military unit. Another example is Tracy Thorne.

Joseph Steffan gives us an interesting account of the military in general and the US Naval Academy in particular in the late 80s and early 90s. Mr. Steffan was selected for entry in the academy and flourished, reaching high leadership positions and gaining numerous honors. The first half or so reads much like the standard military academy novel. But something happens along the way. The author discovers he is a homosexual. Understanding his sexual orientation would end his career he tries to keep this quiet, telling only a handful of friends. Unfortunately, one of these friends outs him to authorities. At this point Steffan shines and the Academy tarnishes itself by being completely inflexible. As the investigation reaches its climax, a senior naval officer at the academy asks Mr. Steffan if he is gay mere weeks before he is to graduate. Feeling bound by the Academy's Honor Code, he tells the truth. Before you can say "youre out", Mr. Steffan is......well....out!

Steffan's treatment by the Academy leadership is truly sad. Here's a guy at the top of his class who honestly tells the powers that be he's unqualified to serve in the military. Instead of letting him leave with some dignity, the senior leadership changes his vital leadership grade from A to F, strips him of all midshipman rank and throws him into the street. Given his accomplishments and the fact he was weeks from completing coursework, he should have been allowed to graduate. I know service academies do allow students to graduate when they have become unfit to serve close to graduation time. They should have made an exception for this fine gentlemen.

Thats not to say I think he makes the case he should have been commissioned. I do not. His arguments for this fall flat. His main argument is that hes constrained by the same outmoded rules that used to keep out blacks and women. He doesnt tell the reader that these groups were integrated into the military after there was a need and society was ready. In the late 20th Century, there was no shortage of available servicemen that would have warranted allowing openly gay soldiers to serve with people not ready for them. Steffan accidentally reveals the problem with letting him serve when he notes in a post discharge visit to the Academy, many people treated him differently. Its likely this attitude would have caused him and the military terrible problems had he entered Naval service. Many of his other arguments to lift the gay ban also collapse under scrutiny. In particular, he couches these arguments in a way that he believes there is a right to serve in the military. There is no such thing. Go look in the Constitution for this right. It doesnt exist.

This is not to say open homosexuals shouldnt be allowed to ever serve. Some of the old arguments (security risk in particular)dont seem to be valid anymore. I also think its likely attitudes of those now serving may have changed enough to allow the Joe Steffans to serve. But I can say this much. I was in the military at the time Mr. Steffan was at the Academy. Those I served with would have major issues if forced to be in the same unit with this guy!

Another thing Id like to say in Steffan's favor that really doesnt fit above. While at the Academy, he tells us he became aware of other homosexual midshipmen. From reading the text I got the feeling some of Steffan's friends in the gay advocacy community pressured him to name names. He intentionally does not do this, noting this would likely ruin their lives. Kudos to Joseph Steffan for being a classy guy!

Perhaps its time to lift the gay service ban now. It definitely wasnt then!

I read this book (just finished) and wanted to review it while its fresh on my mind. I thought the book was very enlightning, to say the least and I really felt for joe steffan, they don't make guys like this anymore. Where he could very well have just kept his mouth shut, he chose to stand up for himself, I wish I had more of his courage and perseverance. Thanks to men and women like himself, this issue will keep being chipped away at and this book is a testament that good, honest people come in all types; straight, gay, black, white, short, tall and they need to be judged by their merits and work ethics whatever the job deems, thats what counts.

This book was, in short, incredible. I can't believe it's no longer in print. Steffan offers a very frank view of the Navy as seen by one who excels through it's ranks. I've often asked my grandfather (who was also in the Navy) to tell me what it was like. Most persons are very vague about the experiences of boot camp, etc. Steffan clears up the mystery with a very matter-of-fact tone. When the political issues that prevent his graduation come up in the story, I was right there with him, and livid that such injustices happen within the very institution we rely upon to maintain the freedoms offered to us within the US. One of the best aspects of this book is the clear, simple way in which he writes. Steffan is obviously not a slick story-teller and this makes his story ever the more believable and relevant to myself and my political views. This book addresses the very real nightmare of discrimination that is alive and well in our society, and negates our want to be complacent about the system and its injustices. If you can get ahold of this book, read it!

"Honor Bound: A Gay American Fights for the Right to Serve His Country," by Joseph Steffan, is the autobiography of a man who became one of the top midshipman at the United States Naval Academy, was discharged for homosexuality, and then fought the discharge in court. The book starts with Steffan's boyhood in rural Minnesota. The author covers a number of topics as his story unfolds: the trials of "Plebe (i.e. freshman) Year," his rise up the ranks to a key leadership position among the midshipmen, his coming to grips with his own sexual orientation, the harrowing discharge process, and his legal fight.

Steffan creates a vivid portrait of life at the Naval Academy, a truly remarkable institution. He looks at the traditions and language of the Academy, as well as at the process by which the Academy molds leaders. Another important theme of the book is Steffan's overcoming of his own internalized homophobia; he goes through a process of reeducating himself on the topic of homosexuality. The book also touches on events that were relevant to Steffan's situation: the "outing" of a high ranking Pentagon official, as well as the start of the Gulf War.

This is a well-written and very interesting memoir. Steffan's authorial voice is down-to-earth and reasonable. There are some really memorable sections to the book, such as his account of a submarine training cruise. A critical theme of the book is, as the title indicates, personal honor. Steffan pays tribute to some of the other military personnel who have challenged the U. S. military's policy of excluding gay people: Leonard Matlovich, Perry Watkins, Margarethe Cammermeyer, and others. "Honor Bound" is both a fine military memoir and an important "coming out" story. As companion texts I recommend James Webb's "A Sense of Honor" (a powerful novel, set during the Vietnam War, about midshipman at the Naval Academy) and Margarethe Cammermeyer's "Serving in Silence" (another memoir of a gay person who challenged the military).

Much as I love novels, there are times when short, pithy, engaging non-fiction is exactly what I feel like reading. And I am well aware that there are damned few writers in the world who can claim mastery of both forms. Chris Bohjalian is one such writer, and "Idyll Banter" is a wonderful little book that illuminates an artistic paradox: that the act of sharing what is personal and private somehow irises the experience open into deeply touching universality.

I have long admired Bohjalian's work--"Water Witches" and "Midwives" are among my favorite novels--and I recommend "Idyll Banter" unequivocably. His brief, concentrated accounts of births, deaths, weddings, dances, and dinners in a very small town engage the reader in ways not immediately apparent. I've never spent time in Lincoln, Vermont, but I feel that I know these people, somehow. It isn't a rich place, or a perfect one, but it is genuine, and it is beloved, and, in Bohjalian's deft hands, it comes alive: complex, unexpected, deeply rooted in history and advancing winningly into into the 21st century.

The best examples of this sort of book creates a sort of envy, a wistfulness, a longing to belong, however briefly, to the place described. Bohjalian manages to create the feelings that we, too, all of us, might have a welcome share in a fulfilling and happy life in this community. And if not to Lincoln, then encouraging us to look again at our own neighborhood and our own families with newly opened and appreciative eyes. Really well done. Really well-written.

It is a pleasure to read such an upbeat book..I'm ready to pack and move..I want to live the simple life too...

This is a delightful collection of short essays focusing on the community of Lincoln, Vermont, where Bohjalian lives with his family.

Readers from New England will recognize and appreciate the many typically New England elements that Bohjalian observes in his essays: the woes of septic tanks and mud seasons, the black flies, the sometimes contentious town meetings, the uncanny quiet and stillness after the first winter snow. But while Bohjalian writes very specifically about Lincoln, Vermont, introducing us to his neighbors, his church, his country store, his subject is really the larger one of community and what constitutes a good life. Bohjalian does not idealize small-town life; he is well aware of the economic realities of rural America and writes movingly, for example, about the disappearance of Vermont's dairy farms. Nevertheless, his abiding love and affection for his town and its inhabitants make Lincoln, Vermont-and towns like it-seem like the ideal place to live, work, and raise a family.

Although these are occasional pieces, written, Bohjalian notes, as a break from his regular work as a fiction writer, these are tightly crafted, acutely observed essays. There is never an excess word, but at the same time, the pace feels unhurried. Bohjalian manages to strike just the right balance between humor and poignancy. He is especially funny when writing about his limitations as a handyman. Other pieces, especially the essay about the destruction of Lincoln's library by flood and the elegies (for people as well as a cat and a horse), are genuinely moving. Because the pieces are short, interesting, and self-contained, this is the perfect collection for dipping into.

For most people, Chris Bohjalian is best known as a novelist with books such as THE BUFFALO SLODIER and MIDVIVES to his credit. The people of Lincoln, Vermont and the vicinity probably best know Bohjalian as a columnist for THE BURLINGTON FREE PRESS. Now readers outside of Vermont can read and appreciate his reflections in small town life in IDYLL BANTER, a collection of these columns.

Bohjalian is hardly the first person to leave a major city and find a different pace to life in a small town. He is also not the first writer to explore life in a small town. The essays do not include tried and true clichés but rather give an honest and refreshing look at life in general. Most of the essays are upbeat and thought provoking. Bohjalian is involved in each of them, yet the book is not about the author and his family. Rather the author and his family give perspective to Bohjalian's observations. Perhaps the most moving passages in the book can be found when he talks about the Church where he worships and the his reflections on the town cemetery

The book will appeal to a wide variety of readers, but it is my guess that people involved in teaching and public speaking will probably find the book useful. People involved in preaching and ministry will also find in the book excellent sermon and homily starters.

This book had me laughing out loud one moment, and sighing wistfully the next. The characters in it seemed so real -- probably because they are real! Anyway, I was very, very moved by the people in this strange and quirky little town. There are some touching and poignant stories in here -- and then some, like the one about the outhouse races, that are a scream.

It is difficult to overstate the brilliance of Ludwig von Mises' works. "Liberalism" is no exception, and is a great primer to tackle before reading more von Mises.

The most significant part of this book is probably chapter one, in which Mises discusses liberty, democracy and socialism. As anyone reading this review likely knows, Mises was a strict adherent of classical liberalism's emphasis on individual liberty and freedoms. He uses the United States' legislation of personal consumption of alcohol as an example of the dangers of centralized control over individual decisions. Mises is quick to admit that alcohol, cocaine and morphine are detrimental to our bodies; but by limiting consumption we embark on a slippery slope. How long until caffeine is restricted? Sex? The press?

By giving up on the principle of non-interference in personal matters, one allows for the possibility of the micro management of anything and everything down to the smallest detail. It is a frightening scenario that is being played out on the national stage by those in America who wish to legislate morality based on what they perceive to be "right." Mises would say that a government should exist only to guarantee basic human rights (liberty, the free flow of goods, property) and that to take them away is anathema to the principles of justice and liberty.

As the man himself puts it: "To give the majority the right to dictate to the minority what it is to think, to read, and to do is to put a stop to progress once and for all."

Ludwig von Mises was a great champion of individual freedom and limited government. Much of his work was devoted to showing the impracticality of socialist and interventionist schemes. However, his work wasn't entirely negative. In the 1920s, he published LIBERALISM, which was his positive statement of the case for individual freedom, or what was then called "liberalism" (which is to say, "classical" liberalism rather than "Teddy Kennedy" liberalism).

There is much that could be said about this book, so I'll just hit on a couple points. First, as Hans-Herman Hoppe notes, von Mises argues for the right of succession. If one portion of a country (even down to an entity that can function as a "separate administrative unit") wishes to secede, it should have the right to do so. Although Mises opposed anarchism, this position "logically" leads to anarchism. If "the state" is a voluntary organization that permits small groups to secede, then it isn't much of a state. Murray Rothbard drew upon this insight in making the case for anarcho-capitalism. (See POWER AND MARKET.) Second, von Mises rejects the natural law tradition of other liberal thinkers. His case for equality before the law is based on utilitarianism. Men are unequal, but this limited equality permits the division of labor and promotes social peace.

This book also provides a good introduction to von Mises' thought. A couple other introductory works by him for the beginner are THE ANTI-CAPITALIST MENTALITY and PLANNING FOR FREEDOM.

The audio version of this book makes an easy read even more accesible. Liberalism is hardly the most difficult book that Mises wrote. Yet it is well worthwhile, and the ability to listen to it fits with a busy schedule.

Mises wrote Liberalism in dark times. Depression and social unrest plagued Europe after the Great War. Fascists and Nazis were on the march in Italy, Germany, and Spain. Lenin and Stalin held Russia in an iron grip. It seemed that everyone was giving up on limited government and laissez faire. Mises understood that the future of civilization was at stake. Someone needed to revive the ideas of the enlightenment. Mises had already written lengthy books against inflation and socialism, but how many people outside of academia would read such long and sophisticated books? How could human reason prevail over the demagoguery of socialists and interventionists without a succinct statement of classical liberal arguments?

Liberalism is one of the most readable book that Mises wrote. It is concise and compelling. Mises makes a strong case for limited government in a mere 193 pages. The central message of this book is that capitalism is the only economic system that can deliver the prosperity and freedom that many of us take for granted in the West. Socialism leads inevitably to a rigid inefficient bureaucracy. Interventionism is a senseless, self defeating, absurd policy". Capitalism is the progressive system. Socialism is, in contrast, a reactionary system that would fail to feed the current population, were we to attempt to live under this system.

Given the length of this book, Mises does not explain his arguments as thoroughly, compared to Human Action or Socialism, an Economic and Sociological Analysis. Yet he does explain his main points, and these other books are long enough to deter many readers. For most people the detail of his other books is unnecessary, so reading Liberalism is a good way to economize on your time.

Times have changed. The fascists and Bolsheviks are long gone. Yet the ideas in this book remain relevant and important. There are still many people who reject the true liberalism of free markets in favor of welfare state liberalism. Also, socialism is not completely dead. Liberalism provides a means for people to understand the importance of liberty with relatively little effort. While the ideas in this book failed to turn interwar Europeans from socialism, it will surely contribute to the defense of liberty in the twenty-first century.

Mises wrote Liberalism in dark times. Depression and social unrest plagued Europe after the Great War. Fascists and Nazis were on the march in Italy, Germany, and Spain. Lenin and Stalin held Russia in an iron grip. It seemed that everyone was giving up on limited government and laissez faire. Mises understood that the future of civilization was at stake. Someone needed to revive the ideas of the enlightenment. Mises had already written lengthy books against inflation and socialism, but how many people outside of academia would read such long and sophisticated books? How could human reason prevail over the demagoguery of socialists and interventionists without a succinct statement of classical liberal arguments?

Liberalism is one of the most readable book that Mises wrote. It is concise and compelling. Mises makes a strong case for limited government in a mere 193 pages. The central message of this book is that capitalism is the only economic system that can deliver the prosperity and freedom that many of us take for granted in the West. Socialism leads inevitably to a rigid inefficient bureaucracy. Interventionism is a senseless, self defeating, absurd policy". Capitalism is the progressive system. Socialism is, in contrast, a reactionary system that would fail to feed the current population, were we to attempt to live under this system.

Given the length of this book, Mises does not explain his arguments as thoroughly, compared to Human Action or Socialism, an Economic and Sociological Analysis. Yet he does explain his main points, and these other books are long enough to deter many readers. For most people the detail of his other books is unnecessary, so reading Liberalism is a good way to economize on your time.

Times have changed. The fascists and Bolsheviks are long gone. Yet the ideas in this book remain relevant and important. There are still many people who reject the true liberalism of free markets in favor of welfare state liberalism. Also, socialism is not completely dead. Liberalism provides a means for people to understand the importance of liberty with relatively little effort. While the ideas in this book failed to turn interwar Europeans from socialism, it will surely contribute to the defense of liberty in the twenty-first century.

It's a shame that the liberalism von Mises espouses must be pre-classed as "classical," since the word "liberal" has come to mean precisely the opposite of what von Mises and his predecessors in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries meant by the word. In today's lexicon, his liberalism is closer to libertarianism, although I caution readers not to dismiss this book if they dismiss the political movement.

What von Mises intends to show in easy to read eloquent prose is that capitalism and democracy are natural complements to a free society. Betwixt the two, prosperity and freedom of choice have been maximized beyond all other systems, and the general well-being benefits all, even those on the lowest economic rung. This is not a comprehensive exegesis of economics that one will find in von Mises' "Human Action." Rather, it is a general survey of the dominant themes that are given their fuller voice in his more detailed analysis. Thus, this book is an excellent introduction to democratic economics in general and to capitalism in particular.

What makes the book particularly engaging is its polemical tone. It is not a polemic, but it never loses sight of its opponents, and frequently takes socialism and critics of capitalism to task for their anxiety over the merits of being free.

After a brief introduction that is thoroughly engaging, von Mises covers four broad themes: (1) The foundations of liberalism and its policies; (2) liberalism's economic policies; (3) implications of liberalism in foreign policy; and (4) how liberalism is manifested in the political process. It's in the last section that he deals with doctrinaire liberalism and why, short of necessary regulations, the market must be free if man is to be free. Von Mises is unapologetically extreme in his views, and those of us who have come to expect an interventionist economic system will see why a "well-regulated" market economy has shortcomings. Alas, however, von Mises does not address the circumstances surrounding deceit, fraud, and other malfeasance (which is the book's only shortcoming).

The "liberal" of today will also learn a great deal about himself. Von Mises explores the reasons for socialism's popularity and staying power, despite its predeliction towards despotism, totalitarianism, and ineptitude. Socialism has no rational basis for existence, but it does have a very strong psychological dynamic that von Mises admits (and frankly doesn't discuss enough in this book).

After reading this short volume, readers will likely want to investigate these ideas further. Von Mises was a prolific author, and tackles many issues in any number of his works. Certainly, "Socialism" and "Human Action" are two of his major works that may find interest. Furthermore, one of von Mises' pupils was Frederick Hayek, one of the preeminent thinkers of the twentieth century.

If you want a concise, short, and eloquent introduction to classical liberalism, I can think of no better book to serve this function. Eschew some of the latter-day libertarians, and read from the foundational author of our times.

A must read for any activists. Easy to understand and yet effective.

This is the how-to book I wish I had written. It's perfect for activists, charities, government agencies, even PTAs! No one can sell an idea or cause better than the person who believes in it--this book gives you the basics and more on how to get your campaign or event in the news.

The most difficult task for any activist or organization is getting noticed. With an influx of so many news agencies and mediums it's hard getting noticed by reporters and editors.

This book shows you how to make your cause 'interesting' to those who matter in getting your message across: the Media.

You'll learn how to do several things like give speeches, create an identity, use props & mascots and more.

Although it could have probablly included more in-depth detail and 'how-to' it was certainly worth the investment.

Bottom Line: Worthwhile addition for any activist or their organization. Invaluable for the person in charge of making causes and campaigns noticed!

Outstanding on all fronts. No jargon - all facts. Salzman shares his secrets and tells you how to figure out making your work into news. In this image-crazed age, this book is a must.

Gearing up a new issues education/activist organization, I read this invaluable tome. Then I called its author (Jason Salzman) to find proteges of his whom I might hire on the East Coast. After talking with him over a couple weeks, I hired him and have tremendously benefitted from his experience, wisdom and creativity. Not often we can hire the guy "who wrote the book." If you can't hire him yourself (try though), his book lays out the science and art of garnering media for you to tout your cause.

This book is a wonderfully engaging, well-written autobiography; it also brings vividly to life a crucially-important part of recent US social history. Charles Halpern worked at the heart of an era of progressive change in law and society that started in the 1960s, and he stayed creatively active even throughout the subsequent period of reaction--which arguably has lasted down to the present day.

But Halpern's autobiography goes further even than providing a vivid, personal chronicle of our recent past. It also gives readers a present-day model of and incitement to progressive change-making. It models change-making as an intensely creative and imaginative activity, as it charts Halpern's succession of activities as an architect and leader of Center for Law and Social Policy, the nation's first public interest law firm; then as the designer and first dean of the CUNY Law School, an educationally and socially innovative institution that focused on public interest law; and ultimately as head of the progressive Nathan Cummings foundation. The scope and sheer variety of Halpern's constant, ongoing innovation and institutional invention is fascinating and even breathtaking.

At the same time, Halpern writes of what informs and grounds this unusual creativity. His book is also an account of intellectual and spiritual growth, as Halpern experiments with and incorporates contemplative practice in his life--drawing on it to sustain and empower him in his public career. Halpern then feeds back personal discovery back into institutional creativity, as he sets up a series of programs devoted to transforming intellectual and professional practice in a wide variety of fields--in law schools, colleges, universities, and social movements.

Making Waves and Riding the Currents takes a life well-lived and transforms it into a book that will interest, involve, inform and inspire generations of readers.

I highly recommend this engaging memoir, which is an inspiration and fast read. Charles Halpern graduated from Harvard and Yale, and parlayed a legal career into the first public interest law firm and law school. Upon discovering meditation, Mr. Halpern, incorporated his practice into his life's work. As a result of Halpern's efforts, oil pipelines were put in Alaskan soil sustainably, DDT was banned, public interest lawyers found their needed education, and graduates started influential environmental groups such as EarthJustice. The ripple of Halpern's positive wave continues, and you can catch it by reading Making Waves and Riding the Currents.

No matter what your political persuasion or your profession, this book is a great source of wisdom and insight. Beyond a fascinating history of the birth of public interest law, Charlie Halpern provides a deeply personal and affirming account of how to pursue one's ideals in a way that is nurturing of our deeper selves and respectful of others. A key lesson of this book is that it is not just what you stand or fight for, but who you are and how you act as you do it. By cultivating an awareness that allows a deeper wisdom to emerge, Charlie points to ways we all can contribute to the world in a way that contributes to far greater tolerance and balance, without compromising our effectiveness. And in the process, we also become healthier and more loving and also create a world that reflects this.

Making Waves and Riding Currents is a book that everyone should read. No soft tale here but a journey not unlike rafting white waters. Charles sees the real and the ideal, the what "could be and is not yet", takes time to grasp the whole, sees the way and then takes it. He combines courage, a genuine interest in life and a willingness to "live and learn" both on a professional and personal level. This is a story of major entrepreneurial ventures that impact our own lives, created and co-created, experienced and shared in ways allowing every one involved to learn, use their experience, as well as to question and relinquish old patterns, recognize blocks and crack open into wider realms of understanding and living that center on Wisdom. This book documents changes in thinking that have make our society more humane and just. This is not your usual "lawyer" story. This is speaks to everyone's potential to develop wisdom, played out large, and saying: Come on, you can do it! I can't stop thinking about what one life can do.

From the beginning of this tale of Charles Halpern's remarkable accomplishments, it was obvious that he was an intelligent, effective individual with many skills. But competent doesn't necessarily mean wise. Fortunately for us readers, interwoven with the story of his doing is the story of his psychological/spiritual development -- the story of his growth in wisdom and the integration of that wisdom into his many activities.

Halpern had the courage to place himself in a wide variety of challenging, often uncomfortable, growth-fostering situations. Too many to recount here, they included a winter camping adventure in the Adirondacks, a week-long vision quest based on Native American traditions that included many hours in a sweat lodge, and a five-day mindfulness meditation retreat led by Vietnamese Zen Buddhist monk Thich Nhat Hanh. This last was a watershed event, about which Halpern wrote: "The experience of extended meditation practice...awakened my interest in exploring the connection between meditation and wisdom. Could I undertake to practice wisdom, living the wise life that would generate wise actions and decisions? Could this be a new way to approach activism, to start from the place of wisdom and compassion rather than the place of anger and insistence on legal rights?"

Meditation became a central focus in his life, and numerous retreats followed. To some extent facilitated by the Nathan Cummings Foundation of which he was now President, he met and got to know many of America and the world's foremost spiritual teachers. "Longtime meditators and respected teachers," he wrote, "gave me a new model for a way to be in the world--committed to serving others, cultivating wisdom, being open to changing themselves, and exposing their own vulnerability." Currently, Charles Halpern is Chair of The Center for Contemplative Mind and Society.

MAKING WAVES AND RIDING THE CURRENTS is a truly inspiring and uplifting book. It is the tale of a life marked by great accomplishment and developing wisdom, told with an engaging frankness about his own vulnerabilities by the man who has lived it.

I thought the Myths that Divide Us, was a very good book, and I learned things that I never knew. I had never even heard of the Rev. Sharpton situation until reading about it in this book or about John Thompson, thinking that it was racism that athlete's have to have a certain test score to play sports. Like, I said, I learned a lot from reading this book and I think other's would too, if they gave the book a chance, even if you don't agree. One good lesson, I got from the book is two wrongs don't make a right.

This was one of the most upsetting books I've ever read. There were chapters that moved me to tears. Truth can be bitter but it really does set you free. I learned more about Africa from Mr.Perazo's book than I did from 4 years of Black Studies in college. The majority of the book contends that race relations are as bad as they are because certain people profit by keeping us divided. It was a powerfull book and it left me with much to think about. It's not for kids but it ought to be a required text for college students.

This book is a welcome addition to the mountain of expository evidence, which depicts the cupidity and disingenuousness in which the civil rights industry is awash.

This book is surely one giant step toward the inevitable awakening of America. An awakening that will cause the entire world to condemn the narrow-mindedness and self-interest of all race hustlers, particularly the well known intellectual Lilliputians: Jesse Jackson and Al Sharpton. The author points out the double standards of the civil rights industry whose very existence depends on pointing out racism everywhere, even when it isn't there. Perazzo exposes the hypocites with well researched facts and statistics illustrated with anecdotes.

This book harmonizes with Jared Taylor's books: "The Real American Dilemma" and "Paved With Good Intentions" et al, as isolated voices become a chorus demanding truth and reason in discussions of race.

This book should be read by everyone concerned with the future of America.

This book should be read twice, twice by everyone in Academe and in the media.

This is an excellent book. In it, John Perazzo examines, chapter by chapter, some of the common myths and sociological fables that continue to separate parts of the US populace today. Perhaps his most valuable contribution is showing how so-called leaders such as Jackson and Sharpton have twisted reality to suit their own ends. To me, the most compelling and honest part of the book looked at the myth of race in the United States. US blacks are clearly the most privileged people on earth, yet vicious racists such as Kwesei Mfume, Jesse Jackson, Al Sharpton, and Carol Moseley-Brown continue to perpetuate groundless black grievance, hatred, and jealousy towards our larger society. This stands in direct contradiction to the tremendous achievements of many, many blacks, who are now predominantly members of the US middle-class. Perazzo correctly and explicitly points out (in Chapters 3 - 7) that a comparative handful of vicious racial hypocrites (Jackson, Sharpton, et al) distort and hinder (the "myths" in the title of the book) what ought to be an honest, helpful conversation on society in America today. As a black man, I feel privileged to live in the United States, and don't understand why anyone could possibly complain about how we've been treated here when we compare it to the horrid, brutal life common throughout Africa these days. Perazzo has authored an impressive appeal for us all to set aside the people who wish to gain by anger and bitterness, and he wants us all to work together for a common good. This is a great book - I'd highly recommend it. His extensive foot-noting and meticulous research make it a valuable text for those of us who want to help all Americans move forward peacefully and with our due intelligence. Buy it today at Amazon.com and pass it on to a friend.

"John Perazzo, must be some kind of a kook," I thought as I began to read. Why even attempt to write a book that would overturn everything that was general knowledge about race in America? However, far from being a kook Perazzo is an able writer that proves his points.
The Myths That Divide Us, if read by enough people might just unite us. The arguments, historical facts, and emotionally powerful story, lead to what should be an unavoidable conclusion to any reasonable mind, which is that the vast bulk of the racial divide in America is based on a series of lies generated by Americans that call themselves civil-rights leaders but are really just selfish unscrupulous people out to line their own pockets. This book is one of the very few books on social justice that can make a difference.

So mucy of what happened during the political development of Micronesia now come to light as a result of this well researched book. Until now, much of what transpired during the political status negotiations required tedious search in US government archives or the Library of Congress (if unclassified). Insightful!

Excellent and comprehensive review of US policy in Micronesia during a key period in its history. Fascinating insights into the relationships that influenced policy development. Thorough and scholarly research that should be a classic in years to come.

So much of what happened during the political development of Micronesia now come to light as a result of this well researched book. Until now, much of what transpired during the political status negotiations required tedious search in US government archives and the Library of Congress. That is if the documents were declassified. This book is insightful.

So much of what happened during the political development of Micronesia now come to light as a result of this well researched book. Until now, much of what transpired during the political status negotiations required tedious search in US government archives and the Library of Congress. That is if the documents were declassified. This book is insightful.

I speak as one who has lived in the Northern Mariana Islands for more than thirty years, and who had a role in the events (I was one of those who were interviewed) and who knew and worked with many of the central figures involved in them. Willens and Siemer have written a thoroughly researched and historically accurate work, and one which I enjoyed reading immensely -- as will anyone interested in this corner of the Pacific.

Here Chomsky compares and contrasts the responses of western governments (specifically, those of Clinton's USA and Blair's Britain) to two instances of "ethnic cleansing", both of which received extensive media attention at the end of the millennium. In Kosovo, there was NATO intervention, a 78-day bombing campaign, and a much-publicised war crimes tribunal; in East Timor, at the very most, a few regretful shakes of the head and perhaps the suspicion that we are not, as yet, quite living up to our high ideals of truth, justice and liberty. Chomsky collates some of the facts underlying this apparent irony and shows that, as usual, the paradox has a rather simple solution. For example: (1) The indictment against Milosevic confines itself largely to crimes committed after the bombing began; it seems logical to assume that (a) "ethnic cleansing" in Kosovo was not a major motivation for the bombing, and (b) any crimes committed before the bombing are not a major concern of our new generation of moral crusaders. Nevertheless, on the grounds that they sanctioned and participated in "ethnic cleansing", Milosevic and his cronies have been routinely portrayed as the worst enemies of human life and moral decency since Adolf Hitler. (2) The 1999 massacre in East Timor (much advertised in advance as the inevitable consequence if a referendum concerning independence from Indonesia should go the wrong way) was the latest episode in an extremely well-documented record of slaughter dating from the Indonesian invasion of 1975. All the atrocities, including the accession to power of the Indonesian leader Suharto in 1965, with its attendant third of a million casualties, were carried out with western backing and with US armament and training. The solution to that paradox, then, is obvious: the west has, as is traditional, no problem with genocide just so long as it's done by the right people. Chomsky is adept at drawing out the salient points (e.g. the timing of the Serbian war crimes indictment noted above) from voluminous and often skewed information; and, as befits a scientist, his sources of evidence are painstakingly documented. The focus on two contrasted sets of events throws the Standards of the West into sharp and unpleasant perspective.

Chomsky uses the NATO bombing of Milosevic as a framework for analyzing the direction of Western foreign policy, specifically in East Timor. While NATO (remember, not UN) forces were destroying non-military targets and infrastructure in the name of a "just cause", US sponsored paramilitaries were rampaging through E Timor slaughtering thousands. It is the awareness of this hypocrisy (as well as the well documented FACT that NATO bombing would worsen the humanitarian crisis it was designed to alleviate) that forms the framework for his analysis. With recent events in the world (easy to predict for those of us who actually know our own foreign policy, our history, and the history of the regions and people in question) Chomsky is one of the few, non PC, intellectuals who are willing to actually hold their own nation to the standards that we hold other nations to. Not surprisingly, CNN, Fox, and the other worthless entertainment disseminators masquerading as flag-waving "news" outlets refuse to cover the obvious issues raised by Chomsky (or Zinn, Fisk, Pilger, Nader, Roy, Herman, Said; the list is much to long to list). Oh well, its just the bodies and misery of the "evildoers" (read: Bush Daddy's old friends who no longer know their place) that are piling up in the name of corporate US hegemony. Also, beware of negative reviews like the one above (nothing wrong with negative reviews, but it woiuld be nice if they would at least attempt to deal with and refute Chomsky's thesis) that quote passages completely out of context.

This is scholar and public servant Noam Chomsky at his analytic best. The focus is "new internationalism where the brutal repression of whole ethnic groups will no longer be tolerated," as thunderingly stated by British Prime Minister Tony Blair. Never content with rhetoric, Chomsky examines the record of new internationalism for actual results, paticularly in test cases like East Timor, Kosovo, and NATO member Turkey with its repressed Kurdish population. The tone is sober, the style searching, the results depressing for a new millenium, demonstrating that more of the same old bloody double-standard wine is being served, this time in new rhetorical bottles. There's no need to editorialize on the professor's findings. They speak eloquently for themselves. Instead a salute is due him: his tireless ongoing pursuit of truth, pleasant or not, his refusal to bow down before the gods of government and media, his steady deep regard for the powerless and voiceless - all in modest, accessible fashion - recommend him as the conscience of the nation and the hope of a better America.

This is Chomsky at his continued best. His insight into and knowledge on American's involvement in Kosovo and East Timor is once again unparalled by other intellectuals. Chomsky is one of the most important assets to truth and knowledge ever to exist.

(...). I had always towed the party line about the evil Serbs and their misdeeds, but have changed my tune after reading this enlightening, if disturbing book. Some may accuse Chomsky of being an apologist for Serb atrocities, but it is clear after reading this text that all sides, most notably NATO, were engaged in quite troublesome behavior that cost many thousands of lives. I heard Bill O' Reilly dismiss Chomsky as a "revisionist," and it is sadly interesting that most critics of this and similar works simply stick a "communist", "liberal", or "revisionist" label on the author without ever addressing the points made within the work. If you are looking for a wealth of facts on deceitful and imperialist American policy in Serbia/Yugoslavia and Indonesia/East Timor, I doubt if a better source could be found.

The Newark Teacher Strike was an exhilarating book and it actually made me feel the
emotions that the teachers were going through. It astonished me to see that over 200
people were imprisoned due to this strike; although after reading further other actions
were more astounding. This book should be read by every teacher and soon-to-be
teacher to truly understand the command these teachers took upon themselves.
This book portrays the struggles of the teachers not only against the Board of
Education, but also against one another. There are powerful excerpts pertaining to
equality and differences. There is a lot to learn from this book, and some parts I found
so interesting that I actually read them again to make sure I was taking everything in.
This book transcends the ultimate message that no matter how difficult something may
be you should stand up for what you believe in.

Steve Golin takes great care as a historian to report the perspectives of the teachers who went on strike in 1970 and 1971 in his narrative "The Newark Teacher Strikes: Hopes on the Line." Emergent is the fact that what started the strikes is not what ended them and what teachers had begun fighting together for ended in their battling against each other because of their differences.

The first strike was almost inspiring. Teachers of different backgrounds banded together under the brotherhood of the union and fought for its say in decision making for schools. In his reporting, Golin uncovers the underpinnings of the teacher's tensions by the time of the second strike, which ended in nearly two hundred people arrested or placed in jail. Black, Jewish and Italian teachers were all seeking betterment for themselves and/or the quality of education, however, they grew to feel differently about the union. The ubiquitous issues of race, gender and class snuck up on the strikers. The equality of men and women as professionals in the workplace became a contributing factor to the increased tensions between teachers. Adding insult to injury were the pay differences between elementary and secondary teachers. Race, however, was one of the most powerful and destructive factors affecting the second strike. Golin also retells accounts of those sentenced to jail after the second strike and how their experience has changed their lives.
For the novice urban school teacher this book is an invaluable reality check revealing the extent to which our predecessors were willing to go to fighting for what they believe in. It made me question to what extent I would fight for what I believe in, should I be called upon to do so.

Steve Golin's The Newark Teacher Strikes is a thought provoking book which allows people from all walks of American life to get into the minds of the men and women who shaped the evolution of Newark Teacher's Union through the strikes that occurred. This book was not only about the efforts of Newark teachers trying to improve the educational system, but about teachers, men and women, "Blacks," Jews, and Italians alike, developing their own self identity and self importance in their career as educators in the public school system. Teachers tried to identify themselves as professionals yet were asked to join a Union which was typically organizations for non-professional.

The book also focuses on teachers in Newark in the midst of civil rights movements while trying to better the educational system for America's youth. In some cases, the changes the NTU desired were tied to the civil rights movement. Newark was a great example of how teacher unions developed during these times. The "Black" population grew from 11 percent in 1940 to 54 percent in 1970. Minority teachers were fighting for a place in society and for power and representation in governing, while at the same time working to improve education.

The concept of isolation is also addressed in this book: "Probably the worst thing in any strike is for the strikers to feel isolated." One of the biggest benefits of being part of a Union is the easing of the mind that a person is not alone in their feelings and thoughts. People can feed off each other's energy. People can listen to each other's stories and realize that they are not so different. Unions also validate the feelings and concerns in the minds of people.

Golin's approach to understanding the psychological aspect of people involved in the Union development in Newark was successful. Throughout the reading I found myself pondering the thoughts of the individuals who were brave enough in uncertain times to stand up for the principles of their convictions. Their thoughts and perspectives enlightened me. It made me prouder to be in education and realize that our work as educators is not yet done. Furthermore, I have concluded that our work does not have to take place just in our classrooms, but efforts outside the classroom in non-curricula arenas.

Brian R. Currie

Steve Gotlin's book, "The Newark Teacher Strikes, Hopes on the Line" explores the avenues and dilemmas placed on teachers within an urban school system. Fifty enticing and emotionally twisting teacher interviews touch all aspects of society. These enlightening dialogues pave the way for insights into the inner emotions and characteristics that create and symbolize a "teacher". The author delves into the many conflicts that arise between teachers and administration compounded by race, gender, class differences and other human characteristics that are prevalent within the once school district. Gotlin explores the feelings that churn up among educators during strikes and actions not only about higher wages or improved education for the students but also an instructors' concern for a say in the decision-making process. In the midst of two weeks of strikes, during 1970 and 1971, the Newark school system completely shut down and the consequences that filtered down to the children. Explore how all these quandaries were overcome within this astonishing book. With encapsulating scenarios and emotions running wild, I highly recommend this wonderful book to any person, teacher or non-teacher, to understand what teachers strive to accomplish everyday in school.

Steve Golin's "The Newark Teacher Strikes: Hopes on the Line" is an enthralling account of a paralyzing situation that landed close to two hundred teachers in jail. This book reveals the great effort of a Union trying to better the educational system in Newark, New Jersey in the early seventies. The author touches on issues that go deeper than politics, and teachers against administrators. He illuminates the great characteristics that the members of the Newark Teachers Union possessed. Golin uses interviews from over fifty teachers to capture the true reasoning behind the strikes - fighting for the rights of both teachers and students. The book reveals the humanity of the teachers in Newark. Struggling with an unfair monetary advantage for the teachers at the secondary level, those teachers fight to relinquish raises in order to equalize the pay scale for teachers at all levels. The ties that bind are delivered in an incredible account of an unwillingness to concede. I recommend this book to all who are in or interested in the education field as well as anyone who wants to learn about real life struggles and the uphill battles that the teachers in Newark would not give in to.