Current Events Books

George Perkovich has produced a seminal work on India's nuclear weapons program. He analyzes the political, economic, security issues that have contributed to India's decision-making regarding the bomb. George has correctly identified India as being caught in a dilemma for a long time over nuclear weapons testing. India also provides the only example of a nuclear weapons program that was openly debated in a democratic society. This debate (which ranked often very low on the priorities of successive prime ministers who correctly placed socio-economic development as a higher priority) has led to India shifting its position over time -- one from being the first proponent of the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty to opposing it due to is discriminatory nature today. It describes how India's opposition to nuclear weapons in the '50s which was perceived as being moralizing in the West, has now changed to embrace weapons since the nuclear Non Proliferation Treaty permanently endorsed the nuclear weapons status of the five declared nuclear powers without any comprehensive, binding time-table for destroying all nuclear weapons -- a position that India objects to as being discriminatory.

A must-read for anyone interested in nuclear weapons proliferation and arms control negotiations today.

Less to do with the bomb per se, but a scholarly history of the Indian nuclear program. This is a work that will be quoted again and again.

This is easily one of the best books I have read about my own country. Very informative.

Note to editorial Reviewers: India entered the nuclear club in May 1974 and not in May 1998 as suggested by some of your reviews.

Some highlights of the book.

* The term nuclear "haves" and "have-nots" was coined by Homi Bhabha initially and used by others and till date has been central to putting forth our country's opposition to NPT and CTBT.

* University of Chicago's late Prof. Chandrasekhar's refusal to head the Atomic Energy Commission (AEC) after the death of patriot Dr. Homi Bhabha.

* One of my disappointment is the author's avoidance in the discussion of the cause of the death of Dr. Homi Bhabha, even though such an incident is beyond the scope of this book. Since Bhabha provided the impetus and leadership during the nuclear program's infancy, I expected the author to throw some light on this issue.

* Vikram Sarabhai's hatred for Nuclear tests is news, especially since he was heading the Atomic Energy commision. As a spaceman it is surprising that he headed the organization in the first place.

* Indira Gandhi's refusal to allow more nuclear tests after 1974 stemmed from her abhorence for anything nuclear after her post-Pokhran I experiences. This is contrary to the popular belief - international pressure.

* Most sections of the book has an objective view of the Indian nuclear scenario except the last few chapters where the author seems to bend towards India signing the CTBT and the NPT. Or atleast implying that India's moral stand on nuclear issue was defeated after the May 98 tests.

* BJP (and its predecessor Jana Sangh) has been the only political party to openly campaign for Nuclear power.

It is time that India and Pakistan get the respect they deserve as nuclear powers. Why is it that France, Germany, Israel, the U.S., Russia, and South Africa (now supposedly non-nuclear) have been able to garner the respect that China, India and Pakistan are alluded by? Is it becuase they are not white Europeans? Nontheless, a well researched book.

As an Indian immensely proud of his country's accomplishments and having had to enter multiple debates with other non-Indians in May 1998, I gained a great amount from the book. It is immaculately researched and it seems that Perkovich has left no stone unturned. It goes into such depth and understanding of the Indian polity's psyche as previously unseen from a non-Indian author. Perkovich is not merely narrating a set of events which led to the testing but defending a theory that goes against current understandings of international relations and nuclear non-profileration by setting India as an example. I enjoyed every chapter of the book and hope that current policy makers in the field learn from it. A must read for every Indian interested it their country's policies and others making policy for the rest of the world.

Always a great read. Good Dog, Stay brought tears to my eyes. This collection of articles is very good. Parents and grandparents will love the comments about parenthood. Articles are short enough for a quick read from time to time.

i finished the book today. it has been a wonderful companion, all 288 pages of it. the book features 65 of quindlen's previously told tales, formerly featured in her new york times and newsweek columns during her journalism days.

i loved reading the book--and, starting with the least important reason on my list of important reasons i loved this book--her columns were all of similar lengths, retold in the book in about 4 pages each. because i have a limited attention span, and spend various amounts of time waiting in the car for kids and their activities to begin or end, the book is a perfect front seat companion--helping me make good use of the otherwise wasted waiting time.

i loved the book for lots of other reasons, too. i got to know more about an author i've come to treasure--and discovered a number of things that made me feel proud of her for being the things, and me, for liking her books. turns out quindlen is a catholic mom, feminist trailblazer, democratic idealist in the practical sense. she was the first woman more than a dozen times. she noticed the best, and wrote about it.

I am utterly amazed at how well Anne writes and is able to say the things that should be said. This book was so very thought provoking. Even if you don't agree with everything you certain will come away with a deeper meaning. Man, I wish I could write like she does!!!

As with all her other books of essays, Ms Quindlen doesn't sugarcoat her feelings--you know where she stands. And whether you agree with her take on a subject or not, she always provides opportunity for thought, some nuance or different angle you may not have considered. I enjoy packing the book in my tote or purse, so if I have to wait for an appointment or am grabbing a bite to eat by myself, I can read some Anna Q.

I am living proof that one need not agree with Anna on politics to enjoy her writing. As a Republican, I find myself at odds with just about every political stance she takes, but I so admire her style of writing that I want to read on to see how she is going to present her ideas, and I am never disappointed by that presentation. I recommend this book to all aspiring writers as a guide to the craft of essay writing.

This was a book that was difficult to put down. The plot is contemporary, clever and well thought out, the characters are interesting and well developed and I found myself wishing the book wouldn't end.

I look forward to Jeff's next book

This is a very interesting and very enjoyable book. Jeff proves that he knows a lot about his subjects, his characters are quite interesting, and his pacing is good. Techno-thrillers are my personal favorites, and "Perimeter" is a very good one.

I look forward to Jeff's next book, the one after that, the one after that, etc.

Put your seat-belt on because you're about to take a wild ride! Perimeter is chock-full of adventure with a dash of humour thrown in. Jeff Foster pairs hi-tech with the underworld of terrorism in an original plot that is both gut-wrenching and action packed. A great read for those who love Clancy and Le Carre.

As international action,intrigue thrillers go this one rates very high.It is a compelling read, keeping you on the edge wanting more as the story developes. Truly a book that once started is very hard to put down and definitely one you will be disappointed to finish.

Jack Abby and his partners from Macrotell are on a fast track to success. After years of hard work and the involvement of the biggest brains in the world of technology, they come up with a completely innovative system that can revolutionize the navy.

The so-called "Perimeter" would bring them money, good name, and new lucrative contracts with big and influential companies.

However, they are not the only ones that want to take advantage of the new technology. Members of international terrorist group want to intercept the powerful tool and use it in their skillfully planned attack. They don't hesitate to murder one of the Macrotell employees and steal the precious prototype of the Perimeter.

Trying to save the good name of their company, Jack and his partner Cliff decide to learn out who is behind it all and find themselves in the middle of a big international terrorist scheme.

The Perimeter. The Taking of the High Seas Explorer by Jeff Foster is a true page-turner. From the first pages on, the pace goes faster and faster. It keeps you wondering what will happen next.

What's very exciting about the novel is it's so convincing. In today's world nothing of what the author described sounds impossible or far-fetched.

Armchair Interviews says: The carefully sketched characters and the description of technological tools and programs make the book very believable. We would recommend the book to all action lovers.

I loved it. It's packed with explicit information on the tight relationship and revolving door between war profiteers and government officials--they're often one and the same--naming names and providing dollar amounts and sources of information. When you study this book, you will gain an understanding of what motivates the neocons to start wars. Money makes the world go around: you will learn a great deal about why the current US administration bombed Afghanistan, then Iraq, and now appears to be aimed at Iran. Why would anyone want never-ending war?

Hossein-zadeh points out that it is the industrial part of the military-industrial complex that is most problematic because it is driven by the profit motive.

I happen to disagree with Hossein-zadeh in that I think the oil transnationals also want wars in the Middle East. (He says these entities prefer stability.) This difference in views detracts nothing, however, from his analysis of the military-industrial aspect of these conflicts.

I'm a writer and use this book as a reference.

I hope it comes out in paperback so more people can afford it.

Ismael Hossein-Zadeh's The Political Economy of U.S. Militarism will greatly surprise readers who imagine that what lies between its covers is an abstruse economics argument or a rant against the war in Iraq. This accessible, lucid, and generously documented approach to the history of military engagement by the United States since World War II clearly is written with a mainstream audience in mind although its hardcover price of $80 is out of the average reader's ballpark. Hopefully libraries will pick up the title since every taxpayer deserves the chance to consider Hossein-Zadeh's thesis. In short, he demonstrates that although the economic gains of imperialism might have supported required military outlays for a period, there comes a time in every empire's life when further expansion no longer is cost-effective for the metropole and becomes a drain on the national economy. At this point, the war industry becomes "parasitic" as the dividends of empire fall more and more disproportionately into the laps of those associated with military efforts. Hossein-Zadeh considers the current period in U.S. history such a time.

Readers may have heard this claim before. But few if any will have met such a persuasive presentation of it. The book is extremely helpful in how it identifies and then dismantles what Hossein-Zadeh considers weak explanations for why the United States continues to engage in military intervention and expansion abroad. The first is the widespread theory among liberals that the neoconservative element of the U.S. political scene is attempting to take advantage of the absence of a comparable world power in order to spread American values and free market economics. The second is that George Bush is spearheading military adventurism as a result of the need to pose as a "war president" so as to mask the failings of his administration. The third is that America's Zionist lobbyists are championing the war on Iraq in order to shore up U.S. support of Israel. The fourth (and Hossein-Zadeh considers this the most widespread assumption of all) is that the United States is engaging, in the case of Iraq and other Middle Eastern adventures, in military action in order to better control the world's oil resources. Hossein-Zadeh acknowledges and discusses each of these theories, ultimately discarding them as the driving force behind continued U.S. military imperialism.

Instead, he suggests that the military imperialism we are witnessing today "can be seen largely as reflections of the metaphorical fights over allocation of the public finance at home, of a subtle or insidious strategy to redistribute national resources in favor of the wealthy, to cut public spending on socioeconomic infrastructures, and to reverse the New Deal reforms by expanding military spending." Survival of the working man and woman aside, also at stake is the question of which cabal of capitalists will come out on top--the neoliberal multilateralists who favor globalization--that is, the expansion of free markets throughout the world in order to make way for the products of multinationals largely unconnected with war, or the unilateralists, who tend to be linked to the military industry and to other industries that are not competitive in the international marketplace.

In addition to providing engaging economic explanations and political commentary such as those already mentioned, Hossein-Zadeh offers a number of other helpful analyses. He makes a distinction between the military bureaucracies of past empires--e.g., Rome--and America's present-day military industry, which reflects the imperatives of an advanced capitalist economy. Bearing in mind this distinction, he suggests, unlike many who see the United States as declining in the mode of Rome, that decline of the United States more likely would follow that of the British Empire. He points out that multilateralists have in no way been eliminated by unilateralists; rather, leading capitalist countries tend to experience alternating periods characterized by resurgence and diminution of the importance of these two poles. He also acknowledges the benefits of the military industry on an economy such as that of the United States. Finally, as an Iranian-American he offers a unique perspective in terms of political economy on the issue of religious fundamentalism and the fraught relations between the West and the Muslim world. Ismael Hossein-Zadeh's The Political Economy of U.S. Militarism is a fascinating text and one that deserves to be as accessible to the average pocketbook as it is to the average reader.

Professor Hossein-zadeh takes over where the late Seymour Melman left off, showing the absurdity & perils of military spending. Those of you familar with Melman, who was a professor of industrial engineering at Columbia University know that time & time again in his many books, he demonstrated how ludicrous defense spending had become through numerous examples. The money spent on "overkill", the cost overuns, the many uneeded military projects, expensive quality control problems coupled with system & hardware failures are just several he often reiterated.
Dr. Hossein-zadeh takes the subject a bit further & in a new direction. He is backed by irrefutable statistics, documents & history itself to prove his case against excessive & unwarrented military spending. All of it very comprehensible, even to someone with no background in economics & a minute knowledge post WW2 history. By reading this book, one can gain some insight into the modus operandi of the military-industrial complex & its the effect it has on the economy,political establishment & both domestic & foreign policy.

This book brings together lots of individual facts, statistics, and citations that those with a concern about US militarism who attentively follow current events and recent US history will have come upon in disparate locations.

The genius of the book is that it puts all of this information in one place and presents it in a coherent structure. It is also very clearly written. The citations and bibliography are useful starting points for those wishing to delve more deeply into the economic underpinnings of the military-industrial complex.

most comprehencive ,well documented,well researched book exposing the essence of our heartless government subserviant to the demands of giant corporations sacrificing the ones it is elected to protect.

The Publisher's Weekly does a dis-service to this book. Better read the review in the Jan 2005 Futurist (http://www.wfs.org/revsatinjf05.htm)
This book is an outstanding and insightful description of ways in which the left and right can think together about our society's, and the world's, enormous problems, and then begin to work to solve them. Much more useful than shooting at each other. Only by finding the common ground will it be possible to break through the morass we find ourselves in. Remember the advice to both right and left, "Put your hand on your knees--they're jerking!"

I like this book very much. It is a cry from the heart--from a very informed heart--and it captures much that needs to be understood. It is not, however, the first effort in this direction. This book was published in 2004. Paul Ray and Sherry Ruth Anderson published "The Cultural Creatives: How 50 Million People are Changing the World" in 2000, coincident with the appearance of Marianne Williamson's extraordinary edited work, "IMAGINE: What American Could be in the 21st Century." Ted Halstead and Michael Lind published "The Radical Center: The Future of American Politics," in 2001. In 2002 Ralph Nader capped off decades of activism along these lines with "Crashing the Party: How to Tell the Truth and Run for President." In 2003 we had Matthew Miller's "The 2% Solution: Fixing America's Problem in Ways Liberals and Conservatives Can Love." See my reviews of all of those, and my list on democracy, to appreciate this book by this author, in a larger context.

The most important meme to come out to me--an aggressive iconoclast if ever there was one--dealt with the importance of turning away from rebellion for the sake of rebellion, and focusing instead of being a player, on bringing corporations to the table as Paul Hawken and others suggest in "Natural Capitalism" (which the author cites).

Early messages from this book include: Ignore the noise including Moore and Franken; Creative borrowing from all points of view to achieve public policy; Radical middle provides concrete answers instead of platitudes; Work with corporations instead of attacking them blindly; Idealism without the illusions. Four on key values: maximize choices, fair start for all, maximize human potential, help the developing world. The author then gives us four sections, with the highlights listed below.

Maximizing choices:
1) Universal health care that is also preventive and integrative
2) Law reform--affordable, meaningful
3) End oil dependency--parallel energies, seven paths (conservation, renewables, fossil fuels, hydrogen, nuclear, biobased, and values-change path

Fair start
1) great teachers (overlooks two-parent family, serious games, total change to curriculum)
2) affirmative action with teeth, not just letting in black-skinned white minds
3) Job for everyone and a financial next egg as well

Maximize human potential
1) corporations we can be proud of
2) biotech with adult supervision
3) bring back the draft--for EVERYONE (one of the best pieces)

Help the developed world
1) Globalization with savvy and feeling (address poverty, raise standards)
2) Make the WTO transparent
3) Humanitarian intervention in time--no more genocides (great piece)
4) Tough on terrorism and causes of terrorism

Be a player not a rebel
1) professional schools, not radical groups, are our incubators now (compassionate MDs, holistic MBAs, visionary JDs,
2) stay informed
3) join groups that matter and push them to the middle
4) run for office
5) open up the political process (free media, tax credits, proportional representation, instant run-offs, non-partisan redistricting,

Just this morning, a friend in Seattle sent me an email about a new meme that goes beyond the split between "for profit" and "non-profit" to speak of "new profit." That is the distillation of what Paul Hawken and Herman Daly ("Ecological Economics") are trying to capture. The old concept of corporate profit loots the commons. The new concept of profit, what I call Communal Capitalism, others call it Capitalism 3.0 or Natural Capitalism, understands that true profit must be perpetual and distributed.

This author has a following and is part of the solution. I recommend all the books I listed above, and this one.

See also:
A Power Governments Cannot Suppress
Society's Breakthrough!: Releasing Essential Wisdom and Virtue in All the People
The Two Percent Solution: Fixing America's Problems in Ways Liberals and Conservatives Can Love
The Radical Center: The Future of American Politics
The Cultural Creatives: How 50 Million People Are Changing the World

This book is nothing more than 200 pages of smoke and mirrors.All Satin believes that is need to make the failed ideology of Socialism work is to pile on more government and programs and sock the cost to taxpayers.Of course,he doesn't use the word taxpayer,he uses the word government when he talks about who is going to foot the bill.You see,taxpayers are the problem,they've learned to look after themselves.Socialist's clients are those who buy into the concept that they can't or won't look after themselves and hand it over to the government to do it.
Satin has spent decades as a dyed- in- the- wool Leftist and now thinks he's seen the light.His ideas are far to the left of JFK
who believed that it was not the role of government to provide a person with a job but to provide the person with an opportunity to look after himself.Even he was a Liberal;then along came Johnson with his War on Poverty,and after spending 3 trillion dollars on it ;the end result was that even a larger percent of the people were living below the poverty line.What else would you expect from Socialism.
Satin's ideas about proportional representation have already been rejected by another reviewer and all I would like to add is that, it is being pushed for here in Canada;and these proposers are not even Liberals,but Socialists.
Search as you may,for some enlightenment in this book;you will not find ideas like,self-reliance,taking on responsibility,pride in accomplishment,etc.What you will find is a load of ideas like programs,entitlements,assistance,government creating jobs etc.
Figure a way to take care of yourself,and don't fall for the idea that you need these Socialists to do it.They haven't done it anywhere else and you'll be sadly mistaken if you believe they'll start in the USA.
Even the author has come to the point where he went back and learned a skill to better his lot.You don't see John Kerry ,the great caring Liberal giving away anything.And how about Teresa when talking to people gathering up clothes to send to recent hurricane victims---"Let them go naked"was her help.

One of Mark Satin's most engaging charactistics is his honesty about himself. I have followed him from his first newsletter to his first book "New Age Politics" to his current newsletter and the book by the same title ("The Radical Middle"). He clearly has morphed into something new, which comes through well to me in this book. His writing style is engaging and energetic; he has good documentation; he earnestly believes we need to create something new in our society to replace the extreme polarization we are currently experiencing. He is inclusive and optimistic, believing in each citizen to think independently. His writing is not "academic," but well-researched and well-cited. I highly recommend this book for anyone looking for even one glimmer of hope for us as a society with a positive and constructive future!

Edryce Reynolds
Tacoma, Washington

"Radical Middle" is several things: The title of Mark Satin's new book being reviewed here, the title of his newsletter, the title of his web site and the name of an exciting new political concept.

I have followed Mark Satin for a long time, having been a charter subscriber to his previous newsletter, "New Options" and to his current "Radical Middle" newsletter. And I have read two of his previous books in addition to "Radical Middle."

Because of occasional disagreements with some specific content from the current newsletter, I was ready to be skeptical of Mark's new book. But instead, I must admit that I am highly impressed. I believe the book does a thorough job of explaining the Radical Middle concept to readers, regardless of their background, political leanings, or even newsletter subscriber status. In each book chapter, Mark expanded upon past "Radical Middle" newsletter articles and included more nuances and detail, which help to flesh out and explain his positions better.

While there were still a few points where I winced, there were many more knowing smiles and nods. In fact, in some cases I found that my position was not that far away from Mark's after all, once I finally understood his position more fully. And even where there remain points of disagreement, I commend Mark for creating, thoroughly explaining and maintaining his voice and his ground.

I should also state that I had my wife read the education chapter. She is a former full-time teacher, and currently does some substitute teaching. She had not read any of Mark's past books, newsletters, web site, etc., so had a fresh perspective. And she loved the chapter, agreeing with Mark's central thesis that quality teachers are what great education is all about.

The resource lists at each chapter end are also very useful, and I recommend readers to pursue some them to follow up with your own investigations of issues. I am doing so.

Overall, I deeply respect how Mark has utilized all his varied life experiences in coming to a mature, organized synthesis of ideas.

And in our polarized times, the Radical Middle political concept is exactly what we need to grow from concept to full-fledged reality.

I'm not a fan of politics, and I really enjoyed this book! The part with the aliens was my favorite because it, like the rest of the book, took a serious political issue and made it into something more accessible to the average reader. I really enjoyed the way that the author turned even the most boring (or so I always thought) political issues and turned them into a fun, entertaining story that easily keeps your attention from beginning to end. I would highly recommend this book to anyone, most especially those who think that politics can't be interesting--give this book a chance to prove you wrong!

I thought this book was going to be about serious politics, and I was surprised to find out it's a lot more than that. I think the younger generations have no interest for what's going on with our government because it's so hard to understand. But this book simplifies everything so it's easy to understand, and also brings up issues that should be more of a priority to our people and our government. There is also a lot of humor throughout the book that makes you laugh out loud, well at least I did. Lastly, it's easy to read because it is in diary form, so if you have to put the book down for a little bit, it's easy to get back involved from where you left off. Great job Patricia Favaron - I hope to read more of your future writings!!

I enjoyed reading this book. The author's thoughts are conveyed in a simple way. Her ideas are seen from another perspective, our very own: a citizen willing to make many changes.I can relate to this great book, and Im sure many thoughts just like her's have crossed the reader's mind at some point or another.

Favarone's book really makes you think how complicated the government has become, and how simple life would be, if we, the american people paid more attention to what's going on around us. I really liked her ideas and found the book hard to put down.

This thought-provoking little book comes packed with big ideas presented in a kind of dreamy way. The details are obscured, but the big concepts punch through, as if through a mist, or in a half-awake dream.

If you're at all centrist, you'll draw back in horror at the possibilities presented by this scenario. Mao Tse Tung had nothing on this girl. It's a lesson in what could happen if we lose our freedom - if the checks & balances in our system are eliminated and we become centrally controlled. We could all become the faceless "Average Person".

If you're far left or right, you'll relish the thought of an enlightened dictatorship, like Singapore only better. One with leaders who are the smartest, wisest, and who's good & pure intentions are realized. After all, who cares about the "Average Person", when the best people can run things so well that everybody is content.

History won't really play out as depicted in the book for 2 reasons:
1) Power corrupts, and absolute power corrupts absolutely.
2) The "Average Person" is smart enough to screw up the best-laid and most well-intentioned plans (as economics shows us).
It could play out as a disaster though, rather than the utopian outcome presented.

A very scary book. Read it if you can!

Buy this book and change your outlook on Nam forever. If you ever valued the boy next door, your son , or daughter you will want this book as a bed side companion to re-read again and again. Each story is a man lost, a mother in pain, a comrade who mourns . It paints the picture that we will be reliving for the men of Afganistan/Irag times. The book will be relevent for time immortal. At,6'3 and 320 lbs of old warrior ,
this book took me back and immersed me into the turbulent past times of my life. To damn up my tears , it would have been like holding back a hurricane because of the imagery in this book . This book is well worth the price. I bought it and will continue to buy it again and again until all those I know have a copy. America should emerse itself in the books wisdom about ours soldiers and society. We need to learn to drop the idea that all we are told is the truth and scrutinize our leaders more closely. Thanks Ms Palmer for this great and timely book of truth. Herb, I knew you at Lackland, I hope you have found peace.

If you lost a loved one in Vietnam then you'll understand the poingnancy, intimacy, loss, and anguish of the writers of these letters found throughout the book. It brings out the grim and stark realization that behind every name on the Wall is a story as told by the families who suffered a loss. The most important thing though is the book is about remembering those men and women who served and paid the ultimate sacrifice.

Do I dare to give this book a less-than-glowing review? I am inclined to do so not because of the power and dignity of the people and the stories in the book--those speak for themselves. It was Palmer (the author) that bothered me. As I was reading the book, I could not help but feel that she was trying to manipulate me, tugging at heartstrings that needed no tug to be moved by these heartfelt stories. I felt a bit patronized by her. A good book (or movie, or whatever), if it moves me, should not make me feel the push; this one did, and it left me feeling the way people usually feel when they were pushed in a direction that they would have gone anyway--irritated.

Shrapnel In the Heart is a book to be read by everyone no matter what generation they were born in. Shrapnel In The Heart is a book that has letters and rememberances left behind at the Vietnam War Memorial. Some of the letters tell the story about the people behind the letter. The stories are sad, but the courage of the men and women is a true inspiration. The people written about in this book were extrememly young (18, 19, 20) and it seems like they died in vain. But through their letters that were left behind it is easy to see that these young men knew their duty and refused to shirk from it. These men and women are true heroes.

I read this book for a college history course and until now have thought very little about war, military, or world politics. Young people today rarely understand or realize what goes with becoming a soldier. This book gives real images of the devastation war brings from the people who lived through the tragedy of losing their loved ones. It opens our eyes to things we just shouldn't close our eyes on.

the supreme court is my life, i love it, i am doing a project oon the supreme court and i love it!i bought this cd-rom and i have not put it own since, my computer hasnt bee sut down in like 2 months, all it does is play this CD-ROM, 24 hours a day, 7 days a week! OH I LOVE THE SUPREME COURT, JUSTICE REQUEST IS SOOO FINE!!

Until Jerry Goldman created his innovative Oyez website, the experience of listening to an actual Supreme Court oral argument was available only to the lucky few hundred people who could secure a seat in the Court's formal courtroom (and to those who would travel to Washington, DC and listen to the tapes at the National Archives). Now that experience is available to anyone who has a reasonably good computer with speakers and a CD drive. Drawing on but also adding to material available on the groundbreaking Oyez site, Goldman has created a remarkable resource that makes history come alive. Litigators can listen, and learn from, some of the best appellate advocates in the country. Law students can also gain many lessons here in the craft of argument, as well as insights into some of the Court's most important decisions. This CD should be in the collection of everyone who is interested in the Supreme Court and how it functions. Especially impressive are the "highlights" links that take the listener to key exchanges between the Justices and the lawyers. Often these are points on which the decision turned. A must-have for any serious student of the Court and of appellate advocacy.

I am not a lawyer. My interest in the Supreme Court is that of an interested observer, who has particular interest in certain topics (such as Establishment Clause, Religious Freedom, etc). Even so, or perhaps especially so, I find Goldmans' product wonderful. It has everything that was missing from Peter Irons' audio series "May it Please The Court" (which wasn't much to begin with).

The Supreme Court hears oral arguments on cases, and these arguments have been recorded since the fifties. Goldman's CD contains the full audio arguments for a number of cases, and, for a few of them, also the public announcement of the decision on the case. Each case also includes a summary, which has a brief description of the facts of the case, the final decision, and final vote (which justices voted in the majority, which in the minority). That alone would make this a wonderful addition to anybody interested in the Bill of Rights or the Supreme Court. But this is not all that Goldman brings to the party.

Also included are the full text of the decisions of the cases included (Majority, concurring, and dissenting opinions), which were sorely missed in Peter Irons' book. Also, for each case, a photograph of the Court's justices is provided, with a halo effect identifying majority and minority. By clicking on a particular justice, you can hear a voice clip, to help you identify their voices when, during the arguments, they interrupt or ask questions. There is also a "highlights" option, whereby specific points in the argument are mentioned, with time index stamps, so you can listen only to those points (the presentation of the case, particular questions regarding certain issues and their replies, summary, etc). You can also use this as a sort of abbreviated program when listening to the entire arguments (which can run over 1 hour). As opposed to Peter Irons' _May it Please The Court_, there is no commentary on the arguments, which are presented completely unedited, and also no transcripts. Finally, if there are any cases which were argued or decided together with the one you are looking at, it is so noted and you can take a look at that one as well.

You can look at the cases sorted by name or by date, and also by broad topic ("Religious Freedom", "Commerce", "Sexual Discrimination", etc), by Justices sitting on the Court, or all together. The cases include some of the more important and controversial of the past 50 years: Roe v. Wade (abortion), Abington v. Schemp (school prayer), Nixon v. U.S. (executive power), New York Times v. U.S. (pentagon papers), Johnson v. Texas (flag burning), Bakke v. Regents (reverse discrimination), and many more among its more than 50 cases.

I have no complaints about the final product, and only a few wishes: I hope to see sequels, with more cases, available; although pretty close to my wish list of cases, a couple I would love are still missing (e.g. Edwards v. Aguillard). I would also have liked to be able to look at cases by author of the opinion, but this is such a minor thing that it is hardly worth mentioning. Transcripts of the arguments would be a nice addition. These are such minor quibbles, however, that they cannot mute your enjoyment of this wonderful program.

If you are a lawyer, or a student of the law, you will find this CD-ROM especially illuminating as it illuminates famous Sup. Ct. cases with the actual audio arguments and questions by the judges. The subsequent reasoning and decision of the Court is a lot clearer when viewed in the context of how the oral pleadings went. RealAudio compression allows dozens of hours of listenable audio to be burnt onto a single CD. Well worth it.

Jerry Goldman has brought forth a veritable treasure trove: full-length oral arguments from fifty landmark Supreme Court cases! Words really cannot describe what a remarkable resource SCGH is--the promise of Peter Irons's audio-tape series "May It Please the Court" is here brought to full fruition. Listen to all or only the most salient parts of an argument: nobody acts as a gatekeeper to the material. Hear the verbal inflections of the justices as they ask questions--nuances that do not come across on the written page. A separate image of the particular Court deciding the case is available, along with the opportunity to hear voice samples of each Justice, so to familiarize yourself with who is talking during arguments. A halo effect comes across the members of the majority when the word itself is clicked, and the same thing happens to members of the minority. All this, along with oral announcements of the opinions, biographical data on the justices, and text of the full opinions. That this is contained on one compact disc is mind-boggling; SCGH is essential for those with any interest in Constitutional Law.

I couldn't add anything else to the other comments; just buy it - you will not regret.

This book is truely well written. Hard to put down. If you have read: President Nixon, Final Days and Abuse of Power this book puts it all together. It is the AH! HA! you've been looking for. It will also make you curious about the Pentagon Papers. All these books are written from a historical perpective by well know historians. Not journalist looking for a quick buck.

If your goal is to understand the depth of Richard Nixon's involvement in the Watergate scandal, Stanley Kutler's `The Wars of Watergate' is the book for it. It's a great introduction to Watergate without that qualifying caveat, of course, but Kutler perches his narrative squarely on Nixon's shoulder. This book doesn't take extended side trips to the creation of the Plumbers, to that dirty trickster Donald Segretti, or the back desks in the Special Prosecutor's offices. The wars of Watergate, Kutler writes, are "rooted in the lifelong political personality of Richard Nixon," a personality that is marked by political paranoia, a determination to wreak vengeance on his enemies, and an overweening concern with winning his own elections. For those who dismiss Watergate as a third-rate burglary, or a vague `everyone else does it,' Kutler provides a substantial "discussion of the abuses of power that precede the burglary and the obstruction of justice that followed it."

Kutler sets the stage with brief chapters on the LBJ Administration, Vietnam, and a biographical sketch of Richard Nixon prior to the presidential election of 1968. We're taken closer to our subject with Kutler's next few chapters on Nixon's first term as president, where Nixon's relationship with the media (antagonistic,) and congress (disdainful,) as well as his executive style (obsessive micro-management) are surveyed. Providing as they do a context for the crimes of Richard Nixon, these prelude-to-war sections properly prepare us for the battles of Watergate.

An American constitutional historian, Stanley Kutler is well qualified to guide us through the battleground that was the second term of Richard Nixon. The war analogy is apt. For Nixon the Wars of Watergate officially begins with the immediate Administration response to the break-in at the DNC headquarters by the Watergate burglars. The first phase may be called "The War of the Burglars' Silence," a phase that is marked by Nixon's active participation in those acts that would lead to his resignation less that two years later.

One gets the strong impression that `The Wars of Watergate' is Kutler's response to future revisionist historians. The revisionist template was already being hammered out by Nixon, and others, when this book was published in 1990. If Kutler is forestalling an alternate interpretation, he does so with a well-coordinate, thoughtful, balanced, and overwhelmingly convincing presentation of facts. His interpretation - that Nixon was at the center of the Watergate cover-up from the beginning - is, with the evidence he provides to back it up, irrefutable.

Although `The Wars of Watergate' is not a complete history of the scandal, it's a good chunk of it - the heart of it, if you will. It would make a good introduction for the uninitiated. Even for Watergate wonks its expanded chapters on the Rodino chaired House Judiciary Committee, which considered impeachment, will provide fresh insights and a more complete story of an under-reported Watergate subject. This may not be the best single volume on Watergate, but if it isn't I haven't read its rival. Highest recommendation.

At least for those us who cut their political teeth during the 1960's and 1970's, Watergate and Vietnam were the watershed events. There was life before Watergate and Vietnam and life after. Stanley Kutler's work is one of the first to bring an historian's perspective to the Watergate story. As the saying goes, if you read one book about Watergate, this is the one.

Kutler is by no means neutral on Richard Nixon, but one of the unique things about Watergate was that Nixon's own taping system provided the record to hang himself. If nothing else the tapes proved Nixon was a habitual and flagrant liar. Kutler, whose regular job is as a professor at the University of Wisconsin, was drawn into a lifetime of work by his expertise on the sprawling scandal that was Watergate. His work has continued as he battled first Nixon, Nixon's estate, and then the National Archivists for full access to the White House tapes. Nixon kept up his lies and deception to his last days, with far more success than one would have hoped. In the long run, history's judgment of Nixon will be harsh and will start with Kutler's work.

Not just about Watergate, but a comprehensive look at RN's political career. The Watergate break-in came to symbolize the abuses of this imperial presidency. Excellent historical analysis. Comprehensive history not just at RN's presidency, but the evolution of the office during the Cold War. Thank goodness G. Gordon Liddy was such an incompetent stooge that the whole bag of "White House Horrors" came to light.

This book makes for interesting reading. Anyone who wants to know why there is so much dissension between muslims and other relighons should read this book. It provides insight into their beliefs, the war and many other issues.

One day at the school we were talking about different cultures and one of them was about the muslims. This book has been very helpful to me because it talks about reality. When I started to read I said oh common is this the book for which I payed ?? dollars, I say this because i don't remember how much I payed but when I started getting deep into it i realized that I had made a good investment. It's really helpful.

For anyone that loves to know another cultures this is the right book to start to know the muslims and why they do all of this. You'll find out

Human civilization has not always had a smooth path. We've had our share of natural disasters and self-inflicted wounds. As recently as the fifth century, we had a Dark Ages in Europe, in which reason was virtually repudiated in favor of tyranny. There was a threat of a repeat of that in the 1930s and 1940s in Europe. And there may be a similar threat at present.

Walid Shoebat, a former terrorist, shows, in this somewhat scary book, how serious the problem is. Quite a few people are being trained as destroyers of society. And if they succeed, that will be bad for virtually everyone.

What do the Islamic fundamentalists say? Well, they say whatever they please. And they come up with all sorts of demonizing propaganda against Western society. But to me, it all reads pretty much like a repeat of the refrain "we're going to slice and dice you." No, that's not a quote from Shoebat's book. But that's my summary of how I read Islamist propaganda. I'm a Pagan, not a Muslim, so that puts me on the wrong side of the slicing and dicing. But there really is no right side of that.

How does one reply to the Islamists? Well, there are plenty of ways. One can come up with a reasoned rebuttal. Or one can simply describe reality and warn that what goes around can come around. Or one can even answer insults with insults. But none of it does much good. We all need to value truth more in order to combat this threat to society. Right now, there's plenty of pressure on many Muslims to support the Islamists, and the main question seems to be how much support to give them. I think this book shows that we need to draw the line at demonizing untruths. I think agreeing with such lies, as a matter of course, as a matter of loyalty, as a matter of principle, as a matter of laziness, as a way to avoid trouble, whatever, is a giant leap over the line. That's what leads to the recruitment of terrorists, and we see the pattern of behavior described in detail in this book.

Shoebat makes a few specific points that I especially like. One of them deals with the "right of return." Arabs, Jews, and others lost their homes in the 1940s. What ought to be done about it? I basically agree with Shoebat's solution: nothing. No one should have a "right of return" to them. Not Arabs to the Levant and Israel, not Jews to Europe, Africa, Iraq, Yemen, and elsewhere, not Germans to Poland and the Czech Republic, not anyone. I would add that very few people who lost their homes in the 1940s are still alive. Oh, sure, people who lived in those homes are still alive. But most of those were kids, not owners. These kids never owned the homes, they never developed them, they never paid property taxes on them, and they may not ever have been the actual heirs to them.

Shoebat also discusses "reversalism," which is just one more way in which pro-tyranny thugs use words as weapons rather than as tools of communication. This is a way of simply making things up as one goes along, and it generally involves a fair amount of projection. Is one a big fan of the National Socialists? Then why not call the Jews National Socialists? Why not call liberation "occupation," why not call sorrow "joy," why not call victims "terrorists," and why not call the conspirators to terror "victims?" And we see plenty of examples of this process.

Is Islamist terror a problem for Muslims in general? You bet it is, just as National Socialism was a problem for Germans in general. And it is, of course, a problem for non-Muslims, just as National Socialism was a problem for non-Germans. One example Shoebat gives is a poll of Indonesian Muslims (Muslims are a big majority in Indonesia). "Sixteen percent of Indonesian Muslims (almost thirty million people) supported bombings, while a further twenty-five percent declined to offer an opinion." That impressed me: one would think that folks would know that suicide bombings are not doing anyone much good and that what goes around can come around. Shoebat says that a more recent survey showed that only ten per cent supported these bombings, but that is still eighteen million people. That's a problem for society. As Shoebat explains, that same survey showed that sixty-five percent of Indonesia's Muslims "do not believe that the September 11 attacks on the United States were carried out by Arabs!" That is a very big problem as far as I am concerned. This is a key untruth, and if it stands, I think it helps put civilization at serious risk.

What's the goal of the attacks on Israel? A new Arab state? No. As Shoebat tells us, it is the prosecution of jihad against the West. And what do some Western academics have to say about all this? Shoebat does mention that there is a problem here, and he quotes a few, including a couple who are at Columbia University. Yes, Columbia has a problem, but there are some other universities that probably ought make a more serious attempt to enforce academic standards.

What is to be done about the threats posed by radical Islam? Shoebat has some ideas, including removing the leaders and dismantling hate-filled mosques. He also favors presenting truth in the media and in academia.

I highly recommend this book.

Mr. Shoebat describes a frightening "death cult" that has emerged from Islam. A nice analogy I use is that the Jihadis are to Islam as the Inquisitors were to Christianity. There are ways to interpret religious texts in such a way to justify great cruelty in the service of human lust for power. Shoebat describes this phenomenon in Islam. What is scary is that most Islam in the Middle East is under the sway of these Jihadis, either to preserve the political order where loyalty and connections trump merit, or as a reaction to the speed of change in a modernizing world. Shoebat has converted to Christianity, so has a convert's zeal in seeing the flaws of his previous belief system. However, he details the abuse of women and non-Moslems, and the demonization of all who do not follow the path of whichever charismatic leader has killed his way to the top of the heap. To paraphrase him, evangelical Christians annoy you by wanting to change your head. Islamists want to cut off your head. There are other more scholarly works about the dysfunction in Islam, but Shoebat provides a raw insider's view that makes this danger very clear.

Finally, someone from the inside has been willing to share the truth in spite of death threats, including from his own family. I believe this is a book that everyone outside Islam should read, especially our elected officials that only want to talk peace or throw money at the problem. The war on terror is exactly like Mr. Shoebat listed it. This is a war against a form of Socialism that is to the extreme. I give him great credit, not only to his faith but to his courage in writing this book.