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Quirky biography by a geniusReview Date: 2000-06-06
Precisely the autobiography you would have expectedReview Date: 2002-01-28
Trollope writes not so much of his life (though he does touch upon the major events), as of his occupation. Although employed most of his adult life by the postal service, Trollope decided to engage in a second and parallel career as a writer. He is forthright about his motives: the satisfaction of writing, but also fame, financial reward, and social standing. Looking back on his career, Trollope is proud of a job well done. The oddity is that he seems quite as happy telling us about how much he sold each work for, and the financial dealings with his publishers, as he does about his books and characters. In fact, near the end of the book he gives a complete list of his novels and how much he managed to sell each one for (with very few exceptions, he preferred to sell the rights to a novel, rather than getting a percentage of sales). What emerges is a portrait of the novelist not as an artist so much as a dedicated, disciplined craftsman. He explicitly denigrates the value of genius and creativity in a novelist in favor of hard work and keeping to a schedule of writing.
The early sections of the book dealing with his childhood are fascinating. By all measures, Trollope had a bad childhood. His discussions of his father are full of pathos and sadness. What is especially shocking is the lack of credit he gives to his mother, who, in early middle age, realizing that her husband was a perpetual financial failure, decided to salvage the family's fortunes by becoming a novelist. He notes that while nursing several children dying from consumption, she wrote a huge succession of books, enabling the family to live a greatly improved mode of existence. Her achievement must strike an outside observer as an incredibly heroic undertaking. Trollope seems scarcely impressed.
Some of the more interesting parts of the book are his evaluation of the work of many of his contemporaries. History has not agreed completely with all of his assessments. For instance, he rates Thackery as the greatest novelist of his generation, and HENRY ESMOND as the greatest novel in the language. HENRY ESMOND is still somewhat read, but it hardly receives the kind of regard that Trollope heaped on it, and it is certainly not as highly regarded as VANITY FAIR. Trollope's remarks on George Eliot are, however, far closer to general opinion. His remarks concerning Dickens, are, however, bizarre. It is obvious that Trollope really dislikes him, even while grudgingly offering some compliments. Quite perceptively, Trollope remarks that Dickens's famous characters are not lifelike or human (anticipating E. M. Forster's assessment that Dickens's characters are "flat" rather than "round" like those of Tolstoy or Austen) and that Dickens's famous pathos is artificial and inhuman (anticipating Oscar Wilde's wonderful witticism that "It would take a man with a heart of stone to cry at the death of Little Nell"). Even the most avid fan of Dickens would admit that his characters, while enormously vivid and well drawn, are nonetheless a bit cartoonish, and that much of the pathos is a tad over the top. But Trollope goes on to attack Dickens's prose: "Of Dickens's style it is impossible to speak in praise. It is jerky, ungrammatical, and created by himself in defiance of rules . . . . To readers who have taught themselves to regard language, it must therefore be unpleasant." If one had not read Dickens, after reading Trollope on Dickens, one would wonder why anyone bothered to read him at all. One wonders if some of Trollope's problems with Dickens was professional jealousy. For whatever reason, he clearly believes that Dickens receives far more than his due.
Favorite moment: Trollope recounts being in a club working on the novel that turned into THE LAST CHRONICLE OF BARSET, when he overheard two clergymen discussing his novels, unaware that he was sitting near them. One of them complained of the continual reappearance of several characters in the Barsetshire series, in particular Mrs. Proudie. Trollope then introduces himself, apologizes for the reappearing Mrs. Proudie, and promises, "I will go home and kill her before the week is over." Which, he says, he proceeded to do.
If you've enjoyed any of Trollope's novels. . .Review Date: 1997-06-02
A Victorian lifeReview Date: 2005-03-11

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GREAT BOOK BETWEEN FODORS AND LETS GOReview Date: 2001-07-12
Great Guide for Twenty-somethingsReview Date: 2001-05-18
Information - 10, presentation - 5Review Date: 2000-10-03
A great book with attitude, and the knowledge to back it up.Review Date: 2000-03-14

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How to transform the worldReview Date: 2007-01-31
Very good, full of emotion.Review Date: 1998-11-10
When will it end?Review Date: 2002-04-05
For anyone touched by violenceReview Date: 2000-05-17


Guaranteed page turnerReview Date: 2004-05-04
A really good bookReview Date: 1999-07-06
A cheerful addition to a gold digger's collection.Review Date: 2001-05-04
Glen
This book is very helpful to the true hearted prospector.
Well told slice of depression life.Review Date: 1999-04-11

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Brilliant! Best Cop Book ever!Review Date: 2007-11-08
Great True Stories of Crime in Los Angeles and the LAPDReview Date: 2005-10-21
Each chapter of the book is labeled with an LAPD rank, from Policeman, to Sergeant, to Lieutenant, all the way to Commissioner(s). The stories in the first few chapters are the most absorbing, as they demonstrate actual, hands-on police work. Yet, it was also interesting to read of problems which confronted, and still confront, Los Angeles and its police force at higher levels. The book particularly presents a good picture of Chief Parker, who is responsible for cleaning up the vice and corruption that marked the pre-1950 LAPD and setting rules that made officers proud to serve.
A warning to 21st century readers: This book was written in 1958 with the stereotypes -- and the language -- common at the time. Some sentences might make you gasp: i.e., in describing race relations in Los Angeles, Webb writes that "It is a dozen collisions, the Oriental, the Mexican, the Indian, the Southerner (both Negro and white), the Easterner and the Westerner; intra-racial as well as one skin pitted against another of a different color." There are a lot of sentences like that, particularly in the later chapters, where Webb was trying to argue that the LAPD of the time was cognizant of ethnic tensions and attempted to ameliorate them. (As an unabashed LAPD booster, Webb marshals evidence to make his case that the department was addressing racism.) And, from a 21st century viewpoint, the LAPD war against bingo parlors seems terribly penny-ante, although perhaps justified by the "broken windows" theory.
But the heart of this book is the stories of crimes great and small, and the police officers who solved them. A must for those interested in true crime stories, Los Angeles history, and the LAPD.
The Badge, then and now.Review Date: 2006-09-22
I am now in the process of reading this book again, and am again amazed at Jack Webb's ability to write. He was so far ahead of his time, in his ability to tell a story back then that even now, his writing is beyond the typical codswample that is available today. Jack Webb was always so robotic in the way He acted, moving about like he had a two-by-four piece of lumber tied to his spine. His writing ability was another story.
I am once again amazed by this man's ability to write a story. Anyone who buys this book and reads it will NOT be disappointed. In fact, I would suggest that quite the opposite will be true.
GOOD READ FOR CRIME BUFFSReview Date: 2006-02-08

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El BarrioReview Date: 2005-12-06
El Barrio, a growing urban, Latino community is the foreground for Davila's examination of the politics of culture, urban space, gentrification of neighborhoods, and "the neoliberal policies that favor privatization and consumption" (p.2). Davila raises important questions in her work by focusing on the increasing attempts to create social change in urban communities through the introductions of new developments, businesses, museums, charter schools and tourist sites. In the chapters in her book, she devotes much time analyzing the complexities surrounding such gentrification issues, brining in to play the resistance of the local residents against developers. One particular impressive aspect of Davila's work, touches on the difficulties local residents face when they buy into the developer's ideas of programs that include home ownership and museums. Many residents agree that the image of Spanish Harlem as "poor, crime-ridden, and underdeveloped" sheds a negative light on their community (p.115). Developers, craftily pointing to the lack of value and marketability of Puerto Rican heritage or "Puerto Ricanness" reinforce the existing stereotyped image on El Barrio as unpopular (p.114).
Yet as Davila shows, the support of local residents of new projects can sometimes in fact lend a helping hand to the process of gentrification, resulting in residents jeopardizing their stake and claim in their own neighborhoods. In other words, "by supporting consumption and entertainment projects, such as museums and home-ownership programs, residents are furthering gentrification and increasing prices in East Harlem, thereby hindering their own future claims to the area" (p. 4). The Edison Project that Davila describes in her fourth chapter highlights the attempts of private organizations to claim stake in the urban communities of El Barrio, telling residents that "the project would educate residents about their own common heritage" while creating avenues "that would provide jobs and place the neighborhood on the map" (p. 129). But the price of these incentives was not free. Developers used culture as "the bait for a larger project for privatizing social services and further commodifying place in El Barrio" (p.129). Arlene Davila does an excellent job in bringing to light the complexities involved in the processes of gentrification and culture consumption and the desires of residents to reclaim their neighborhoods through highlighting their cultural values.
Another fascinating aspect of Davila's work touches on the issues of the relationships between the Puerto Rican residents of El Barrio and African Americans. Davila points out that both African Americans and Puerto Ricans share a common history, yet the introduction of a cultural space and the desire for "local control of resources" and "local electoral politics...has polarized the groups' relationship since the start of urban renewal projects and still mediates debates over space and development in the area" (p. 19). The advancement of African Americans in the political sphere is another point of tension between the two groups, as well as the dominant leadership roles of blacks in the urban development sectors. Additionally, Davila describes the tensions that exist between Puerto Ricans and Mexicans. The rapid growth of the Mexican population in El Barrio is causing the "rapid transformations in the area's demographics and landscapes" resulting in "tensions between Mexican and Puerto Rican populations, raced to their different histories, citizenship status, and/or self-conception as residents, racialized minorities, or temporary immigrants" (p. 21). While illuminating, the relationships and tensions that arise between the Puerto Ricans, African Americans and Mexicans alike can sometimes be messy. Their fight for control over space and their commonalities as minorities, whose culture is being commodified by developers and outside organizations, all tie in and relate to one another in a complex web of defining space and cultural values. As a results, the neighborhoods in which they all reside are slowly changing, reflecting the backdrops of multiculturalism, neoliberalism and globalization that form a common thread between the various issues and projects that Davila discusses in her work.
Barrio Dreams is an exceptional piece of work that illuminates the debates and issues surrounding the ever increasing urbanization and gentrification of one of New York's most well known neighborhoods. Arlene Davila is truly a genius at work!
Marketing as a Lethal WeaponReview Date: 2005-12-05
Culture, contrary to Dávila's belief that there was a time "when cultural demands commanded economic resources and political valence," (2) has almost always been advanced for economic reasons. Countries in the Arabian Gulf have attracted workers from all around the world to work in the oil and gas fields to an extent where now the citizen is a minority due to the influx of these workers-citizens of these countries have yet to object to the increasing number of workers. Surely when one's culture becomes the minority culture it will have a great impact on the shape it takes.
Dávila, author of Sponsored Identities: Culture, Politics in Puerto Rico and Latinos, Inc.: The Marketing and Making of a People, has done extensive study on the issue of politics in the marketing of the "Latin" identity. The use of "Latin" or "Latinidad" implies homogeneity-it is a remarkable how the author is sucked into this normative stereotypes constructed for categorization purposes. The author herself argues that the "Latin" community is not homogenous in any way, thus "these groups differ in mission and objective." (157) Hence we have El Barrio as an area where various groups are fighting for various ends-using the word "Latin" inevitably hinders our vision concerning the diversity of the "Latino" culture.
Nevertheless, it is not simply about homogeneity among the Puerto Ricans, Mexicans and Dominicans. It's about hierarchies within hierarchies; "the relations are mediated by existing racial and ethnic hierarchies that are shaped by racialist processes in the United States and in Latin America and also have particular manifestations that are historically and regionally situated" (171). Hence the "ethnic" groups are placed into hierarchies according to the basic social class and political participation in the United States, which finds El Barrio (in general) in the lower middle-class. But hierarchies exist within this hierarchy, which leads to the divide between the "Latino" groups. Their stance in this category revolves around several classifications such as devotion to work, crime rate, longevity in the community and other such ingredients. The "stereotypes of Mexicans as less educated or unsophisticated" (173) have been a catalyst for Mexicans to attempt to present themselves in a picture they believe suite their community most and thus they have considered themselves as "hard working, and ethical Mexicans" (173). But other than the competition between the "Latino" groups, in the one specific group there is a hierarchy. The example of Puerto Ricans "with a longer history in El Barrio, criticized Puerto Rican newcomers just as forcefully, despite their Puerto Rican nationality and pro-Puerto Rican leanings." (79) The complexity of these levels and allegiances causes conflict in the group, which ultimately leads to the dismantling of the "greater community"-the "Latin" one.
How does Dávila define culture? She states that culture is an "ethnic or racial identity" as well as an "object of entertainment." (10) Culture is almost always associated with tradition and history and it is ironic how modern means can reshape our concept of culture in addition to molding the minds of `outsiders' in regards to their perception of a community's culture. Culture is man-made and it is "imagined." It is interesting to note the use of Benedict Anderson's "imagined community" in Dávila's study of El Barrio. She throws it in on page 65 whilst talking about Puerto Ricans and their creation of their community. It is a shame that this notion of "imagined community" is not introduced earlier in her work. That is the foundational base of conflict in any society where various communities live and fight for elements of their own culture so as to proclaim its exclusivity to them.
But what is especially ironic is the fact that culture is not tangible and Dávila seems to miss a step between providing us with her definition of culture and the various problems that have taken shape in El Barrio due to gentrification, which ultimately means the exclusion of some communities-the exclusion from political representation in New York City is center to Dávila's study. She argues that the "Latin" communities are losing grip of the fate of El Barrio due to the lack or representation in organizations that decide the final outcome of El Barrio. Her argument is clear and impressive because of the depth of her research in the politics of representing a community; the author provides us with several examples of how tenants are defined by race and social class, and thus reshape the community.
Overall, the study is extremely interesting in seeing the impact of marketing and politics on culture and vice versa. El Barrio is not a unified force and culture-Dávila proclaims, "sure El Barrio continues to be "de todos." Which is obviously a partial todos." (96) The complexities that the author examines is impressive and brings to light the power of marketing and advertising that are politically motivated in a society. She is an anthropologist and it is a study that presents us with extensive examples and theories but leaves the door open, as anthropologists tend to observe and not interfere.
Davila Takes a Jab at Neoliberalism and GentrificationReview Date: 2005-11-10
In areas such as New York City, where property value only has the ability to grow with time, impoverished neighborhoods such as East Harlem are susceptible to development from outside private companies. Government policies have further contributed to the gentrification in the Empowerment Zone in NYC and have opened the door for private development. Davila states, "Since the 1980's, similar policies involving tax incentives to the private sector, as in today's EZs, have consistently replaced publicly financed community-based development strategies as the dominant urban development strategy (pg 9)." In compliance with the philosophies of neo-liberalism, governmental organizations have shifted the responsibility of social housing onto private development organizations, which are solely driven by profitability. Unfortunately, this has rapidly decreased the amount of affordable housing in East Harlem. Local businesses and residents have been displaced and neglected as a result of this rapid gentrification. "East Harlem's real estate is not advertised in El Diario or other Latino and local newspapers...many believe, (they) intend to keep Latinos out of the area (pg 54)," said one the area's residents. This process is a result of the lack of representation from Latinos and residents of the community. Even those Latinos from the area who have shown upward mobility have been consequently displaced outside of East Harlem and thus do not intend to return. Spanish Harlem symbolizes the romanticized version of Latino culture and will unlikely relinquish its reputation of being underprivileged. Roberto, a union leader Davila interviewed, describes why he can not live in El Barrio: "I saw a lot of brutality...El Barrio will always be El Barrio, not the Puerto Rican Barrio, but the barrio of immigrants and the poor (pg 38)." Roberto's comments shine light on the fact that this neighborhood is not able to develop without providing outlets for upward mobility and representation.
Part of reshaping the marginalized perception of El Barrio is being provided by activists in order to "secure the identity of (their) place (pg 24)." The current commercialization and outside marketing contradicts attempts and assertions that are being made to redefine the associations to the Latino identity. Many of the residents that reside in East Harlem are not a homogenous culture or ethnicity. Specifically, Puerto Ricans have struggled to assert their identity as a community in American society. As a group, they have attempted to downplay the stereotypes and negative associations that are being exaggerated by cultural marketers. In attempting to understand the own accurate identity, Puerto Ricans must be able to understand their significance in El Barrio. Puerto Ricans have been commonly linked with other ethnic groups such as African-Americans, who reside in West Harlem. Davila discusses the movement of Puerto Ricans to differentiate themselves as a functioning and successful ethnic group. Mexicans, who are the fastest growing immigrant population in the United States, experience similar struggles of re-signification in East Harlem. They have tried to establish themselves as "worthy and hard-working immigrants," and separate themselves from the marginalized reputation of other Latinos in the area (pg 156). Davila cites one man who commented, "We Mexicans are hard workers and don't depend on welfare as do Dominicans...many Mexicans are deported because they are illegal. Each month, Dominicans are deported because they've been jailed for selling drugs, committing robberies, crimes and fraud (pg 172)." The US depends on Mexicans to fill the lowest positions in the workforce - those jobs that require extensive manual labor for very little pay - but our government and policies prevent these immigrants from gaining rights and representation in their communities. The Mexican Day Parade was one example of a culturally-specific event that was marketed and organized by non-Mexicans for corporate interests. Davila emphasizes that the control of such cultural events by marketers who do not represent the Mexican community actually undermines the purpose of such ethnic celebrations. Further, she stated that the outrage of Mexicans in such situations "asserted ethnicity over industry and challenged the inequities in the production and consumption of ethnic events (pg 167)."
Artists have become catalysts for publicly marketing the real Latino identity with images that represent both the past and present. This initiative contradicts the growing commercialization of Latino culture geared toward economic gains in the EZ. The author adds, "Heritage is ancillary to tourism, put in the service viable tourist districts containing cultural, entertainment, dining, and recreational attractions (98)." The various cultural projects in East Harlem that would further allow the appropriate exposure of Latino heritage, such as el Museo del Barrio and the Edison Project, were centered around tourism, economic interests, and employment. This only furthered the process of gentrification in East Harlem. To inhibit this process, artists began to show an effort to represent Latino aspirations and dreams through non-profitable murals and graffiti. Their actions signify that ethnicity is more than just a business venture. Davila posits, "The fact is that current ethnic and cultural identifications are being concurrently fueled by a variety of political and commercial interests, and are thus not about to fade, as long as they are profitable, politically marketable, and viable (pg 214)." Thus, the need for further artistic expression of the actual Latino ethnicity is vital.
Through her book, Arlene Davila clearly represents the position and role of many Latinos in American society today. Neoliberal policies further prevent these groups from taking hold of their community and ethnicity, and allowing private companies to consolidate affordable housing. This book can only shine light on the rapid gentrification of all cities around the country. It is difficult not to think of the re-urbanization process going on in Durham over the last five years, and in doing so I hope those involved think of places like East Harlem. Many of the same efforts to improve the image are fueled by economic interests, however without considering the history and diversity of this culturally-rich city, the future of Downtown Durham will continue to be tainted.
Brilliant Scholarship!Review Date: 2004-07-15

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Good book for great cause.Review Date: 2003-06-14
Wild in the Streets!Review Date: 2002-09-07
Love and landscape photographyReview Date: 1999-01-20
An excellent collection of photography and text.Review Date: 1999-01-08


Excellent Topographic Relief Atlas!Review Date: 2001-12-03
The Benchmark atlas is the best I've seen.Review Date: 1998-12-12
A beautiful, easy-to-use topographic atlasReview Date: 1998-12-09
The most distinctive feature, though, is the topography. Color is keyed to altitude, and shading is also used to give a clear picture of the land's contours. Combined, they give a very detailed image of how the land will be shaped when you get where you're going.
For those interested in adventuring on California's back roads, the obvious comparison is with DeLorme's Southern California Atlas & Gazetteer, and its Northern California companion. I've used the DeLorme books for years, and have the following comments comparing the Benchmark atlas with them:
Pro: better ergonomics. The text fonts, road lines etc. are clearer in the Benchmark atlas. The "look and feel" makes it more of a pleasure to work with.
Pro: more discernable land contours (the new edition of the DeLorme books add some shading to help in the interpretation of the oft-confusing contour lines, which helps a lot, but it's still not as sharp as the Benchmark book. Note that I've seen this new contour shading in the Southern CA book, and haven't seen a new Northern CA book yet)
Pro: Seems to be more up-to-date (e.g. the Recreation Pages show a lot of the recent changes to the desert parks. The Benchmark book shows a new bypass through Barstow that isn't in the new DeLorme edition (confused the heck out of my group once))
Pro: All of California in one book!
Con: Not as detailed. There's a reason they can fit it all in one book: it's at twice the scale of the DeLorme's (1:300,000 instead of 1:150,000). Some small features, such as mine sites, aren't in the Benchmark book. I examined various regions I've visited, and most of the same dirt roads are in Benchmark book, but not as many of them are labeled. (In fairness, there's a corresponding "Pro", in that twice as much area is covered on a page, so there's less flipping around)
Con: Many park & base boundaries are not shown on the detailed maps. While the borders of some national parks are shown on the detailed maps, many of them only have a label in the middle, and you must turn to the less-detailed Recreation Maps section to get a sense of their borders. This can be frustrating when you're planning a drive in the region of an off-limits area like China Lake Naval Weapons Center. This shortcoming is the main reason I don't give it five stars -- I hope they correct it in future editions.
Con: No indication of land surface. The Benchmark book uses color exclusively for elevation; the forested Sierras look just like the mountains around Death Valley. DeLorme uses color to show levels of vegetation, etc. So, you can look at Desolation Wilderness near Lake Tahoe, and get a sense of which parts are forested and which are open granite.
So, which is better? I'd say it depends on what you want to do. If you mostly stick to the paved roads, and/or tend to supplement your atlas with more detailed maps (park service, forest service, USGS topos, etc.), and want something that gives a better sense of "the big picture" of what the land is doing, you might be happier with the Benchmark book. For a driving tour at highway speed, the detail of the DeLorme book is probably excessive -- you'll be flipping a lot of pages.
On the other hand, if you really want to get out on the dirt trails and find your own site in the backcountry, you'll appreciate the DeLorme's greater detail.
Personally, I like having as many different maps available as possible, so I'd say "Get Both". In particular, if you have an older edition of the DeLorme book, and are thinking about upgrading to the newer edition with contour shading, you might want to consider keeping your old one, and getting the Benchmark book instead.
What A Relief [Map]Review Date: 2001-07-25

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Brilliant portrait of a complex man, vol. 1Review Date: 2004-01-27
Cairns has done what is extremely difficult: he has created an easy-to-read, engaging, yet methodical and thorough modern biography in English of a composer who was born 200 years ago and whose paper trail was written entirely in French. The book has good humor but is not fawning or hagiographic.
A little note (pun intended): this is about Berlioz the man, and not about Berlioz as an ethnomusicologist's project. In other words, this is the study of a young man and how he came to know and create music, but not about that music per se.
Bonne lecture!
A Passionate ManReview Date: 2000-04-25
Great ScholarReview Date: 2001-09-20
Incredible.Review Date: 2000-05-14

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machinic desireReview Date: 2001-02-09
Art and expression "beyond reason" ...Review Date: 1999-10-15
Art as a provocative view into the human mindReview Date: 2000-08-07
More than just an art exhibit, "Beyond Reason" represented a provocative view into the inner workings on the human mind. (This is especially meaningful if you accept the argument that an understanding of the ailing mind can elucidate the functions of the healthy one.)
As you view the entire collection, patterns begin to emerge. "Circular" thinking, fear of being "trapped" in one's mind, and the desire to "escape" mental illness are common motifs. The cover of the book shows a great example. Painted by a schizophrenic, he successfully depicts his irrational fear of weightlessness; here, he must wear a blindfold and use hand-stilts to prevent himself from floating away.
Needless to say, I purchased a copy of the "Beyond Reason" book. Nearly 200 (mostly color) high-quality reproductions are presented, and the commentary is wonderful. I highly recommend this book.
Haunting Yet Fascinating InventionsReview Date: 1999-03-29
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