Presidents Books

My mother purchased this book for me back in 1993 when I was in the third grade. This has always been my FAVORITE book about the Presidents. I've spent so much time looking for an updated version of the one I have, but I haven't found anything that can match the FUN of "Ask Me Anything About the Presidents." I will ALWAYS treasure this book.

The Louis Phillips book "Ask Me Anyhthing about the Presidents"is a truckload of information about The Presidents. This book talks about Presidents George Washington through Bill Clinton.This book says where The Presidents were born,when they were born,their mother's name,their father's name,when they got married,who they married,when they died,and a sidelight-an interesting fact about each President.There are also pictures of all The Presidents.When You're not reading about one President,You're reading trivia questions about The Presidents&getting answers.Even though the best President book on the market is the Wyatt Blassinggame book "The-Look-It-Up-Book Of Presidents","Ask Me Anything about the Presidents"is the second best.Highly Recommended!

I thought that this book was cool. It combined the short biographies of each president with other fun and interesing facts. This was the first book I bought about the presidents, and now I buy any that I can get my hands on. My two best friends and I thoroughly enjoyed reading this book. Plus, I got to bug everyone by asking them questions about the presidents.

This is a fun and informative book. I bought it for a class on the American Presidency that I will be teaching next year, but my family has been enjoying it now. I put a trivia question up on the whiteboard in our kitchen each day, and we enjoy great discussion about possible answers.

Who knows, if any of us appear on a TV quiz show, it might save the day to know that Richard Nixon ate cottage cheese with catsup, or that Harry Truman considered himself a sissy when he was a child!

This book gives little stories and great knowledge about the presidents. It is really easy to read, but fun. I mean, who really knows that Andrew Jackson married his wife TWICE, and that Thomas Jefferson taught his birds to feed him!!! For anyone who wants to know the little things about who our Commanders in Chief really were, this is a must. Hope you enjoy it! Oh, and be sure to tell your friends just which president had his horses' teeth brushed daily!!

"Battling Wall Street: The Kennedy Presidency" is great reading for people who want to move beyond books about the mechanics of the Kennedy assassination. The book helps explain why the "Eastern establishment" and a lot of other influential people, might want to get rid of President Kennedy. Another book, "History Will Not Absolve Us : Orwellian Control, Public Denial, & the Murder of President Kennedy" provides additional pieces of the puzzle by explaining how the American establishment, including leading establishment liberals like Noam Chomsky and Alexander Cockburn, have worked to sell the Warren Commision's 'lone gunman' cover-up. The amazing thing about the Kennedy assassination is that, despite a lot of nonsense coming from the mainstream media, the American people know it wasn't a lone gunman and the killers didn't do us a favor.

In reviewing the thoughts of most researchers of the JFK assassination, one sees that most of them invariably bring up the Cuba issue, and occasionally Lee Harvey Oswald's possible involvement with this issue.
Now, however, in this book, Professor Donald Gibson may have uncovered the real issues behind the death of President Kennedy. He reveals so many issues, in fact, that one has to begin to decide which one is the crucial one, the one that provoked the conspirators to decide to kill him.

The death of Kennedy seems to this observer of the American scene a resolution of the struggle of the two forces to decide who really rules America. Since people who run the government colluded with the murderers of the president, it's pretty obvious who really runs the show.
Readers of this book may want to try Gibson's second book, "The Kennedy Assassination Cover-Up". After forty years, Americans should want a reasonable answer to the question of who killed Kennedy. Gibson may provide the answer.

In 1989 a book was published called "Crossfire", in which Texas-based journalist Jim Marrs reviewed most of the information he thought was then available concerning the JFK assassination. A large part of the book dealt with those people and groups whom he thought were the most likely to have killed Kennedy. Allen Dulles and his CIA were included in his list.
Donald Gibson has added one more suspect to this list in this book, and it would appear to this reader that someone has finally made sense of the events of November 22, 1963.
From this one book alone, one could seriously accept the idea that the eastern establishment, the Wall Street crowd, the corporate elite and all their connections had the most to lose with Kennedy as president. They had the motive and means to kill the president and then to cover it up. Gibson flatly states the establishment and the CIA's interests were intertwined. In fact, the CIA was merely the enforcer for the Council on Foreign Relations global agenda. Both Allen Dulles and John J McCloy were extremely important members of the Council, who managed to land on the Warren Commission and lead the cover-up. In fact, a case could be built that they organized the plot. All they needed was the green light from someone in the inner circle of the Rockefeller-dominated Council, like one of the Rockefellers.

this book helped give me a whole new meaningful perspective on the kennedy assasination..it sifts through all the misinformation, and the same tired trashy expose type books on the kennedy presidency that don't give any meaningful information, i am much more interested in a president's policies economic and otherwise as opposed to his sex life...i highly reccommend that anyone interested in politics, economics, or the kennedy assasination read this book twice and very slowly. gibson lays everything out clearly in an easy to understand way, i highly reccomend this book.

This book is a great read. The subject matter is interesting and thought provoking. I had the privilage of having Prof. Gibson in class. His knowledge is vast and inspiring. His passion has motivated me not only in the college realm but in life itself.

A clever, funny, well-done look at college life for the first daughter. Lots of good stuff here, and the authors get the details of college life --and the Clintons -- exactly right. I especially liked learning that Chelsea Clinton rearranged spells "Hells acne tonic" and the picture of Chelsea roasting that porker Newt Gingrich. Highly recommended

When we, my wife and I, first read this book, we couldn't sleep for days because we were laughing so darn hard! I mean, chelsea's first year, filled with her triumphs - and numerous catastrophes - are narrated with the utmost ability. Mr. Eaton brings a new comedic twist to the classic humor/parody book. I wouldn't be very surprised if Mr. Eaton doesn't become the next Matt Groening - giving us a dose of reality in his quite comedic world! Two thumps up...four if you count my wife Mindy's!

I loved the illustrations! It was well thought out and executed . . . as well as being very, very funny! Not for Clintonistas.

This book is both hilarious and intelligent. Many parts are plain laugh-out-loud funny, especially Chelsea's views of the Gore children. At the same time, it is an intelligent satire of both politics and college life. Freshman Notebook is funny without being base and satirical without being highbrow. I highly recommend it to anyone.

Well, maybe not, but its pretty damn good. I laughed, I cried, I colored in the pictures. Comes with a complementary Margarita recipe.

this book tells us about rfk,jfk and kenny o'donnel. it tells us about how they were, and it's very interessing. I suggest it to all people who are fan of the keenedys, like me. there are a few rares photos.

I used to work with the author's uncle, Cleo, who also plays a large part in this book. Over lunch and sometimes drinks after work, he used to tell us some of the wonderful stories of his and his brother's friendship with the Kennedy brothers. When I saw this book, I had to get it and it is bringing back wonderful memories of 25 years ago in Boston. In fact, if I am not mistaken, the author herself may have helped out in the office once or twice during school vacations. In any case, if you are a Kennedy fan, this is a touching, well-written book full of warmth and good stories about the Kennedys' and O'Donnells' as real people, written by someone who knew them. Don't miss it.

Kenny O'Donnell has done an outstanding job of providing insight to a man who figured largely in world history. He has drawn a very real, very strong portrait of a man who set and met many personal goals in his personal and professional life. Robert Kennedy was, in my opinion the most interesting of his brothers. Mr. O'Donnell does an excellent job of describing the aura of sincerity Robert Kennedy exuded. He helps bring a man into focus who has been dead for many years by describing the consistencies of his character. Robert Kennedy was clearly a very driven, very determined and very hard working man. He was also a very caring, very committed and very compassionate as well. He was a central figure in world history and I think the late Senator's works have certainly influenced the world for the better. This book is definitely worth reading.

A Common Good is an enjoyable, fast-paced read. It is a warm portrayl of Bobby, Jack and Kenny O'Donnel as people. There are laughs and poignant moments. It s a must for anyone interested in Robert Kennedy.

This is a very well written and, at times, touching book by (former JFK Chief of Staff) Kenny O'Donnell's daughter Helen (with a little help from former DNC advance man Jerry Bruno and her late father's audio tapes). There is great information about Kenny's relationship with RFK and, to a leser extent, JFK. As the elading civilian expert on the Secret Service, one word of caution, though: she misspells Secret Service agent Jerry Behn's name as "Bain" and she concludes that her father had a hand in planning JFK's Dallas motorcade route-he did not.
Vince Palamara
Secret service expert, History Channel, author of 2 books, in over 30 other author's books, etc.

Edit of 17 Apr 08 to add links.

This book should be read as an adjunct to the author's other major book along these lines on power to the powerless.

The most gripping and troubling conclusion that I drew from this book is that the United States of America is today much closer to where Czechoslovakia was in 1968 than anyone other than the Chomsky's and Vidal's might be willing to admit. We have both a federal government and a national corporate economy that thrives on elitist secrecy and blatant lies--even our non-profit sector is corrupt, from the Red Cross to United Way to many others. The people, the citizen-voters, truly have lost all power, as well as access to the information that might give them back the power, and this is indeed a black, absurdist-realist situation.

On a more positive note, the author offers up, in the course of a long series of interviews, a number of ideas that are relevant to America today, as well as to any other emerging or re-emergent democracies in the making.

1) Model of behavior. When arguing with the center of power, do not get side-tracked with ideological debates over right or wrong. Focus on very specific concrete things (e.g. term limits, campaign finance reform, neighborhood economics) and stick to your guns.

2) Popular coalitions. Non-violent non-partisan popular coalitions are the core means of taking back the power. They represent a means for bring together groups of people from widely divergent backgrounds, with genuine social tolerance.

3) Informal networks. Even under conditions of repression and censorship, informal networks of dissidents and quasi-dissidents can be effective in sharing information through samizdat publications. [With the Internet, these possibilities explode, although caution must be taken on the fringes since the Internet is easily monitored and the more radical leaders could be declared seditionist "combatants" ineligible for their rights as citizens...speaking of the Soviet Union, of course, not America.]

4) Man versus Machine. Havel reaches his own conclusions founded in Czech literature and his own experience, with respect to the urgency of restoring the kinship and human connections that used to drive politics, economics, and other aspects of organized living. He is at one with Lionel Tiger among many others, with respect to the terribly consequences of the industrial era in terms of de-humanizing decision-making and allowing remote elites to treat individual workers as dispensable cogs in the machine, whose lives matter not a whit.

5) Neighborhoods, Politics "From Below". He joins the authors of the Cultural Creatives (Paul Ray and Sherry Ruth Anderson) and of IMAGINE: What America Could be in the 21st Century (Marianne Williamson) in emphasizing the vital role that neighborhoods must play in any democracy. From political self-governance to sustainable economics to low-cost healthy agriculture to cultural cohesion, neighborhoods are the sin qua non of democracy--without active neighborhoods, one can go so far as to say, national democracy is a sham, a false theater, fully equivalent to the centralized, repressive, inefficient totalitarian control states of earlier eras.

6) Small Numbers Can Make a Difference. I was struck by how few were the original dissidents and organizers--in some cases, 20-30 in number, in others 70-80. Earlier studies have suggested that Hitler took power over millions with just 25,000 people. One can only hope that the anti-thesis is true, and that the 50 million cultural creatives can take back the power by getting serious about organizing across neighborhoods and into a national network.

7) Art and theater matter. Even under conditions of severe censorship and control, art and theater can be the manifestation of uncensored life, "life that spits on all ideology and all that lofty word of babble; a life that intrinsically resist(s) all forms of violence, all interpretations, all directives....here stood truth..."

8) Absurdity is a warning. Nihilistic and absurd theater or other works of art are a caution. They "do not offer us consolation or hope (but) merely remind( ) us of how we are living: without hope.

9) Truth can be misappropriated. The author experienced the misappropriation of his words and was both hurt and enlightened, ultimately creating a play about truth, the circumstances in which it is said, and the whom, why, and how of it.

10) Great men doubt themselves. Most touching are the author's many retrospective and current references to his insecurities, to his doubting himself even as he made history and became President of Czechoslovakia.

11) Writers live to tell the truth. This is certainly not true of most American writers who write for money, but it reflects the ideal and merits thought.

12) Change the atmosphere. If you can do nothing else, strive for a moral mobilization and a change in the atmosphere of governance, at any level. We cannot even begin to conceive the magnitude of the positive changes that can occur overnight if the people begin to speak truth among themselves. Work toward a process "in which people's civic backbones (begin) to straighten again."

13) Role of the intellectual. While I the reviewer would churlishly doubt that America has many intellectuals right now, the author's concluding words on the role of the intellectual strike me as very important: "...the intellectual should constantly disturb, should bear witness to the misery of the world, should be provocative by being independent, should rebel against all hidden and open pressure and manipulations, should be the chief doubter of systems, of power and its incantations, should be a witness to their mendacity."

Any person concerned about the corruption and misdirection of their government and their corporate as well as non-profit entities, will be provoked and inspired by this book. It speaks to the future of human life as it might be, were we willing to stand up straight and be counted at citizen-voters, active at every level beginning with our own neighborhoods.

Living in Truth: 22 Essays Published on the Occasion of the Award of the Erasmus Prize to Vaclav Havel
Teaching to Transgress: Education as the Practice of Freedom
A Power Governments Cannot Suppress
Leadership and the New Science: Discovering Order in a Chaotic World
One from Many: VISA and the Rise of Chaordic Organization
The Tao of Democracy: Using Co-Intelligence to Create a World That Works for All
Society's Breakthrough!: Releasing Essential Wisdom and Virtue in All the People
The World Cafe: Shaping Our Futures Through Conversations That Matter
Collective Intelligence: Creating a Prosperous World at Peace

We Americans tend to forget that Vaclav Havel was an Artist, poet, writer and existentialist thinker long before we seized upon him as our own private "anti-communist hero extraordinaire." And as with most other things, we in the West tended to "fixate" on Havel as just the one-man anti-Communist sideshow: the singleton hero of the Prague Spring. That is to say, we saw in him only what we wanted to see -- only what was comfortable for our myopic vision and only what tended to calm our democratic sensibilities. For had we looked and drank just a bit deeper, there was a lot more of this self-made "artist turned political activist," to see than just our knee-jerk recreation of him through our own eyes as our own larger-than-life anti-Communist hero.

This book offers another vision of him that looks deeper into his very troubled, but nevertheless very important soul. Having had this book on my bookshelf, left unread for almost 20 years, this oversight alone makes me as guilty of seeing only the "shadow Havel as anti-Communist caricature," as the rest.

In this very thoughtful series of autobiographical interviews, the "deeper Vaclav Havel," comes through loudly and clearly. And here I mean of course the one just beyond the popular anti-Communist Western created veneer. Havel has always used his very subtle, supple and artistic mind to become more than just an Anti-Communist firebrand. In the grand tradition of other Europeans, and more than anything else, he is an existentialist humanist thinker, with much practical advice for democrats. However his primary concerns have never been just with the fetishized political games that superpowers play. Whether they be the brutal class-based politics of Communism which, before it committed suicide, had morphed into a softer form of equally fetishized version of socialism; or about the equally brutal racist-based capitalist consumer-driven democracies, which as they begin to see their own self-inflicted deaths just over the horizon, have also morphed into a "kinder and gentler" form of American racism, or what amounts to about the same, Mandela's softer version of South African Apartheid: Either way, none of these has been Havel's primary concern.

In this book we see Havel's real concerns spread out on the table, as he tells us how his keen sensibilities evolved until he learned to reject his own bourgeois class-based Communist upbringing. He learned to reject it because as he puts it "it gave me unearned privileges and alienated me from myself and from the rest of society in ways that could not be undone until I became aware enough to develop a refined sense of fairness, and until I could develop a "social emotion" that was antagonistic towards the class privileges I had inherited." Havel's "social emotion" was one that was also antagonistic towards unjust social barriers, and towards any pre-determined status awarded at birth, or based on the "false consciousness" of race superiority or any other forms of unearned status whose existence is designed specifically to humiliate, dominate and dehumanize others.

Although Vaclav rebellion against his parent's wealth is classic and familiar to us in the U.S., he did not blame them -- as he saw them as decent people merely caught up in and locked into the social customs and way of life of their time, perhaps in the same way that we Americans do when we use the same lament to excuse our own parent's evils of Jim Crow and slavery. Like his American counterparts, Havel too, even as a member of the bourgeois, preferred a sensibility that sided with the oppressed rather than with the ruling class of which, through inheritance, he was a member in "good standing."

However, unlike the typical American or South African racist, who would never grant moral superiority to those they oppress, even though classism was his natural inheritance, Havel opposed his social station at an almost instinctual level because with all of its undeserved advantages it was seen by him as morally inferior to those it oppressed. He also opposed it because of its inherited privileges, the sponging off of the powerless, due to its social injustices and the immoral barriers that tended to degrade man and condemned those it oppressed to the status of sub-humans. Havel said that by the time of the 1968 uprisings, he had become what he called "an emotional" and a "moral socialist." But even this was just a half way house on his journey to greater personal awareness and enlightenment.

As his social consciousness evolved he began to see the crisis of the world as deeper than just particular ways of organizing the economies, their respective peculiar social arrangements, or the politics of a particular system. What he saw long before it became obvious to the rest of us, is that both the East and West are suffering from the same dilemma: a crisis of alienation, a malaise in which man is isolated from himself; a conflict between an impersonal, anonymous, irresponsible, corrupt and uncontrollable juggernaut of power (the power of mega-corporations, mega-technology, and mega-dollars in politics and mega-churchs), and the elemental and original interests of man as a concrete individual.

In this sense, Havel sees this conflict in the same terms that Ernest Becker saw them: as a nostalgic loss of metaphysical certainties, a lack of a capacity to experience the transcendental, of any super-personal moral authority, or any kind of higher moral horizon. As he puts it: "As soon as man begins to consider himself the source of the highest meaning in the world he begins to lose his human dimension, and control of his humanity. We are going through a great departure from God, which has no parallel in history: we have become the first atheistic civilization."

But again, as in the case with Becker, we must resist the temptation to force these comments about God and the need for a return to spiritualism, into our own facile, lifeless and morally compressed Procrustean Beds. His reference to God and an "extramundane authority" is similar to that of Professor Cornel West's version of his own self-styled version of "Chekovian Christianity:" They both represent "Existentialist revolutions" more than they represent traditional rearrangements of existing religious norms of morality. Anyway you cut it, both West and Havel's versions of "God" seek to drive the moneychangers from the Temple.

Havel, Becker and West all put at the foot of our collective dilemma, man's arrogant anthropomorphism, in which he attempts to know and control everything. As we go about, bouncing between obscene consumption on the one hand and novel but obscene repression on the other, these great men all agree that we need to find a deeper sense of responsibility to the world and to something higher than ourselves. We need a new moral order based on returning man to his genuine human dimension, which can eventually lead to new social structures where personal humanity may again begins to rule supreme.

Far be it for me to suggest that these great men and their shared vision may have missed an important point: that man's humanity is not what it used to be. It has changed and been transformed in fundamental, perhaps even in irretrievable, ways. We cannot "walk the cat back" to an earlier more pristine moral time. Moral ground zero has changed, perhaps forever. Like everything else, our humanity too has been corrupted. We can't un-ring that bell; there is no way to back.

Sadly, the new humanity that we have created is what it is, period. There is lots of practical advice for democrats here, but Havel's larger message is, in my view, much more important.

Ten Stars

Other reviews are right on the money in terms of this being a very good book and of course it covers many key elements of the events and times during the changes in Czechoslovakia. However the are several key messages, and lessons for anyone interested in managing, motivating and leading people; particularly through difficult or uncharted changes. There are also some good reflections on the role, character and nature of theater and other individual and group activities in the arts.

This is a fine book about an amazing man. I was truly inspired by Vaclav Havel after reading this book. This book is an "easy read" even though it is largely about weighty matters. It is an interesting and enlightening book.

Whenever I need a moral boost I go back and reread Vaclav Havel's
"Disturbing the Peace". This book is a series of essays by the
dissident Vaclav Havel that were smuggled out of communist
Czechoslovakia and translated by a Havel friend in the West. Vaclav
Havel was a playwright who became a Czech dissident who became leader
of the Velvet revolution (which ousted the communists) and who finally
became president of the republic.

Vaclav Havel was the foremost
dissident under the communist regime. He openly challenged the ruling
government with such essays as "Power to the Powerless" and
"The Soul of Main under Communism". (Actually I forgot the name
of the latter essay. I think "The Soul of Man under Communism"
is an essay written by Oscar Wilde. But Havel did address this theme
in "Disturbing the Peace" and in essays he forwarded to the
communist rulers.)

One of the most exciting parts of the book is
where Havel describes the dissident communitie's efforts to publish a
Havel essay advocating that the Czech government adhere to the terms
of the Charter 77 human rights accord to which they were a signatory.
The story is spine tingling thriller complete with car chases and
obscure drop points. It reads like a John le Carre novel except it is
real.

After you read "Disturbing to Peace" I also recommend
"The Magic Lanten" by Timothy Garton Ash. This is a first hand
account of the fall of the communism as the democratic revolution
rolled across Czechoslovakia, East German, Hungary, and Romania.
Garton Ash was privy to the inner circle of people who plotted and
executed these bloodless coups. (Bloodless everywhere except, of
course, in Romania.)

Even though tomes have been written on the American presidents, Dr. Smith manages to bring fresh insight as a result of painstaking research. ( It could serve as a model for any student looking to document his research) The book is not "light" reading....but the author writes with clarity and with as much impartiality as humanly possible. I found his distinction between the ways that these presidents' faith shaped their policies to be thought-provoking. This book provides a strong framework from which to examine the coming election season.

I encourage you to set aside a block of time each day as you loose yourself in the history and faith of each of these men. It is full of interesting faith facts that just a history of these presidents would never touch. I must confess it took me time to read and digest this book, but well worth the time. I look forward to reareading this book in order to grasp new facts that I did not glean from the first read. I would love to see it used in school class rooms everywhere. The research, notes and excellent writing of this work is outstanding!

A first-rate work in which eleven presidents are analyzed in terms of their religious beliefs and their actions. Solid framework of analysis. The work brims with new details, broad understandings, and sound and judicious conclusions. Impressive, varied bibliography. The copious notes, alone, are worth a close read. Sparkling writing and sound organization make this a page-turner.

Gary Scott Smith's Faith and the Presidency is fascinating to read and weighty in substance. Full of personal details drawn from the lives of various presidents as well as important observations about public policy and religious impulses, Smith hits the sweet spot between bold, exciting claims and strong supporting evidence.

I was particularly persuaded by the book's observation that the foreign policy of presidents more readily reveals their philosophical commitments because the U.S. presidency has greater latitude abroad than at home.

This is a book worth reading from cover to cover. Smith hits a home run with this exceptional book. A tour de force!

If you are looking for fresh information about the role of faith and religion in the lives of some of America's greatest presidents then I highly recommend purchasing Faith and the Presidency.
The author, Gary Smith has done his homework. His research is very thorough and his style of writing is clear and free of technical jargon.
I thought the book presented a balanced view of democrat and republican presidents; and the author covers each president's religious affiliation without bias. After reading this book I finally understand why religion is such a hot topic during every presidential election.
Reading about Abraham Lincoln and how his faith helped him address the crises of the civil war is the best I have read to date.
Students, teachers of history, religious leaders and those with a love of presidential history need this book to complete their library. A must read for 2007!

An engaging, accessible biography of George Washington during the Revolutionary War. Major events such as the Conway Cabal and the defection of Benedict Arnold are treated with some detail and authorial analysis. Flexner's final evaluation of General Washington ("Cincinnatus Assayed") is excellent at presenting Flexner's conclusion on General Washington's military performance. This chapter is also quite helpful in teasing out and summarizing the multiple threads that, through the course of the conflict, led inevitably to Washington's transformation from general to president.

This is part four of a four-volume series of George Washington's life and this final installment is the strongest book of all. Flexner's narrative takes the reader up to Washington's last breath and his description of his death is particularly interesting. Despite the fact that there is a plethora of interesting material on Washington's ilness and death, this book brings out facts hitherto unknown. It is reliable and accurate, but one sometimes yearns for a more enlightened and exciting presentation of the earlier years. This is the personification of how history is usually taught: in a manner not designed to capture the reader or the student.

One strong point is that Flexner successfully presents a balanced portrait of Washington. Any bias from the author is thankfully masked from the reader. When Washington deserves criticism or censure, the author soberly dispenses it. Praise and plaudits are similarly given. If you are deeply interested in Washington's early years, this is an adequate and trustworthy source. But if you are merely dabbling in Washington and prefer a swifter narrative, then this is not a recommended selection.

This is the final volume in the set of four, in this series about George Washington, written by James Thomas Flexner; and the most intensely dramatic covering Washington's second term, his retirement and death.

George Washington takes his oath for a second term as President of the United States, in a time when the young United States is growing following a time of relative peace and a policy of non-aggression with France and England. And grow the young Republic did, by leaps and bounds, but with this growth, evolved some discontent. Factions in the fragile government wanted to be self-serving... Hamilton's lust for power and control, contrasted by Jefferson's lack of anything having to do with a central overseeing government. All of this coupled with the growing friction between North and the South, East and West, Federalism and Republican views all differing wanting a better stake in the government. If this wasn't enough, the French Revolution... with its pro and anti French sentiments creating unrest throughout the republic.

We see the ever dominent Hamilton trying to further himself at the expense of Washington... and again Jefferson wanting nothing further in the government... retiring to his Virginia agrarianism, but later both men working toward Washington's anguish and distrust. Washington wanting to retire himself and enjoy what little time he had left to him at his beloved acres... Mount Vernon.

We see again Washington's self-doubts, but with his aging, his brilliance fading and his body wreaked with infirmities, we see his judgement being clouded and distrusted. This book gives us the contrasts of Washington the public figure and the private Washington... a man deeply hurt by his attackers, now apprehensive, and forced to remain in office and in power, in thought a man weakened by age. Yet his last major services to the nation were as vitally important as his previous services had been. A man that wants to retire and leave the running of the government to others... wanting the cycling of power to be peaceful... a demonstration that humanity could rule itself, the orderly relinquishment of power by one elected representative to his elected successor. This, making the cycle complete, vindication that the new government is viable.

We next see Washington get his long awaited dream of retirement albeit shortlived and the freeing of his slaves as his final act to free ones bondsman. This is the most engrossing and engaging of all the books in this four volume set... knowing Washington as a man with real human emotions and feelings.

I highly recommend reading this volume, but to get the whole picture, reading the four volume set is a must.

What a fascinating man, brought to us in a brilliant and scholarlly work.

Okay, I admit it. One of the pleasures that I take as a leftist (not a liberal, mind you, but a leftist) in reviewing American history books is in the debunking of the hagiography that passes for the biographies of our great men.
But for anyone who claims to want to look at history with a hard realist eye there is one uncomfortable fact that (like a well-aimed rock tossed by Clio herself) smacks you upside the head now and then.
The truth is that there are great men and women. And that it is simply not possible to make these individuals seem small without fudging the facts.
Flexner, in this his second volume of a four volume standard of American biography, makes the strongest possible case for the greatness of George Washington.
Washington was a farmer, a man who delighted in his domestic life. He was also an exemplar of the classical mindset that was common among the founding generation. For these men and women, fame was to be sought as the founder of a just constitution or as the general who served his country to save it from foreign or domestic enemies not as a career or a means to power.
In some ways, Flexner's Washington reminds me of his near contemporary, Tecumseh. Both men seemed to have sought power as a modality of service. Hard to even imagine in this the Era of the Millionaire Serving His Own. Among other virtues, this book serves to remind us that there are many types of patriotism and that some of them can be the foundational virtue for truly admirable lives.
The structure of this book is quite brilliant. All but the last chapter is a straightforward narrative of the eight years that Washington spent as the Commander-In-Chief of the Continental Army. The last chapter, "Cincinnatus Assayed", serves as a summing up of Washington's quality as a general and an explanation of how that service prepared him for his Presidency to come. All of his points have been made by the preceding narrative and seem inconvertible.
Two examples: Washington struggled throughout the war with the unstable financing of his army by the various States. Part of the problem was the fact that the continental currencies became increasingly worthless. Under the tutelage of his friend, Robert Morris, Washington gained an understanding of the need for a strong national economy and monetary system. This understanding would then influence his reaction to the Hamilton-Jefferson debates that were to largely mark Washington's Presidency.
Another point that is worth pondering is how Washington's innate merciful nature served the development of a growing sense of nationalism in the various States. Whenever possible, Washington did not punish Tories, enemy soldiers, his own soldiers who violated his orders or civilians who lived in the areas where the war was being fought.
He seemed to understand that if you want to win the hearts and minds of a people that it is necessary to treat them as much as possible as if they were your neighbors. Time and time again in Flexner's narrative it is apparent how much this policy of restraint added to Washington's prestige and effectiveness. Our current George should pay more attention.
Finally, I would also like to recommend Charles Royster's great A Revolutionary People At War as a companion volume. Royster very effectively tells the history of the Army from the point of view of its soldiers. These two books together make it obvious just how lucky we were in the great founding generation. I can say this as a leftist and an American (not a contradiction and never has been): these were great men and women. We would do well to study their example.

This is volume #2 of the four volume masterpiece written by James Thomas Flexner on the life of George Washington. As we have read previously, George Washington was content living a life at Mount Vernon with his wife and family, but the tides are turning in the life of George Washington, bringing him to the forefront of leadership... albeit woefully prepared.

Now, in the skillfully written volume, we see the wartime deeds and the soul searching that Washington goes through. A man thrust from the bosom of his home and hearth, a civilian who is now to lead the Continental Army for the American Revolution. An army that is hardly an army... more like a patchwork of the American cross section of life and skills. No formal training, little leadship, under equiped was the army Washington was to have.

Washington at heart loved his army as they loved him is very evident. We see Washington's mood swings here, his wild furious temper... like an untamed bull, his mistakes, indiscretions,
and a great deal of personal misery... we now have the man of Washington revealed. Washington's path was that of a mortal man, not that of an Icon, a man all-to-human, frought with inadequacy. Washington has to reach down deep to keep his dream alive and instill it in the men he has to lead.

And to lead he did... being out-generaled by far superior forces was the norm for Washington, but nevertheless, always on the lookout for that shread of hope to call victory. Flexner writes of Washington's failures and the anguish of what Washington felt as the battles turned against him... but we also see the resourseful resolve coming to light, learning though trial and error... becoming the master of the American Revolution and the Continental Army.

But Washington never happier to be at home with his wife Martha is not forgotten either. Martha seemed to know what was really troubling Washington.

I found this volume much more interesting and with an impeccable eye for detail. Written in an engrossing and an engaging style that keeps you reading to find out the tidbits left out in your school's history books.

This is a solid and well documented work.

In today's world, Teddy Roosevelt would be classified as a sickly geek. As a boy, he had severe bouts of asthma, wore thick glasses and even at age 23 only weighed 130 pounds. This book reveals the people and events that shaped his life. He lost a substantial portion of his inherited wealth when the cattle market collapsed in the 1890's.

Teddy really had multiple concurrent careers, he wrote lots of letters on a daily basis, and he also wrote lots of books and magazine articles, which became the backbone of how he supported his family. The salaries for the various political positions that he held were meagar but he had a terrific work ethic and almost unlimited amounts of energy.

This book is also a ray of sunshine and hope. The 1880's and 1890's were full of corrupt political hacks and yet Teddy found a way to succeed without sacrificing his integrity.

This is a great read and it is my pleasure to recommend it to one and all.

I so enjoyed this book that I wish the author would write a follow-up book on his presidency and the remainder of his life.

Linda Moore
Dallas

It is amazing how Teddy made it to adulthood, let alone bull his way to the top of New York's political scene. His determined mind set against the political corruption of the time is inspiring. We watch as his experiences mold his character and his drive. Grondahl's book unfolds this oft overlooked portion of Teddy'a life and is a necessary read for those who really want to meet Teddy Roosevelt.

TR has always been one of my two favorite Presidents (the other being JFK), and this book is more than just your typical biography on him. It takes the unique angle of writing only about TR's life and political career before he became President, starting with his childhood and going through his political development, service in government, personal triumphs and tragedies, stint as a Rough Rider, time as Vice President, and finally having the last chapter be about his famous late-night ride to take the Oath of Office after President McKinley finally succumbed to his gunshot wound. We learn about how his experiences during this part of his life formed his political philosophy and development, making this incredible human being into the astute incredible President and politician he became over time. Mr. Grondahl really knows how to do his research and how to make it interesting and relevant instead of just some dry recounting of facts, names, and dates. It was also an added bonus how the author lives in the same area as I do.

This book was an interesting look at the early life of Theodore Roosevelt, but the true masterpiece here is the index. Perfectly alphabetical and full of surnames followed by given names, the index deserves a Pulitzer all its own!

A fascinating book. Paul Grondahl shows TR's political rise as an explosive combination of two different factors or forces -- one internal and one external.

These forces are on display on the cover of the book. The title ("rose like a rocket") suggests the circumstances that quickly propelled TR into political opportunity. New York, and the nation, were ripe for a patrician reformer. Yet, as the book makes clear, Roosevelt's life consisted as much of sorrow as of opportunity. So external events are insufficient to explain his success.

The subtitle ("political education") suggests the more important factor -- TR's intellectually aggressive approach to life, which enabled him to constantly improve by learning from his mistakes. Roosevelt himself seldom admitted to mistakes. So it takes a great journalist and historian like Grondahl to extract those lessons for us. A very enjoyable piece of detective work!

This is a great book for kindergarteners: good pictures, text that is completely on their level, not too long. The information is appropriate and makes the office of president something they will understand better.

This book is a winner! If I Were President is a fun, yet informative, book about the presidency for a young child. Illustrations are appealing to kids and the text is easily understood. A delightful read aloud for adult and child!

Ms. Stier presents a well thought out overview of the duties of the President of the United States. The descriptions are well suited for the young reader.

This book is the perfect combination of fun facts and information about the office of the president. Students learn about our country at an early age, and this book is written in the right style to appeal to younger children. Easy non-fiction is the biggest trend in children's literature today, and this book is a wonderful example of it!

I am a Kindergarten teacher and I really appreciate having books to use that give accurate information on topics I teach. This book does a super job describing the responsibilites of Presidents. We are even told that not everyone will agree with the decisions that the President makes and that the President will not always agree with congress (veto). The kids loved the part where the President's dog is in the newspaper because she had puppies. The use of children in the illustrations was appealing to my students. Preschool, Kindergarten, First Grade teachers should get this book!

I do not think Library of the America has even put out a bad book and this is no exception. The contents are of great use to anyone interested in our government. The index in the back is exhaustive and helps greatly. Buy this book.

The American Founders are receiving a great deal of merited attention in popular histories such as "John Adams" and "The Founding Brothers." These books have the merits of readability and accesibility -- of providing knowledge and historical context of the early days of our country in a relatively short but informed compass.

The Library of America's series of writings by America's Founders -- including Washington, Jefferson, Hamilton and many others besides the book of James Madison's writings -- are longer and more difficult to read. They consist of original texts with only the slightest endnotes and historical chronology. (In this book of Madison's writings, the historical chrononogy is excellent) The disadvantage, if that is the correct word, of the Library of American's series is that reading these books takes substantial effort and digging. In addition, it is difficult to stop with one book, as each collection relates to and requires and understanding of the work of the other Founders. The advantage these books offer, though, can't be found anywhere else. They offer a chance to meet and encounter American's Founders in their own words and on their own terms and to see the development of their thoughts over time.

James Madison (1751-1836) was probably America's greatest political thinker. His career spanned the Revolutionary War, the formation of the Articles of the Confederation, the Constitution, and the Bill of Rights, the creation of party in America, the Louisiana Purchase, and the War of 1812, which occurred during his Presidency.

The Library of America's collection of over 900 pages offers a rare opportunity to read in one place the major writings of James Madison. It allows the reader an opportunity to assess his importance and to see the themes Madison developed throughout his life.

A major contribution of Madison was his insistence on freedom of religion in the United States and his opposition to any established sect. These theme pervades this volume from the Amendments Madison proposed to the Virginia declaration of rights in 1776, through the Bill of Rights, Madison's Presidency, and beyond.

Madison was also the architect of representative government. He was a member of the Constitutional Convention and took copious notes of its proceedings. He was the major draftsman of the Constitution. He spoke for both a strong National government and for representative government -- in which the people chose their leaders.

Together with Alexander Hamilton, Madison wrote the Federalist papers which explained the Constitution to the people of New York but in a larger sense to the United States in his day and in succeeding days as well. This collaboration was significant in that Madison and Hamilton would later quarrel and be the founders of the party system. Madison and Jefferson spoke for what has become the Democratic Party (the "democracy) with its emphasis at the time on individual rights and participatory democracy and a narrow reading of Federal power while Hamilton became the spokseman for a strong central government and for economic development.

The book chronicle's Madison's efforts in supporting and drafting the Bill of Rights. Subsequently, Madison wrote a lengthy article for the State of Virginia expressing opposition to the Alien and Sedition Acts that Congress enacted during the Presidency of John Adams. The opposition was based on the inconsistency of the act with the freedom of speech set forth in the First Amendment and to the lack of authority for these Acts in the original constitution.

The book has comparatively little on Madison's career as Secretary of State under Thomas Jefferson and on Madison's own relatively unsuccessful Presidency during the War of 1812.

Upon leaving the Presidency, Madison enjoyed a long retirement at Montpelier. This collection gives a good view of Madison's continued activity during this time. It discusses his views on slavery and on the impending Missouri compromise (Madison opposed it -- an opposition that would haunt the United States in the later Dred Scott decision) and on Judicial Supremacy -- the power of the Supreme Court to declare laws unconstitutional. (Madison agreed the Court had this power but he disagreed with the way Chief Justice Marshall used it.)

One of the final items in this book is a short, two paragraph article entitled "Advice to my Country" written 1n 1834 as a parting before Madison's death. Looking at the impending conflict between North and South, but speaking to our time as well Madison wrote:

"The advice nearest to my heart and deepest in my convictions is that the Union of the States be cherished and perpetuated."

This is an important wish for our country now as then.

This book will repay reading and study. The study of our Founders is, I think, one of the best ways to learn to love and understand our country.

The history of the making of our Constitution can be read here. Much valuable insight into contemporary constitutional questions, including separation of Church and State (Madison was a fervent exponent of 'the wall'). A must have and must read for today's politically minded citizen. Surprises abound.

I suspect the idea of reading a collection of writings by Madison, Washington, Hamilton and Jefferson to feel a little too much like home work for most of us to want to do it. I also believe fervently that if you really want to learn the history of this country that such a reading is a necessity.
Several years ago, I found a useful way around this paradox. Buy the Library of America volumes of the above individuals and keep them around for when you read contemporary works about the Founders.
I have recently read several books on Madison (right now I am going thru McCoy's excellent The Last of the Fathers). Whenever an author like McCoy mentions one of Madison's writings I go to my LOA Madison volume and read that writing first.
I have found this procedure to have several advantages. It allows me to form my own ideas about the document before McCoy (or whomever I am reading) can influence me. Thus I am provided a quick check on what they are asserting. Over time, this procedure has led me through much of the Jefferson and the Madison volumes. Sometimes I find myself bouncing back and forth between the volumes following a series of letters. (As an aside, it would be a great service if someone were to provide a well-chosen edition of their letters to each other.)
In general, I have found the Madsion volume to be extremely well-selected. I find about 80% of the documents referred to to be contained in this volume. Unlike the others, my major complaint is that there are not any of his notes on the debates during his tenure in the Continental Congress. I would have taken the more controversial route of leaving out Madison's essays from The Federalist. They are easily obtained and take up over 20% of this volume. Those 190 pages would have afforded a nice overview of his Continental Congress service and his Secretary of State and Presidential service (only 50 pages of material!)
But this is a minor complaint. Rakove as stated by all of the reviewers below has done a great job. Whether you use it like I do or work your way through assiduously this is a necessary volume to own for any American history fan.

Rakove's contribution to Madisonian scholarship is well advanced, despite the great heights at has already achieved, by this collection. An erudite reviewer mentioned this might have benefited from stage setting by Rakove and this is true, for Rakove is among the few who could have set the stage for so precise and capacious a topic as Madison's refelctions. Despite the absence of background it is an excllent collection. In this 250 th year of Madison's birth and considering the recent scholarship by Rakove, Banning, McCoy, Rosen,and Mattern, the time may have arrived for Madison to be transformed from a forgotten lieutenant, or a keeper of arcanum, to a state of appreciation by all.