Franklin Pierce Books

This is an amazing, and true story of leadership, teamwork, and hard work. This single book represents the creation of a new classroom, one where the student is the main concern, not useless facts and instant recall memories. This book is a must read to any and all student or educatior who feels the modern day education system is lacking. Taylor Morris is a genius.

Good book...but the other review is wrong..it did not start in New York, but New Hampshire.
I recommend this book to anyone. It's great!

Morris had a spat with his wife and to punish her he insisted that she not pick him up from work. He would walk home, about 15 miles. In that brief walk he had an epiphany. The next day he asked his students which would teach them more, a semester in class or a semester walking. Unanimously they voted for walking. Morris rounded up some money and 18 months later took his class for a walk, from upstate New York to Nova Scotia.

Experimenting with various walking styles, supported by an old van for lunch and equipment transport, Morris and a dozen students, his wife and two of his kids took a trip out of New York state and into their minds.

If you liked Peter Jenkins or if you are just wondering what the US is all about, explore a small part of it with Morris and his class. You will read this awe inspiring book over and over again.

Drawing up his professional investigative, legal and accounting experience and expertise, Franklin Pierce carefully and meticulously researched complicated drunk driving laws in order to understand his constitutional rights and to avoid a drunk driving arrest. The results of his inquiries is the basis for "DUI: How to Avoid A Drunk Driving Arrest And Conviction". Completely accessible and specifically designed for use by the non-specialist general reader, "DUI" is an information and instruction guide providing the insights and tools necessary to deal effectively and successfully with police and lawyers when accused of having driven under the influence of alcohol or other chemical substances. "DUI" identifies which sobriety tests are voluntary and which are mandatory; the common driving errors that can get a driver stopped by the police, as well as defense strategies that a defending attorney must know and be able to apply. A 'driving while under the influence' conviction can be costly, with the severity of the penalties varying from state to state, and can catastrophically affect an otherwise peaceful and law-abiding citizen. Very highly recommended as practical, informed and informative, "DUI" can help alleviate such adverse consequences -- if not avoid them altogether.

This is an extremely well-written book on a sadly neglected figure in American culture. The most popular newspaper columnist of his time, Adams made "Tinker to Evers to Chance" a national catchphrase and was mentor to George S. Kaufman, James Thurber and other distinguished humorists. I thought the research was particularly thorough--especially regarding the ancestry of Adams' second wife. And someone must have done a lot of work in musty libraries looking up all F.P.A.'s articles for now-forgotten magazines! I hope he got paid well. I would also single out the index for special praise.

This work, among other things, makes me wonder how our History has managed to relegate Franklin Pierce to being among the least effective of the American presidents. As the reader will see, he rigorously abided by his oath regarding the Constitution in a time when it was being violated and ignored.

For those who have interest in studying tough, stong, capable men who achieve our highest office but yet fail to achieve anticipated heights of power and glory, this brief, taut biography gives insights into a northeastern political power who harbors quiet sentiments for the South's "peculiar institution" and who fails due to the dichotomy of constituent demands.

An interesting human drama played against a transitioning political background.

For years Franklin Pierce has been ill-served by the nation's historians, nearly all of whom repeat the same things about him--that he was an alcoholic, a coward in the Mexican-American war, pro-slavery and one of the reasons why this country had a Civil War.

Unfortunetely such judgements are basedly largely on biased accounts written decades ago, such as Allen Nevin's "Ordeal of the Union," an enormously slanted work on the events leading up to the Civil War; thus repeating for succeeding generations the same tired old myths without bothering to take a new look at where those myths originated.

In recent years the most important attack on Pierce came in the form of an essay written by William W. Freehling, who admits he borrowed from Nevin, in a guide called "The Presidents: A Reference History." In it, Freehling delivers what could only be described as a personal attack on the 14th president, calling him, among other things, "an inconsequential charmer," a "pleasant nonentity," and "a non-actor clinging to more powerful statemen's actions as if they were his own."

Freehling's very brief scholarship on Pierce's years after the White House are the most disturbing and incorrect. He claims, without providing any documentary evidence, that Pierce sank "deeply into an alcoholic haze," and died in 1869 "almost unnoticed, once again almost unknown."

In fact, Pierce's death was a day of national mourning called for by President Ulysses S. Grant (even the U.S. Supreme Court suspended activities), with his controversial life and career vigorously debated and amply covered by the nation's most important newspapers: The New York Times, the New York Herald, the New York Tribune and the Washigton Star, among others.

I am the author of a book called "The Expatriation of Franklin Pierce: the Story of a President and the Civil War," which mostly focuses on Pierce's activities as an ex-president during the Civil War years, when he fought against President Lincoln's suspension of habeas corpus and urged the government to enter into negotiations with the Confederacy.

Far from sinking into an alcoholic haze, Pierce remained remarkably active and vigorous in retirement, engaged in contemporary debate, and compiling a record of political participation that is perhaps only equalled by Harry Truman in the decade or so after he left the White House in 1953.

For a much larger look at Pierce and his complex rise to the top during his New Hampshire years, Peter Wallner's book is a welcome addition. Unlike Freehling and others, Wallner has actually gone through the Pierce papers (the vast majority of which are available in the archives of the New Hampshire Historical Collection and through the Library of Congress' presidential papers microfilm series).

The end result is a work of solid scholarship that in no way serves to apologize for anything that Pierce does, but effectively dismantles the "non-entity" noose that others have tried to hang him with. Wallner copiously explores every aspect of Pierce's career leading up to his landslide election in 1852, and the result is a profile of a politician who was remarkably good at what he did.

Incidentally, Wallner finally puts to rest the idea that Pierce was plucked from hinterland obscurity when delegates to the Democratic convention in 1852 named him as their presidential nominee. In fact, Pierce angled for months behind the scenes to get the nod, and adriotly figured that if the other, more well-known candidates cancelled themselves out, he would have a real shot at being nominated in a later ballot.

Pierce's cunning and guile in just that contest alone, as amply demonstrated by Wallner, showed that he was actually an astute and capable political strategist.

What Wallner will tell us about Pierce as president, and whatever other myths he may effectively demolish, can only be imagined. His style is quiet and respectful, slowly building a case that casts historians like Freehling, who have appraoched the Pierce presidency a bit too breezily, in an unfavorble light.

Surely the second volume of Wallner's biography of Pierce will effectively (if the first volume has not already done so) establish him as the preeminent Pierce scholar of our time, doing for the 14th president what Arthur Schlesinger did for FDR.

Garry Boulard, Albuquerque, New Mexico.

This is the story about a handsome, gifted son of a colorful Revolutionary War veteran and governor, who seemingly with little effort became Speaker of the N.H. House at age 27, then a congressman, senator, general in the Mexican War, was among the most celebrated lawyers in his home state, turned down a presidential appointment to be U.S. attorney general, only to later become President himself. All this by age 48. With such a life, of course, came much suffering. Wouldn't you know it. With the talent and success, there was a flow of self doubt, inner torment, struggles with faith and the bottle, a difficult marriage, and huge personal grief. With the eloquence, brilliant mind and good looks was also stubbornness and political vindictiveness. It's a familiar story that always fascinates. Bright boy from a powerful, connected family makes it big, really big, but it all ends sadly. This story about Franklin Pierce is wonderfully and freshly told by author Peter A. Wallner, whose college mentor was the biographer of another president of the same era, Philip Shriver Klein (President James Buchanan: A Biography, Penn State Press, 1962; reprinted: American Political Biography Press, 1995). Drawing on documents unavailable to previous biographers, Wallner's Franklin Pierce, New Hampshire's Favorite Son is actually the first of a two volume project, covering the years from birth, to the election of 1852, to just before entering the White House. The second volume, dealing with the presidential years, is reportedly due for publication in early 2007. If it's like the first, the set will be an important new look at an easily passed over, but critical period. Let's face it. As presidents go, Franklin Pierce has not had a huge following since his one-term administration ended in 1857 (he was not renominated by his own party). Our 14th president along with the seven others between Jackson and Lincoln, rest in a kind of historical blur amid the years leading to the Civil War. Van Buren, Harrison, Tyler, Polk, Taylor, Fillmore, Pierce, Buchanan...not much there to inspire generations of school children, or historians for that matter (possibly excepting Polk). That's why it's so interesting, even surprising to see such a high quality, readable work about one of these to emerge. More proof that anyone capable of getting elected to the White House must certainly have a great story, if only it can be told well enough to appeal to an audience outside of academia. In this, Peter Wallner has truly delivered, and in doing so has given all who love American history, especially those interested in the Antebellum Period, a great gift indeed.

I just finished reading this book and found it interesting and well-written. It convinced me that Pierce was an exceptional politician, honest, hardworking, sincere and well liked. He was a leader in New Hampshire for many years. What struck me as odd was the fact that it ended shortly about his inauguration. There was no mention of his presidency and why he was considered a failure. Perhaps the author intends to write a second book. However, this is not evident in the first one. Also, Pierce is often tagged with the reputation as a drunk. Wallner does not delve into this problem. He points out that Pierce gave up drinking and was in favor of convincing other people to do the same.

Since Pierce was such an obscure president, there are very few books on his life. Wallner points out that he was able to consult many manuscripts that were not previous available.
That would indicate that this short life is authoritative, as far as it goes. If you want another good biography, the only one by a historian is by Nichols, but it was written decades ago. The one by Gara is not recommended. It is mainly about the period and rarely mentions Pierce by name.

It has been nigh on to 100 years since there was a complete biography of Franklin Pierce published and in that time there have been many changes in the way historians look at things. Revisionism and Counter-Revisionism and all sorts of isms have swept through the historical community but until now no one has thought to take another look at Franklin Pierce. Back in my college days I sat through classes during which the professors only mentioned Pierce in a negative light and in one class I had as a textbook a book that was very hard on Pierce and the notion that he was a horrible president and person just never seemed to be challenged. Finally in this book those notions are beginning to be challenged and in a forceful and thought provoking way.

The basis for most of the Pierce bashing comes from the idea that he was not only pro Southern but also pro-slavery and neither could be farther from the truth. Of course this book doesn't deal with his presidency or the Civil War but just with his life up until his first night in the White House but the author proves quite satisfactorily that Pierce only supported the South in matters where he believed that the Constitution was on their side and that he deplored slavery but felt that it was protected by the Constitution and to Pierce nothing was more sacred than the Constitution. The Constitution in Pierce's mind was the only thing that stood between the common man and absolute domination of the country by the rich and powerful and he wasn't willing to sacrifice that for any cause no matter how noble.

The author also does an excellent job of explaining Pierce's dislike for abolitionists above and beyond the fact that he felt that they were a threat to the Union. Pierce spent most of his life fighting for the common man and especially for religious liberty including a court case where he put his popularity on the line to defend the Shaker sect from persecution. Many of the people who sought to persecute the Shakers were abolitionists and also many abolitionists were violently anti-Catholic and Pierce began to see most abolitionists as religious bigots, which in fact many of them were. In Pierce's mind racial bigotry and religious bigotry were equally noxious and he came to detest all abolitionists because of their association with this intolerant attitude. To Pierce those who chose to lie down with dogs most certainly got up with fleas.

Mr. Wallner has done an excellent job with this book and although he has to some extent fallen into the biographer's trap of becoming too enamored by his subject he has at least backed up all of his ascertains with good research. This is a well-written and very enjoyable book that gives the reader a good look at Franklin Pierce's pre-presidential life both private and public. A lot of President Pierce's policies may look bad in hindsight but thanks to Mr. Wallner one can easily see where his core beliefs came from. Any student of the presidency will want to pick up this book as will any Civil War buff but just keep in mind that while history has not been kind to Pierce Mr. Wallner may have been a bit too kind to him. I very much look forward to volume two.

This book is a much needed contribution to the study of the presidency in the ante-bellum era generally, and of Franklin Pierce, the nation's 14th chief executive, in particular. As reviewers of the author's first volume have noted, Wallner is the first author to provide a significant work on behalf of Pierce since the 1930's. Wallner's task is made all the more difficult by the fact that Pierce apparently did not save many of his letters.

On the postive side, there is a lot of very good material here relating to the minutia of administrative governance and the challenges facing Pierce in the turbulent 1850's. Internationally, Pierce faced a Great Britain illegally recruiting Americans in America to serve as soldiers in the Crimean War and encroaching upon American interests in Latin America, all of which Pierce ably and honorably resolved by the end of his term. Domestically, Pierce faced a splintering Democratic Party whose leading factions were not favorable to Pierce's equitable patronage policies or to the president's determination to squash the actions of American speculators and adventurers filibustering throughout Latin America. Nor did Pierce's support for Senator Stephen Douglas's Kansas-Nebraska Act--which at the demand of the southern states, overturned the Missouri Compromise of 1820 with its prohibition of slavery in the northern districts of the Lousiana Purchase--increase the president's popularity. While the bill passed by large margins in Congress, northerners fervently opposed it, a response that soon lead to the creation of the Republican Party and the election in 1854 of a Republican-controlled House of Representatives. The southern states, meanwhile, faulted Pierce for not successfully insuring that Kansas would enter the nation as a slave state. As with his patronage policies, Pierce's policy of accommodation in the territories ultimately pleased no one, helping to ensure that one of Pierce's own diplomats, James Buchanan, would succeed him in 1856. As Wallner notes, Pierce was the first president to seek, but fail to receive, the renomination of his party for president while occupying the office.

On the negative side, much in the narrative smacks of Manichaeism--Pierce's intra-party opponents are "corrupt" "turncoats" while his inter-party opponents (mostly abolitionists, along with Whig-Republicans) are derided as "radical" "agitators" acting only from a spirit of "partisanship" and malice. Only Pierce exists above it all, he alone acting in the interests of the nation and in keeping with the Constitution.

Similarly, the author doesn't do Pierce much justice in attempting to account for the former president's tunnel-blindness regarding the south's complicity for the Civil War. Again, in keeping with the book's Manichaeism world view noted above, Pierce--and apparently the author as well--can only see Lincoln's "abuse of executive power" and "unconstitutional" "coercion" and infringement of civil liberties in the aftermath of southern secession, the seizure by the south of Government installations, and finally the attack on Fort Sumter.

Finally, to the extent Pierce, on account of his views of the union, fell into disrepute during the Civil War, the former president had only himself to blame. After Lincoln's quite lawful election, Pierce wrote that only "immediate" capitulation by the north to additional southern demands for a repeal of all (unnamed) acts that "have nullified the Constitution" would prevent war or secession, or both. Otherwise, he penned to secessionists in Alabama in December 1860, "If we cannot live together in peace, then in peace and on just terms, let us separate." (page 334). One wonders what, besides the Kansas-Nebraska Act's overturning of the Missouri Compromise's 34-year precedent, and the Taney court's declaring any attempts by congress to regulate slavery in the territories un-Constitutional (as in the Dred Scott decision), just what more the union could have done for the South.

In short, while Pierce was a more capable and ethical chief executive than most superficial historical accounts have given him credit for, neither should it be said that Pierce was any kind of martyr, much less a martyr for the union, except his being perhaps a martyr in his own mind or in the service of the Lost Cause.

Peter Wallner has followed up a tremendous first volume work on this "forgotten" President with yet another meticulously researched book on Pierce's Presidency and sad final years. This second volume completes a dynamic re-assessment of Pierce's life and Presidency with new insights that heretofore had not been brought to light. Wallner, as in the first volume, has left no stone unturned with a highly readable text.

This book is poorly written. Worse, Nichols is not able to describe what events in the book mean to history in general or to Franklin Pierce in particular. I found myself frequently consulting the internet to find out what the social subtext was for events that the author describes in unnecessarily extensive, yet unhelpful detail.

I am currently reading a biography of every President in order. For Franklin Pierce the choices are limited and Roy Nichols book is the only option for a complete one volume biography (Garry Boullard's book deals with Pierce's post Presidency & Peter Wallner has just completed his two volume offering).

Nichols has done a workman like job with his biography of Pierce and the depth and quality of his research is immediately apparent. This biography is intended as a scholarly level study for an academic audience and certainly succeeds in this objective. This is a comprehensive biography of Pierce with his Presidency receiving particulary detailed focus.

The drawbacks of the book are that it is stylistically dated and the writing can get quite dull at times. The book also suffers somewhat from a fairly mechanistic presentation and better organization would have made the study easier for the reader to digest.

Ultimately this book is a sufficiently detailed treatment of our 14th President and if you must read a one volume biography of Pierce I certainly recommend it. For those who don't mind a longer treatment, that is based on the most current research and has received favorable reviews, Peter Wallner's 2 volume offering might be a more appropriate choice. (While I have personally not read it, the reviews I have read were very favorable and the second volume "Martyr of the Union" is just now available.)

Roy Nichols, biography on little known President Franklin Pierce was insightful and extremely detailed. I will admit that of all the biographies I have read on each President in chronological order this so far has been the toughest read as far as maintaining my enthusiasm. I think that Mr. Nichols did the best he could with the material he had meaning that Franklin Pierce was inadequate to the task of being the President of the United States. He did not have the constitution, nor the fortitude to be a strong President and consequently in my estimation his lack of action on dealing with the Kansas/Nebraska act and the south contributed to the oncoming of the Civil War. However, while this is a tough read, I think anyone who wants a thorough understanding on the 14th President of the United States needs to read this biography. Again as in my other reviews I think this biography should be in every library, high school and university. Every American needs to understand the responsibilities that go with this high office and the need to elect men of integrity, and who are leaders morally and courageously. This book in my estimation is exhausted with detail on President Pierce and the reader needs to know that before starting.

Over the last several years I have read more than 25 presidential biographies, using Amazon readers' reviews to guide my selections. I was a bit reluctant to try this biography of Franklin Pierce; but, reading it was a pleasant surprise. I found Nichols' work to be well organized and very readable. He did a nice job of weaving together Pierce's private life, his politics, and the times. Pierce was often stymied by misfortune and occasionally by tragedy and was simply is not equipped to be a great leader. Pierce was a charming courtroom lawyer, the inevitable 19th century party stalwart, and became deeply religious, but he lacked the vision or skill to do much more than react to problems. Often, he falls prey to others' subterfuge. He became famous for vacillating from one position to another .

The 1850's were a fascinating but difficult time The Whig Party collapsed, No Nothings rose and fell, the Republicans got their start, and sectionalism was often as important as party loyalty. The country's greatest statesmen - Jackson, Polk, Calhoun, Webster, and Clay - had died off. The US was attempting to come to grips with Western expansion and the opportunity to be a world power, but every foreign policy Pierce tried stalled or failed. He constantly misjudged the North's evolving opinions against slavery. During much of Pierce's administration the Executive and Legislative branches vied for supremacy. But neither branch had the leadership or vision to be effective, and perhaps no leader or party could have found a way to avoid the Civil War. Nichols' biography captures all of this and I strongly recommend it.

I just finished this book last night. I am reading one biography on every US President and this was my 30th to read. Unfortunately there are not many choices on this particular president. The book was first written in 1931 and therefore feels a little dated in its structure. I feel I know a lot more about Pierce now and I happen to agree with history's assessment of the man and his one term in office. While his commitment to the Union is beyond question, he does deserve some blame in the deteriorating state of domestic affairs during the decade leading to Civil War. He was a weak, indecisive executive and his decision to form his cabinet to represent all views of the democracy was the deathblow to his administration before it even began. It demonstrated his lack of commitment to one set of principles. In his defense, even the greatest president could not have avoided civil war for ever. Linclon was correct when he said that the union was destined to be either all slave or all free. War was inevitable but Pierce's lack of leadership did not help.

His post presidency of 12 years is given very brief attention. And there is no examination of his relationship with Jefferson Davis either during the war or after the war. It is apparent from the book that Davis was one of his closest advisors. It is a very important relationship in American history that the President of the Confederate states had served as secretary of War in the US cabinet only 4 years before the war. An examination of how the war effected their relationship and what Pierce thought of Davis being the southern president isn't even mentioned.

I would hope some modern author will revisit the subject of Franklin Pierce. Until then, this book is the best we have.

Very decent history on a largely forgotten American president. Considering it being written while a high school sophomore, I look forward to more by Jordan, or "Silent Bob" as his Gettysburg College colleagues call him.

Of all the U.S. presidents who have influenced American history, the least recognized and discussed is Franklin Pierce - until the appearance of Brian Matthew Jordan's Triumphant Mourner, that is. Triumphant Mourner's biographical coverage tells of a man consumed by politics to the point of sacrificing his family life, children, and ultimately even his reputation. Even more unusual to note here: author Brian Matthew Jordan was a high school sophomore when he wrote this study - yet his historical research is impeccable, and his writing style smacks of scholarly accuracy and a lively commentate tone which imparts important details in a readable manner.

Well I may feel a little inclined to write a good review about this book being that Brian is a real good friend of mine, but the fact is that this is a great book no matter who wrote it. Well done.

What a great book on such a forgotten president. I applaud the author.

This is an excellent piece of historical writing! I could not put it down! The research was done meticulously, the facts are in order and the text flows like a narrative should. I would recommend this book to you all, it is well worth the paltry sum the author is asking. A true delight, you'll learn so much!

As a president who is popularly tied with Buchanan for the bottom of the barrel, it is refreshing that the volumne comes up with a story of interest. Even though this may be an obscure period for most of us, the bridge between the Revolution and the Civil War is represented in this story. Worth reading

This is very dry reading. As well, there is almost no mention of Pierce! Instead, the author focuses on the issues/characters that shaped the times. These are crucial to understanding the political atmosphere surrounding Pierce's presidency, but a biography should focus on the individual. We learn next to nothing about Pierce.

The years before 1860 were a period of increasing cold war in the United States. From the perspective of over a century after the conclusion of the internal war, we tend to lose the knowledge that there was more to the separatism than the disagreement concerning slavery. While the North/South dispute over slavery was paramount, other regional differences such as the role of the frontier led to a political fragmentation that prevented any faction from being able to govern and solve the growing problems. Several new parties arose while the formerly powerful Whig party was dying. This fragmentation is the main theme of this book and Gara states it very well. With the modern emphasis on the slavery question, the other divisive forces in the nation are often overlooked, which leads to historical inaccuracy.
Gara explains in great detail how the political fragmentation prevented any real attempt to resolve the issues. One point in particular that is often ignored is the three-fifths representation. For census purposes a slave was considered to be three-fifths of a person, even though they were also property. This absurdity caused a great deal of resentment in free states, as it concentrated more political power in the slave states than the size of the free population should have allowed. This caused more representatives to be elected from the southern states, which altered the outcome of some of the votes in favor of the south. Deeply resented by many in the north, it points out the inherent absurdities of slavery and is well documented and explained.
The federal government was still largely a weak institution with most of the power held by the states. With all of these problems, it would have taken an extraordinary president to alter the course of history. Franklin Pierce was no such man, and the best that can be said is that he muddled through without any great catastrophes. More than anything else, it was his handsome, presidential appearance that earned him the white house. His rise to the presidency was largely an accident, as he was a compromise candidate after the better candidates were somehow disqualified. His administration also began on a tragic note, when one of the Pierce children was killed before the eyes of his father and mother. Being largely untested on the national political arena, Pierce also wore a colossal political tin ear, often making basic errors that made things worse.
Given all of these problems, it is surprising that the Pierce administration did as well as it did. As the author points out, his presidency is ranked somewhere above a failure, but nowhere near a success. In reading about all of the problems of the country at that time, it is hard to see where a great deal of improvements could have been made. The country was expanding rapidly and the industrial revolution with associated social changes was just beginning. Slavery was a historical anachronism, clearly in the process of being eliminated and had it not become the symbol of the rights and tradition of the southern states, it would have naturally ceased to exist. Even the ardent proponents of slavery referred to is as the "peculiar institution."
In retrospect, the forces that led to the regional split were so powerful that it is hard to envision any way that it could not have led to a civil war. Those forces were stronger than any man or political party and in this book you learn about the actions of a man who landed in a job beyond his talents and yet avoided being a total failure. Given the complexity of the circumstances, his time as president was close to the best that could have been done.

THE AUTHOR, LARRY GARA, SETS THE STAGE FOR FRANKLIN PIERCE'S EMERGENCE TO THE PRESIDENCY BY DELVING INTO THE POLITICAL SURROUNDINGS OF THE 1840'S AND '50S. PIERCE WAS AN OBSCURE CONGRESSMAN WHO SAID NO TO BECOMING PRESIDENT. HIS WIFE SUFFERED FROM DEPRESSION.THE FAMILY EXPERIENCED THE TRAGIC DEATHS OF FAMILY MEMBERS AND PIERCE DRANK A LITTLE TOO MUCH. THE FAMILY PROBLEMS WERE ENOUGH, BUT BECAUSE CONGRESS' VIEW OF THE PRESIDENCY BEING THE PERSON WHO EXECUTED CONGRESS' WISHES, THE TRUE LEADERS OF THE TIMES COULD NOT GET ELECTED. FACTIONS ABOUND!! THE NEW YORK HARDS AND SOFTS, DEMOCRATS AND WHIGS, THE NEW REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT, FREE SOIL, THE NATIVISTS AND MANY MORE SPLINTERED GROUPS THAT CAUSED SETIONALISM. THERE WERE NO MAJORITIES. PIERCE WAS DOOMED TO FAILURE. IF YOU ENJOY AMERICAM POLITICS OF THE 19TH CENTURY THIS BOOK WILL PROVIDE GREAT INCITE.