Government and Politics Books

This book by Narendra Singh Sarila is a true eyeopener. Many commonly held beliefs about the history of the Indian subcontinent are disputed and in some cases heartily debunked. The author was the ADC to Mountbatten and thus comes with the imprimatur of "being on the scene".

I remember reading various sources like Wolpert wherein it was emphatically stated that Gandhi was always against partition. Well here Sarila reliably infers that at the end Gandhi thought partition was a necessary evil. Jinnah AND certain Hindu hotheads played the religion card to the hilt appealing to the lower angels of human nature via the fear route. Arguing that muslims would never get a fair shake in a Hindu Congress and nation Jinnah shrewdly played the fear card. The Congress on the other hand made no credible effort to include Jinnah early on (1929-30?) in a viable leadership position thus breeding distrust. Of course thirty million muslims who were not in the demarcated areas as proposed by Jinnah were left high and dry.

In talking to some of my Pakistani friends I am told that Nehru's "affair" with Edwina Mountbatten predisposed the memsahib to lobby her husband for a decision favoring India. I personally think that partition was the result of the lack of true STATESMEN in the situation. The whole concept was predicated on the belief that Hindus and Muslims could not co-exist. There was not sufficient give and take. Yes, Gandhi made the effort but his ideas were so impractical as to be dead on arrival. The partition need not have taken place. A great tragedy for both sides.

What is truly sad is the low opinion that Churchill had about Indians in general and Hindus in particular. Yes in those days it was quite common to view Indians as a cacaphony of peoples incapable of governing themselves, but Churchill's animosity seems to have been beyond the bounds of reason. Too bad because Churchill truly was the man of the hour during WW2 and helped save Western civilization. In my eyes the greatness of Churchill is tangibly abased by the vile alloy of racism.

Sarila recounts, in detail, the behind the scenes machinations of various players mostly to the detriment of a united India.

A sad commentary on a lamentable period of the Indian subcontinent. Highly recommended.

This book is a significant contribution to the understanding of the fateful events surrounding the independence and partition of India and the players involved. The book presents the events in a cogent manner with insightful analyses into the events and personalities. It is a must read for any student of Indian history and politics since it gives insight into the situations affecting the national security and political decisions made even today. We all have heard so much about the "Divide and rule" policy of English. The reader is able to witness that policy in action in this book.

Key features that one learns from this book are: i) the British determination to hold on to India as long as possible, and in the event that this becomes impossible, secure the northwestern portion of India to thwart any real or imagined Russian adventures, ii) The naivety of Indian National Congress leaders, especially Nehru, about the survival of an independent India in a predatory world, iii) the aging of Gandhi and weakening of his faculties and judgment in dealing with the changing political environment, iv) Even though Mountbatten contributed to bringing the princely states into the Union he also did double cross Nehru in dealing with Kashmir, and v) Hunger for power at any cost on the part of Jinnah who died regretting what he had done with his life.

The role that President Roosevelt played in pushing Churchill towards Indian independence and the US gesture to be the first country to send an ambassador to India is neither appreciated nor known among the India's polity nor did the historians pay much attention to the subject. Better management of the relationship with US early on might have paid dividends and the world history could have turned out to be totally different than what we have witnessed.

The author has to be specially commended for his assessment that Indian independence came not because the British had an enlightenment about egalitarianism or human rights but because the empire was economically not tenable any longer, and even more important, the events of the second World War and its conclusion created an environment in India where they could not even count on the loyalty of the Indian army any longer. The "awe" with which the ordinary Indian looked at the Englishman had ended. The bluff that worked for two hundred years stopped working.

The author worked from 1948 to 1985 in India's Foreign Service. He uses primary sources in this excellent book to show how from 1906 to 1947 the British state allied with Islamists to defeat India's majority-supported Congress Party.

The Aga Khan and some Bengal landlords founded the Muslim League in 1906 and at once petitioned Viceroy Minto to introduce separate Muslim electorates, a sure way to split a country. Lord and Lady Minto immediately welcomed this: she wrote that it would mean "Nothing less than the pulling back of 62 million people from joining the ranks of the seditious opposition."

Churchill too played the Muslim card, lying that the real problem lay in Hindu-Muslim differences about India's future and not in Britain's rulers' unwillingness to accept Indian independence. Viceroy Linlithgow forged an alliance with Jinnah's Muslim League Party. Linlithgow's successor Lord Wavell produced the 1946 blueprint giving the strategic prize of North-West India to Pakistan.

Jinnah called a `Direct Action Day' for 16 August 1946. The British governor of Bengal knew of the League's intention, yet the British brigadier in charge of law and order in Calcutta ordered his troops confined to barracks for the day. 5,000 people were killed. Wavell's blueprint was implemented when the British withdrew from India in 1947, even though it was kept secret to avoid any impression of a British hand in the division of India.

Sarila summarises, "Once the British realized that the Indian nationalists who would rule India after its independence would deny them military cooperation under a British Commonwealth defence umbrella, they settled for those willing to do so by using religion for the purpose. Their problem could be solved if Mohammed Ali Jinnah, the leader of the Muslim League Party, would succeed in his plan to detach the northwest of India abutting Iran, Afghanistan and Sinkiang and establish a separate state there - Pakistan. The proposition was a realizable one as a working relationship had been established between the British authorities in India and Jinnah during the Second World War and he was willing to cooperate with Britain on defence matters if Pakistan was created."

Imperial policy was and is divide and rule - whether setting Muslim against Hindu in India, Bosnian Muslims against Serbs in Yugoslavia, Sunni against Shia across the Middle East, Protestant against Catholic in Ireland, or Scottish against English in Britain. As Sarila notes, "The successful use by the British to fulfil political and strategic objectives in India was replicated by the Americans in building up the Islamic jihadis in Afghanistan for the same purpose, of keeping the Soviets at bay."

An interesting and detailed analysis based on historical documents that sheds light on the british machinations to encourage, even engineer the partition. lots of other fascinating facts and details are brought to life as well.

The Partition of India is one of the great un-studied subjects of modern times, especially in light of the great ethnic-cleansing that it caused, it is suprising it is ignored and its refugees forgotten. This book however is not about these crimes but about the politics and also the prejudices that brought about partition. It mostly focuses on the British decision to assist Ali Jinnah and his attempts to form a Muslim state. The British had long supported Muslims in India, both as civil servants and administratively, allowing them to keep Shariah law while suppressing Hindu traditions.

As the Great Game ended in 1905 and world politics changed the British continued to cultivate loyal Muslims in India and used them to split India, eventually using them to create Pakistan, and using Pakistan against Soviet Russia, which would have reverberations in the 1980s and even today.

This is a very interesting and new point of view. Few authors have tackled the subject of British pro-Islamic politics in their colonies and this is an important contribution.

Seth J. Frantzman

I read this book over a three day long-weekend. I could not put it down. I think one of the reasons I found it riveting was that some months ago I had read Dennis Ross's book, "The Missing Peace" and the characters and events were all very familiar. In fact, when reading a book like Ross's or Enderlin's, it is quite likely one would forget some facts or events so, by reading a book with very similar detailed subject matter, the understanding is made easier. Ross's book was more polished and personal and Enderlin's book is more in a style of a documentary. In fact, a documentary was indeed made for Frontline and Enderlin's use of the present tense gives the impression that parts of his book would have been used as the verbatim documentary voice-over. E. Rodin's review is excellent (I concur with 90% of it) and suggest it is really worth reading so I won't repeat what he has written. I would simply like to add that I think blame can be apportioned to Arafat for the failure as they did get very close... and Araft could not accept what was a great offer, better than could be secured today. The book makes one realise why, today, having a peace conference as proposed by Bush could well be counter-productive. if agreement is not managed ahead of a summit, at the working level, another intifada could break out when the talks fail. The book has become quite topical as, this very week, Enderlin and FRANCE 2 have come under the spotlight as an Israeli Government offical has claimed again that Enderlin and his colleagues staged a hoax (being the imgage of a Palestinian boy being shot by Israeli soliders); Just Google news "Enderlin Al Dura" for a complete range of views from press etc. (only two articles below which I think are worth taking the time to read);

In essence, if the shooting was a hoax set up by Enderlin and his colleagues, and the boy was killed by Palestinian gunmen, then Odin's claim that Enderlin's views are unbiased do not hold up.

October 03, 2007
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
Contact: Morton A. Klein, 212-481-1500
Top Israeli lawyer:
"Greatest journalistic hoax of the last century"


New York -- Seven years after the alleged killing by Israeli fire of a Palestinian boy, Muhammad Al-Durah, at the Netzarim Junction on September 30, 2000 during the first days of the Palestinian terror wave launched at Israel, the Israeli Government Press Office has officially rejected the France-2 Television report as a staged hoax. The Director of the Israel Government Press Office, Daniel Seaman, has issued a statement saying, "The events of that day were in fact staged by the network's cameraman in Gaza, Mr. Talal Abu Rahma" (Associated Press , October 1). Seaman stated that France-2 fabricated the events surrounding the death of al-Durah and cited in his letter an Israeli investigation that heard testimony from medical and legal experts and which determined that the events as described by France-2 were fabricated and defied the laws of physics ( Jerusalem Post, October 2). Seaman also wrote, "The creation of the myth of Muhammad al-Durah has caused great damage to the State of Israel. This is an explicit blood libel against the state. And just as blood libels in the old days have led to pogroms, this one has also caused damage and dozens of dead" ( Yediot Ahronot, October 2).


Investigations have shown that the angles of the IDF fire could not have hit Al-Durah and that the cameraman can be heard saying the boy is dead while the boy is still seen moving. During the past seven years, Israel has preferred not to confront the most popular television station in France, but following repeated requests by Shurat HaDin, Israel Law Center, Seaman issued his statement denying Israeli responsibility. The denial comes following a ruling in Paris by an Appellate Court Presiding Judge, Laurence Trebucq, in a defamation appeal of French journalist Philippe Karsenty, whom France-2 sued for defamation for questioning the veracity of its report on the events presented by its Jerusalem Bureau Chief, Charles Enderlin. Karsenty maintains that France-2 and Enderlin staged the incident with the active participation of their Gaza cameraman, Abu-Rahma.


Enderlin, who was not actually present on the scene at the time, produced a report which was distributed free to the international media and which alleged that Israeli fire has killed the boy. However, Enderlin's report utilized 55 seconds of selected footage, shot by a Palestinian Arab cameraman, Talal Abu Rahmeh, none of which shows al-Durah actually being killed, let alone by Israeli fire. The full footage has been viewed by three journalists -- Jeambar, Leconte, and Rosenzweig -- who have testified that it consists of 24 minutes of staged scenes, with no images of the al-Durah boy and his father and no trace of the boy's "death throes" that Enderlin claimed to have been filmed but later edited out because it was "unbearable." As former Israeli cabinet minister and Soviet Jewish dissident, Natan Sharansky, observes, " All three [journalists] concluded that it comprised blatantly staged scenes of Palestinians being shot by Israeli forces, and that France 2's Jerusalem Bureau Chief Charles Enderlin had lied to conceal that fact " (Wall Street Journal , October 2). Judge Trebucq has ruled that France-2 must provide the whole, unedited 27 minutes of footage. ( Pajamas Media, September 20).


The impact of this alleged killing has been extensive. It was cited by the murderers of the Wall Street Journal's Daniel Pearl. Postage stamps bearing al-Durah's crouched image have been issued in Jordan, Egypt and Tunisia; a street in Baghdad and a square in Morocco bear his name, while many schools across the Arab world are named after him. His image has even been reproduced on a designer dress in Saudi Arabia. Throughout Europe, and particularly in France, Muslims have used al-Durah as a rallying cry in their attacks against Jews, which broke out shortly after the Durah film was broadcast.


As Sharansky notes, "if, as Mr. Karsenty and others have claimed persuasively, the al-Dura incident is part of the insidious trend in which Western media outlets allow themselves to be manipulated by dishonest and politically motivated sources (recall the Jenin "massacre" that never was, or the doctored Reuters photos from Israel's war against Hezbollah in 2006), then France 2 must be held accountable. It is important to note that the al-Dura news report profoundly influenced Western public opinion. When I served in the Israeli government as minister of Diaspora Affairs from 2003 to 2005, I traveled frequently to North American college campuses. I heard first hand how Mohammed al-Dura had shaped the perceptions of young people just beginning to follow events in the Middle East. For many Jewish students, the incident was a stain of dishonor that called into question their support for Israel. For anti-Israel students, the story reaffirmed their sense of Zionism's innately "racist" nature and became a tool for recruiting campus peers to the cause. "


Shurat HaDin Chairwoman Nitzana Darshan-Leitner said that, "This was perhaps the greatest journalistic hoax perpetrated in the last hundred years " (Israel National News, October 3). She also stated that, "Among other things, we plan to petition the High Court of Justice and demand the journalist certificates and other GPO certificates are revoked from all France-2 crew members in Israel -- reporters, cameramen, produces, etc -- as long as the network does not publicly announce that the al-Dura report was staged and was biased. In addition, Shurat HaDin is considering filing a damages claim for the accumulated damage the report has caused, and specifically for the line of attacks and riots it has led to. This modern-day blood libel has led to the death of hundreds of Arabs and Jews and has ignited hatred" (Israel National News, October 2).


ZOA National President Morton A. Klein said, "We welcome the Israeli Government Office making an official statement on the case. We are also pleased that the Israel Defense Forces have called for the release of the full footage of the incident. The absence in the past of official statements harmed the cause of seeking the truth. Indeed, the original judgment of defamation against Philippe Karsenty was in great part due to the absence of official Israeli denial and complaint about the France-2 report, something which was specifically cited in the original judgment. The ZOA has been calling for some time for France-2 to release the full footage surrounding the alleged killing of Muhammad al-Durah, and this statement will help gather momentum for uncovering the whole truth about this episode which has inspired so much hatred and terrorism against Israel and Jews around the world. We call upon France-2 to revoke Enderlin's credentials. This event makes it clear that no-one can ever trust any future allegations of alleged Israeli atrocities stemming from PA officials and Palestinian media, all of which are under the direction and control of the PA or other Palestinian terror organizations."





Israeli Official Joins Fight Over Palestinian Image (New York Times, Oct 3, 2007)
There have always been doubts about the authenticity of a video clip showing the shooting death of a Palestinian boy, two days after the second Palestinian uprising began in 2000.
In the Arab world, the original report by a French TV network -- which said that Israeli troops had deliberately shot the boy -- still carries tremendous iconic power. An image taken from the footage, above, has been printed on postage stamps, and the name of the boy, Muhammad al-Dura, has been invoked by suicide bombers and Osama bin Laden.
But the video is dismissed as a hoax in other quarters. In France, a lawsuit continues over the authenticity of the tape, and similar doubts are raised elsewhere. Skeptics argue that artful editing and overreaching reporting obscured the fact that the boy was probably shot by Palestinian gunmen during a street clash with Israeli soldiers.
In Israel, the right-wing Israel Law Center petitioned the Government Press Office to pursue criminal charges against France 2 and revoke the network's press credentials. The petition was rejected recently, but the deliverer of the rejection also happened to be a bold civil servant intent on breaking with the longtime preference of the Israeli government to stay out of the debate.
The official, Daniel Seaman, made clear in his letter denying the petition that he agreed with those who say France 2 "essentially staged" the shooting video to shift blame for the boy's death to Israeli soldiers. Here's one of the emphatic statements, as reported by Ynet, an Israeli news site:
The creation of the myth of Muhammad al-Dura has caused great damage to the State of Israel. This is an explicit blood libel against the state. And just as blood libels in the old days have led to pogroms, this one has also caused damage and dozens of dead.
Another excerpt was published in another account:
This report became the blood libel of modern times that shows that Jewish soldiers kill children in cold blood. This fomented the Arab world and caused many casualties in Israel and the world.
Charles Enderlin, the correspondent who filed the original 2000 video report to France 2, said today that he stood behind it, as does his network. "This is not the first time Daniel Seaman voices these false accusations," Mr. Enderlin told Agence France-Presse. He was not in Gaza that fateful day himself; his report used video images shot by a Palestinian member of his team.
Mr. Seaman's letter prompted Pajamas Media, a right-leaning Web site in the United States that has been closely following the case, to run the headline, "Israel Officially Declares Al Dura Footage Staged." And others were similarly direct.
But Israel has not officially declared anything. The prime minister's office pointedly refused today to endorse Mr. Seaman's letter, according to a statement to AFP:
We were never shown Seaman's letter, we are not familiar with its contents, and have not approved it.
Haaretz added yet another shade of gray to the affair: Mr. Seaman apparently received approval for his letter from the prime minister's legal adviser.
In a phone interview, Mr. Seaman said he's followed this case closely from the beginning, and is completely confident in his conclusion. He said the letter, which was written in Hebrew, supported his argument with information from reports in The Wall Street Journal and The Atlantic Monthly, from independent sleuths like Second Draft and from official investigations.
Alas, a final answer of sorts remains elusive, although an official statement from the Israeli government becomes more likely as the Israel Law Center appeals the matter up the Israeli court ladder.
Another holy grail of the controversy is the full, unedited video footage from that day, which a French court has now demanded. In 2005, France 2 showed the original tape to an International Herald Tribune reporter, but did not answer crucial questions:
The footage of the father and son under attack lasts several minutes, but does not clearly show the boy's death. There is a cut in the scene that France 2 executives attribute to the cameraman's efforts to preserve a low battery.
In the 2003 Atlantic Monthly piece cited by Mr. Seaman, James Fallows both rejected the video and acknowledged that the true circumstances hardly mattered.
"Even if evidence that could revise the understanding of this particular death were widely accepted," he wrote, "it would probably have no effect on the underlying hatred and ongoing violence in the region."

Although Enderlin's book was published in 2003 it is important and timely. Its importance resides in the fact that the author, as Bureau Chief of France 2 (the French equivalent of PBS), had direct access to most of the principal actors in the peace-process and his location in Jerusalem as well as his dual French-Israeli citizenship provide for unbiased reporting.
The timeliness of the book results from two aspects. One: the Israeli-Palestinian conflict continues to fester with no end in sight and influences U.S. political decisions in regard to the rest of the Middle East especially: Syria, Iraq and Iran. Two: Benjamin Netanyahu and Ehud Barak, both former prime Ministers, are again candidates by their respective parties for the Prime Ministership in Israel's next election. Knowing a person's past behavior allows, to a certain extent, a reasonable prediction for the future. Enderlin shows us the character flaws of both individuals and how these have led to the collapse of the peace process.
In contrast to the propaganda Americans are still exposed to in regard to the failure of the Camp David II negotiations, which places the blame exclusively on Yasir Arafat, Enderlin shows that the process was doomed from the start. The confidence building measures namely adherence to the Wye River agreement, which had been negotiated previously by Netanyahu, were not observed by Barak who instead insisted that everything would be solved by this final status agreement. Arafat thought that it would be impossible to do so in a hastily arranged two week meeting for a conflict on which the partners show wide disagreements. The most egregious ones were: the borders of the Palestinian state, the right of return of Palestinian refugees, the fate of the settlements and Jerusalem which both sides regard as their capital. The Jerusalem problem is compounded by the question of sovereignty over the Temple Mount which, as Haram al Sharif, is the third holiest site of the Muslim world. The American failure to understand that Arafat could not single handedly make decisions on this vital topic, without agreement by the other Arab nations, was an important aspect for the failure of the talks.
For these reasons Arafat did not want a meeting which was supposed to be the "end all and be all." He agreed to come only after he had received President Clinton's assurance that he would not be blamed if the talks were to collapse. As we know Clinton did not keep this promise.
There were numerous reasons why the actual talks failed: Barak never negotiated with Arafat personally and even refused to engage in private conversations with him during dinner; there was no fixed agenda and no protocols were kept, everything was negotiated orally; the "American" proposals had to be vetted by the Israelis before they could be presented to the Palestinians; sessions went on throughout all hours of the night rather than on a fixed timetable. As everybody knows, when people are sleep deprived tempers tend to flare and agreements become difficult to achieve. The fact that the American negotiators were for the most part Jewish was also a hindrance. Although Enderlin doesn't mention it Swisher's book The Truth about Camp David, which should also be consulted, pointed out that Hillary Clinton was during that time locked in a race for the vacant New York Senate seat. This was an additional factor which prevented Bill Clinton from "leaning" on the Israelis even if he had wanted to do so.
Under these circumstances it is remarkable that a considerable rapprochement of views was actually accomplished upon which further negotiations could and did in fact proceed. They were however thwarted by the political process. In the U.S. Clinton's term of office was over and the Bush administration was not interested. In Israel Barak ruled with a minority government and had to call for elections against Sharon who was violently opposed to any concessions towards the Palestinians. Within Palestine the people had not seen any improvement in their lives during the prolonged peace process and to the contrary had to watch more of their land being expropriated for settlement building. They had become increasingly furious and the second Intifada erupted which provided the pretext for ending all negotiations.
Since the accuracy of Enderlin's presentation is vouched for by Israeli as well as Palestinian negotiators the book can be highly recommended to anyone who is interested in this vital topic. The book should also be required reading for all presidential office seekers as well as members of Congress.

Charles Enderlin (a French journalist in Jerusalem) has done a great service not only to Israelis and Palestinians but also to American observers of the conflict. With his inside access to the negotiators, Enderlin gives the reader a vast amount of primary material.

What were the two sides discussing? How did the negotiations work? Why did the summit at Camp David fail? Did either side really want peace? Enderlin has his answers, but he also gives the reader the opportunity to make his/her own judgments.

As Beilin, Sher, Ben-Ami, Ross, and others publish accounts as participants in the process, it is very helpful to have Enderlin's book as a resource. For anyone interested in understanding the failed attempt to end the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, Enderlin's book will be essential reading.

As someone who has done alot of research on the middle east, having read countless books on the matter and journals, I can honestly say that no present account is better than Enderlin's account of the failed peace process. The main reason are his sources. Most of his sources are all the people involved, from Shimon Peres, to the european delegation, Palestinian ministers, transcripts between Clinton and the leaders, even transcripts of Syria's Assad! The book is very fair in the sense that it does not place an emotional blame, just describes what happened and who did what. If you want to understand where we are now and how the tragic mistakes of the past can be avoided, read this book. You will not regret it.

This book is most interesting as it shows you how each side ( US, Palestinian, Israel) approached the peace negotiations process and how misunderstandings, political pressures, fundamental policy differences, promises made by one & retracted by another, the lack of preparation and trust lead all contributed to the failure of the Clinton Peace talks.

It is truely a behind the scenes view of the entire process.

It also covers how each side, especially the Israelis, managed the peace process. The management of press reports(pages 215 to 217)is just one aspect that I found most enlightning.

I would make this book required reading for anyone engaged in the study/practice of international negotiations.

The lucid and careful telling of Ms Smith's story is a great contributions to understanding our time and place. The hidden issues of race and injustice continue to plague our country. So much of it seems incomprehensible because it is wrapped in Christian Theology. Ms Smith reveals the secrets that keep the evil and pain alive.

I had a History professor who assigned this book for reading no matter what course he was teaching. I didn't understand why until several years after I finshed college. Ms. Smith describes the "ghosts" of the consciousness of the American south, the mythical fears that separate the races, in a way that is literate, poetic and unflinching. If you want to understand the history of the South, this book will fill in the gaps for you.

Upon reading the very first page, I knew I had a very special book in my hands. This is one of the most beautifully written and insightful books I have ever read, with an honesty and moral awareness one would find in the writings of Robert Coles.

Part One, "The Dreamers" chronicles Ms. Smith's life, as well as what she observed of the South as a Southerner herself.

Part Two, "The White Man's Burden," Ms. Smith explains how segregation shuts out not only blacks, but also whites.

Part Three, "Giants of the Earth," discusses how the powers to be, men in politics and business leaders, created the current situtation of segregation in the South and the reasons they wish to maintain the status quo.

Part Four, "The Dream and Its Killers," explores how the very future of humanity, "the Dream," depends on a willingness to embrace positive change and challenge those aspects of the status quo that aim to keep that from happening.

Ms. Smith's honesty and eloquence in telling a profoundly American story about the perfidy of the South of her childhood is a literary tour de force about an immensely important slice of American history. It is a profoundly American tragedy fashioned from the most basic of human materials, human fallibilities, many of which still consume us as Americans--black or white, north or south. This book is the most sombering account of who we Americans are--as opposed to who we wished we were--anyone is likely to ever encounter. Unfortunately, since her death, Ms. Smith's story of about race, sex, religion, politics, economics and deception in the south has become the American way of life, writ large.

I'd give it more than five stars if it was possible. What a courageous woman to have published this in 1949! I am so glad it was re-issued in 1994!!!! Smith provides insights on, and discusses in depth, things that are basic underpinnings of race relations in this country, but are rarely mentioned. The book is a must for anyone trying to gain insight into the foundations of white privilege and its implications, as well as improving race relations. An absolutely *incredible* book.

Social Security: False Consciousness And Crisis by the late John Attarian (1956-2004) who had served as Adjunct Scholar at the Mackinac Center for Public Policy in Midland, Michigan, is an in-depth, 393-page study of the economic and political issues affecting the Social Security Administration and its polices. John Attarian expertly guides the reader through systematic rulings occasioned by demographic realities, the growing disillusions of the citizenry with respect to the availability and sufficiency of the Social Security system in their retirement years, to the executive controls and exploitations of Social Security trust funds, as well as governmental administrators and congressional political maneuvers with respect to a Social Security-based "retirement insurance" program and its implications for future generations. A work of seminal importance for today's national debate on the subject, Social Security is very strongly recommended for all students of political science, fiscal politics, and economic trends as they have effected the Social Security program in the past and the present, as well as projected impacts concerning the future of Social Security's availability to American citizens in the future.

With Social Security's bankruptcy coming up sooner than our members of Congress want to admit, John Attarian's book is a must read. It is not only very thoroughly researched, but absolutely demolishes the web of myths, lies and "spin" by which we have been misled about what is really going on with our national retirement system. In fact, one of the major myths that he destroys is that there is no crisis.

But beyond bringing the truth into focus, this book then constructively uses this better understanding of the facts to also diagnose some of the major proposed solutions to Social Security's problems. And he concludes, with typical candor and honesty, "This problem is well nigh insoluble,", although he does offer a "modest proposal" of some of the tough actions that will be necessary to get us out of the mess that all of these political falsehoods have covered up.

"Social Security: False Consciousness and Crisis" is a must read for those interested in the history and legal underpinnings of social security. Anyone in the process of formulating an opinion on the future of social security is well-advised to have Mr. Attarian's excellent book near at hand. The footnotes alone are worth the price.

John Attarian's Social Security is the kind of book you loan to your leftist friends when they begin harping about the need for more government intervention in health care, the private sector, etc. Then you remember that leftists aren't the smartest people on the planet; if an argument can't be reduced to an easy to remember slogan, then it won't stick with them anyway. Attarian doesn't provide slogans, but he does give readers a very well documented history of Social Security, from the arguments before its passage in 1935 to the present with stopping off points in 1976 and again 1983, the years when funding crises revealed the deep but not unforeseen flaws in the program. Before entering into the history of the program though, he first lays out the current situation with the program and examines the dismal prognosis for it in the coming years using the forecasts issued by recent SSA actuaries. In a nutshell, the program is destined to go bust and there's no solution to the problem that doesn't involve ceding even more power to the government; and even this would only provide short-term relief. Even if the government were to confiscate 100% of the earnings of every worker in the U.S., it would not be enough to salvage the program. Many of the problems facing SS are well known, but the author provides concrete reasons for the present unease among younger Americans.

I personally found the focus on the early years of SS to be the most interesting. Here, the author culls the documentary record and shows that from its inception, SS was based on fraudulent premises. FDR and his advisors knew that SS was antithetical to the values and attitudes of 1930s era Americans, so they crafted their legislation to make the program sound as if it were an annuity for old age funded by a lifetime of worker contributions. During this time, government handouts were a source of shame and humiliation, so the program's proponents designed a marketing scheme that would assuage the pride of intended beneficiaries. Then as now, the language of the insurance industry has been used to bolster the public's faith in SS -- referred to by supporters and the very legislation itself as "insurance" and "annuity".

Drawing off of Supreme Court decisions, congressional testimony, private and public papers of administrative officials, the opinions of such luminaries as Henry Hazlitt in addition to private insurance actuaries, Attarian exposes several powerful myths of SS. 1) The SS trust fund is not really a trust fund. SS is paid out to eligible recipients from current tax revenues (i.e., current workers pay for Granny's paltry monthly stipend). This point is fundamental to understanding the "lock box" lie started by Republicans in the 1990s and picked up later by Al Gore and the Democrats. The Social Security Trust Fund is not really a trust fund. 2) The funding of the SS program is contingent upon an ever growing pool of workers and an economy destined for limitless growth and productivity increases. Unfortunately, the U.S. has been in a steady decline economically for decades. Real wages are stagnating or shrinking, white collar jobs are making a mass exodus to Third World countries, and the savings rate of the average American stands at a pathetic 5% of net income. 3) SS surpluses are required BY LAW to be spent by Congress as part of its general budget outlay (segues with point 1). It's been this way since the program's inception and any chatter about "saving" the surplus and stuffing it into a "lock box" are just more lies by politicians looking to avoid hard decision making. Workers have seen a steady erosion of SS benefits over time because the program is simply unworkable. Early beneficiaries received far in excess of what they actually paid in; present and future workers will have to pay more and more while getting less in return. The author is very frank in what this means when the money finally runs out in 2015 or so: A profound loss of faith in government followed by potential violence and political upheaval. Imagine paying your whole life into a program only to find out that the funds you thought would be paid back to you with interest don't exist. Millions of Americans are unaware of this fact and their reaction will be anything but mild when the collapse comes. If you're still drawing breath in 2015, you won't have to use your imagination at all, you can watch the mess unfold before your very eyes.

Attarian's writing style is fluid and the topics are well-structured. There are some technical discussions on the mechanics of the program, but I had no problem following them thanks to the author's ability to establish a framework useful to both layman and expert. The testimony and documentary evidence that he has gathered from 60+ years of SS is truly impressive. Both sides of the SS debate are well represented, but the author shows no remorse in exposing the deceptions artfully used by SS partisans. Neither is he reluctant to demolish current "save our SS plans". This book is very timely because of recent legislative efforts to expand the Medicare program. Like SS, Medicare is in dire straits financially, but this fact has not halted or swayed our boneheaded politicians from using the same bad planning and disingenuous rhetoric that went into getting the original SS Act passed. Social spending and bad planning will continue so long as we are stuck with our beloved "democracy". What few people realize is that economic laws are as immutable as those of physics. You can print more and more fiat money and run massive deficits only up to a certain point. It's even possible for the government to confiscate more wealth from private citizens, but eventually, the bag of tricks runs out and the politicians will be left to face mobs of angry workers defrauded out of decades of wages.

John Attarian's critical study of the social security system, which, according to this investigation, is anything but secure,should shake the confidence of younger Americans that their government-controled retirement funds will be waiting for them when they retire. Attarian insists that funds that we have been led to believe have been hermetically set apart for pensions are actually being diverted to other purposes. Equally relevant,social security funds are being rapidly depleted, a fact that is disguised by the way the federal government keeps its books. This looming crisis is further managed by treating social security as a sacred "entitlement" that both of our national parties are unalterably committed to preserving. Attarian argues persuasively that this sacralization prevents the political process from dealing with social security realistically, as a program whose time has come and gone.
Even those who do not agree with the argument of this book should read it carefully, since it makes a strong case for abolishing or radically rehauling a costly federal program. Moreover, Attarian combines a detailed knowledge of economics and economic policy with an elegant writing style. In his hand, economics ceases to be the dismal science and leads instead to witty prose. This book fills a curricular niche in policy courses that political science and economic departments tend to offer. Unlike most monographs I have assigned for courses in this field,however, Attarian's book is a pleasure to read. I shall order it for my students the next time I decide to cover this theme.

True story told truly. It might sound grand, but this is indeed a lesson on life and attracts respect, for the courage then and now to tell the story so humbly.

Historically it is not insignificant at all either, as so little has been written on that period and that aspect of the conflict, and even less with seriousness.

First off, I'm biased. Col. Bailey is my grandfather. Secondly, I never asked why we call him Boompaw. I suppose it may be the last thing he heard standing in the doorway of Rose Bowl, ready to bail...Boom. Grandpaw went BOOM.

Thirdly, this is a fantastic account of another time, another place and another generation. If you feel you know all about Southeast Asia and that painful time in world history, you will find an entirely different perspective in Solitary Survivor.

I often wonder when reading autobiographies, especially assisted ones, if I am hearing the author or flowered up prose from his professional co-author. When you read this, know that you are hearing the author's words, in his words. The first time I read it I don't know if I cried more because of what the author went through or because I was hearing my grandfathers voice telling the story. His story.

The honest reason it gets five stars? They don't offer six.

As the son of Ralph Magee, the pilot for the mission I am grateful for the insights as to what happened to my father. Finding useful information on that incident and the politics surrounding that time is extremely difficult to do.

Lastly, I hope that Mr. Bailey realizes that he is a hero, and he can find peace knowing that my father (and his family) would have wanted him to be happy.

Jeffery (Magee) Woods

This book was written by my Dad. It accurately describes how I believe Dad would react to the circumstances in which he found himself. He spends a good amount of time on the historical aspects of America's early involvement in Southeast Asia, specifically Laos. I believe the warning signs of "things to come" were readily apparent to anyone not embroiled in politics. My Dad's selfless commitment to his country and his courage under harsh conditions continue to raise the question in my mind, "Where will we find men like this should our country need them again?"

Solitary Survivor is a fascinating book detailing one of the first American soldiers taken captive during the initial stages of the Vietnam war. Colonel Bailey's story is revealing in many ways as he is the only survivor of a C-47 code named Rose Bowl that crashed in Laos with seven others on board in 1961. There is some speculation that one other on board survived but Bailey explains what he knows concerning Edgar Weitkamp and gives the reader the information and allows us to form our own opinions. He is unique in that he is only one of several men to return from captivity in Laos and details the dehumanizing treatment he received at the hands of his captors. In spite of or more because of his confinement and the total darkness he was kept in for most of the 18 months he was held in captivity, Colonel Bailey made a trek back to Sam Neua, Laos, to revisit, after 30 years the place that started the nightmares that are with him today. His return visit is very unique as Sam Neua is still considered Indian country and it has also been the focal point of many POW sightings over the years. Sam Neua is considered to be the place where many American POWs where held captive but were never returned at the conclusion of the Vietnam war. As a former 1st Cavalry soldier, I salute you Colonel Bailey and thank you for writing such an informitive book. Finally, I want to thank you for answering our country's call in three wars!

"Solving Sprawl" made me want to live in the places the authors describe. For my job, I typically have to read a lot of dry, boring reports and books about planning and policy. By providing great, color photos and true stories about how many of these places were created, I couldn't put this book down. "Solving Sprawl" does something that many people have tried, but few have done this well: it makes the businness of creating more livable communities interesting and engaging. Suddenly, smart growth isn't just something I read about happening in some far away place, it's something that can happen in my town, or anywhere.

If you are interested in how to make your community a better place to live without being bored to tears with "legalese" and "policy wonk talk," buy this book!!!

"Solving Sprawl" made me want to live in the places the authors describe. For my job, I typically have to read a lot of dry, boring reports and books about planning and policy. By providing great, color photos and true stories about how many of these places were created, I couldn't put this book down. "Solving Sprawl" does something that many people have tried, but few have done this well: it makes the businness of creating more livable communities interesting and engaging. Suddenly, smart growth isn't just something I read about happening in some far away place, it's something that can happen in my town, or anywhere.

If you are interested in how to make your community a better place to live without being bored to tears with "legalese" and "policy wonk talk," buy this book!!!

I have an advance copy of this book, and I hope Amazon gives it a full listing soon, because it fills a valuable need - showing people how our communities can grow and prosper without sprawl and the ugliness and damage it brings to our landscape and towns. The authors provide 35 inspiring examples of smart growth - development in cities and suburbs, along with green space preserved - all over the country, while disussing the relevant environmental and social issues.

Too often, environmentalists are criticized (and rightly so) for being too negative, pointing out problems without presenting solutions that work for the economy and for people's convenience. This book takes a most refreshing opposite approach, and backs it up with color photos and project data. The authors know what they are talking about, too: these are the same folks who wrote Once There Were Greenfields, the meticulously documented handbook on the problems associated with sprawl development. Solving Sprawl is the best thing I've seen yet on smart growth, and it should be a boon for anyone concerned with these issues. It was produced by the Natural Resources Defense Council in New York, which has more information on its web site. Get it - you'll be glad you did.

This is a valuable and much needed reference that offers substance instead of rhetoric about containing sprawl with smart growth-oriented development. It persuasively demonstrates how smart growth projects across the country are succeeding in meeting people's housing and employment needs while minimizing environmental harm. Thirty-five projects are profiled in sections devoted to cities, suburbs, and conservation areas, each with project statistics and contacts. Its geographic diversity is especially impressive, from the nation's largest metropolitan regions to small rural towns. This is one of those rare volumes that works for professionals as a technical reference, and for community officials and citizens as an educational tool. It's an inspiring catalogue of some of the best neighborhoods and communities being developed in America today.

Solving Sprawl is a wonderfully lively, readable account of how 35 diverse communities from across the nation have managed to find solutions to the problems of sprawl. Examples from urban, suburban, and rural areas demonstrate numerous innovative strategies for protecting the environment while creating attractive, human-friendly places for people to live, work,
and play. The book is enhanced with photos, maps, and informative sidebars. This is an impressive, inspiring piece of work that succeeds as both an introduction to Smart Growth, and as a guide to translating Smart Growth theory into practice.

As the author states,"Stalin successfully imposed his vision upon one sixth of Earth's landmass." Whereas Hitler's charisma was instrumental in his rise to power, Stalin's success was due to his self control and his extraordinary ability in successfully interacting with others, even his enemies. De Jonge's detailed account of Stalin's life helps us understand the man who greatly influenced the course of Russia's recent history.

Stalin as chief thug, with lots of black humor.

"Ezhov was a rat, he killed many innocent people, and that's why we shot him."- Stalin speaking of his former head of the NKVD.

I just want to add a note to the review I wrote earlier. De Jonge's "Stalin" was written before glasnost opened some new materials from the Soviet Union for scholars to access. Thus, it is limited from that standpoint. However, this is in no way a serious hindrance to the book. Having also read Conquest's biography of Stalin, which WAS written after glasnost, there is very little that Conquest added to de Jonge and certainly no major re-interpretation. Both books are excellent, de Jonge's a little easier read.

Joseph Stalin is a fascinating subject. Alex de Jonge is an outstanding writer. They combine for a great book. There are other biographies of Stalin; Deutscher is a bit dry, Conquest is excellent, but perhaps a bit short. De Jonge covers his subject thoroughly, but not with so much detail as to overwhelm or lose the reader. De Jonge is an excellent writer, and he combines his talent with useful information and a plethora of fascinating, sometimes hilarious, anecdotes. He doesn't get bogged down in Marxist theory, but he does give a brief synopsis which will benefit the average reader; a scholar might wish for more. Perhaps the most outstanding and useful part of the book are those sections dealing with foreign affairs, especially in the aftermath of World War II. Brilliant analysis....

Although this book is fairly large at somewhere around a thousand pages, it's awesome. De Jonge is a superior biographer who manages to avoid getting bogged down in Stalinist politics and subcommitees. De Jonge narrates the rise of the dictator and his subsequent maneuverings very well, keeping you interested with little effort, despite the fact he's describing bleak people against a bleak background. Stalin is a fascinating, evil personage worthy of remembrance and De Jonge does his life justice. A masterpiece of modern biographical work.

B"H

This is an excellent book for any reader who has been interrested in why the JDL began. It is very exciting once you get past the first chapter on Soviet Jewry, however I reccomend reading it through for some very interresting turns, and surprises. As a Jew, I believe it now only sheds light on a very controversial group, but also gives one pride in knowing that such a group exists, and indeed in being a member of the Jewish people.

U might not like him. However, Rabbi Meir Kahane was a man like no other. He gets right to the point and pulls no punches. He says all the things that the establishment is afraid or unwilling to say. We need more people like him. I HIGHLY recommend this book to people who are looking to make a difference in the world today

His history and outline of the JDL ideology should be read by every Jew--whether or he or her agrees with Kahane.Read especially what he says about Jabotinsky.

'The Story of the Jewish Defense League' is an education to its readers, providing a different Jewish approach to dealing with problems in the Jewish community. Kahane's JDL proved that there is more than one way to deal with issues of tantamount importance to the Jewish people. He also showed that, sometimes, the unpopular way is the right way. While being a great work on the history of his organization, Kahane has also written here a work on how to persevere against the tide of popular opinion.

Why does the Klan never march through Harlem? Why don't Nazi's hold rallies in the streets of Newark? But yet, they rally in Skokie, Illinois to intimidate Jews.

In The Story of The Jewish Defense League, Rabbi Kahane discusses why things such as this happen, and why Jews must stand united against anti-semitism. Rather than using "peaceful protest", the Rav. shows how Jews can use more effective methods, and how they have continued to work over the years.

Every Jew, regardless of being right or left wing in politics, should read this book, if for no other reason, to get around some of the myths that surround the JDL, and to understand all the good they have done to protect Jews worldwide.

While filling his role as an active United States Senator, Bill Frist has undertaken a task requiring a sense of history, perspective, and courage. His commitment to Tennessee history from the perspective of both information and inspiration is evident in his wide-ranging research into the careers of the seventeen Senators who are his subjects, and courage was surely necessary in his evaluation s of their constructive or detrimental contributions to their state and country. His introductory essay, "A Sense of Place and Time," provides an exemplary summary of the events and issues challenging the varied, fascinating, and intensely partisan group of twentieth century leaders who come to life in these pages. Their stories will remain a unique part of the Senator's legacy to history.

-Wilma Dykeman, Tennessee State Historian

Senator Bill Frist has captured the personal and political lives of Tennessee senators from the depression, through the critical post war era, and into the 1990's. Frist's straight shooting style offers rare, revealing, and thought provoking insights into the men and the times. His journey through Tennessee's history provides praise and criticism, but most importantly honesty. With former Senator Kenneth McKellar's 1942 work, Tennessee's Senators, we have a rare opportunity to look deep into Tennessee's political and social history.

-Gregory Harness, U.S. Senate Librarian

This book presents a lively and informative tour through a turbulent century of Tennessee and U.S. political experience. The author, Senator Bill Frist, has skillfully balanced the perspective of an incumbent senator with the insights of an accomplished historian. The story should appeal to a wide audience, both as a chronological story to be followed from start to end and as a rich reference source of specific information about Tennessee, the Senate and seventeen individual senators. Every state in the Union deserves such a richly textured study.

-Richard Baker, U.S. Senate Historian

The great state of Tennessee has produced some of the truly dynamic leaders of this century. One of the best of them is Senator Bill Frist, distinguished physician and surgeon and now a lodestar leader in the United States Senate. Reading this book is both informative and inspiring. You will gain a unique perspective on the twentieth century through the insightful biographical chapters on the Tennessee Senators who impacted the history of our nation and the world from 1911 to 2001. The theme of servant leadership, so evident in the author's own life, is illustrated in the lives of those benchmark Senators from Tennessee. This book is a very important study of leadership that forces us to redefine the title "politician". This book is a good, stimulating read!

Dr. John Lloyd Ogilvie, U.S. Senate Chaplain

With deftness, Senator Frist and Mr. Annis have mined a vein of Tennessee history rich in character and content. The reader will take delight in sifting through the settings, circumstances and fascinating personalities who have contributed so distinctly to a governing process which has led the United States to a pre-eminent position among all nations. Every student of Tennessee history will find in the content of this unique work a great storehouse of information, reminiscences, and intriguing insights concerning the unique individuals who have served their state and nation in the United States Senate. The book represents a valuable gift to every Tennessean.

-Governor Winfield Dunn

I own the affordable paperback version, and I'm glad I do because this is one of the best books out there on terrorism. Sure, the writing is a little scattered with snippets or profiles of different terrorist groups to illustrate various points, but the flow is great and the insights are just at a very high level. I particularly enjoyed how the book seems to read like a series of intelligence estimates, but this is due to the author's background, I guess. It's not only a great book on terrorism, but one that a reader may come back to time and time again to get some new insight out of it.

Within the broader framework of outlining the goals, motives and strategies of modern terrorist groups, Harmon documents some very specific examples of people, places and events.

This is not a catalog of terrorist groups or a chronology of individual terrorist acts. Rather, it is an in-depth look at the problem as a whole. Harmon uses examples from groups all over the world and in the process discredits such notions as "one man's terrorist is another man's freedom fighter."

In the chapter dealing with future threats, Harmon all but predicted the events of September 11th.

Anyone interested in a scholarly look at the terrorist threat since the end of the cold war, should read this book.

difficult subject explained in terms a non-Jesuit can understand.

The market for books on terrorism has flourished in the months following September 11th. This has been a mixed blessing. On the one hand, quality works of enduring value have had increased exposure, on the other hand we have seen a flood of books of extremely dubious merit and sensationalism. This book belongs in the first category and deserves more exposure than it has had.

Harmon (a lecturer at the Marine Corps Command and Staff College) provides a readable and wide ranging overview of his subject; with coverage of the politics and effectiveness of terrorism, terrorist groups, counter-terrorism methods and a section debunking some of the many and varied misconceptions and popular myths regarding terrorist groups. The text is scattered with thumbnail descriptions of various leading terrorist groups, terrorists and important works of literature in the terrorism canon.

This book serves as an excellent general introduction to the subject and acts as a solid foundation upon which the newcomer to the subject can build. It belongs alongside the serious academic texts on terrorism rather than the sensational journalistic mush that is now common on the shelves of mainstream book shops and yet is still readable and easy to get into.

If you only ever read one book on the general theme of terrorism you could do worse than making it this one. Undergraduate students studying terrorism should make a point of giving it a look too.