Government and Politics Books

What a conversation piece!!! Politicians beware!!!! Everything you say will come back to haunt you!!! Great book for all of us who enjoy watching our politicians eat crow!!

what a collection by a true master of the pen...Shakespeare? Dickens? Frost? Morons!

This book (as well as the Bush one) is packed with rare and just plain hilarious quotes by the former USA President. Most of these I've never heard before and the author leaves quite funny and relevant comments to further the humour. Highly recommended.

The best, funniest and most enjoyable way to remember all about Clinton! His greatest speeches, his greatest mistakes, his greatest virtues, his greatest flaws! This is a very original quote book, visually attractive, easy to read, and compilated with very intelligent and creative sense of humor. You�ll enjoy it from beginning to end�and back!!!

This book had me laughing from the moment I opened it. It is not only an insightful look at the former President's words, it's chock full of silly comments that keeps the pages turning and turning.

Herf's book on "Reactionary Modernism" is important because it brings up an intellectual tradition that has been unjustly neglected since the end of WWII. Herf's "paradigm" consists of the right-wing intellectuals, Spengler, Junger, Sombart, Freyer, Schmitt and Heidegger whose main philosophical preoccupation was the impact of technology on modern civilization and the radical shift in human relations that technological progress has caused. Herf locates the peculiarity of this tradition to its love/hate relationship with modern technology. All the aforementioned thinkers realized the tremendous potential of technology but sought to integrate it within the German quasi-romantic GEIST in order to safeguard it from Bolshevism and Americanism. This analysis is complemented by a brilliant chapter on German engineers and their idea about technology and politics. Despite the original contribution of the author to the history and sociology of ideas, his analysis raises some doubts especially in relation to the chapters on Sombart and Spengler. In addition, the author neglects to point to the fact that the "suffocating" state of technology was also pointed out by Marx. Having said that, all credit to Herf who was bold enough to throw light into the "politically incorrect" aspects of German social theory and philosophy. Such attempts are useful and valuable since they put things on perspective shattering one-dimensional views about the current state of civilization. Essential reading for all those who are not afraid to search for the truth even when this is against the current!

Mr. Herf's has written a book that is well researched and fair. Too often, studies dealing with National Socialism and related idealogies lack objectivity, never revealing the full depth and breadth of the thinkers involved. Not so here. The author even points out the mistakes made by many critics in underestimating the thinkers in question.

The chapter on Ernst Junger is the most fascinating. Herf makes Junger's writings clear by placing them in the cultural milieu of the time, something important for understanding most authors, but vital for Junger. While I imagine in hindsight Junger still come off as strange to most of us, he is at least understandable now.

While I can't match the author's experience in research and reading, I remain somewhat skeptical of the extent to which the Nazis adopted reactionary modernism. Was it just a means to an end, to be abandoned once the war was won, in favor of romantic pastoralism. Why the need for lebensraum in the east if not to escape the crowded, "un-nordic" city life?

Also, I wonder if the author's reading of Heidegger isn't a bit off. While Heidegger himself may have prefered the cabin in the woods to the metropolis, I always read his anti-technological views as an attack on a technological, calculating mindset, or way of viewing the world, not as being against the machine neccesarily.

If you are attempting to understand what happened in interwar Germany then this book is worth reading. The main philosophy is that Germany attempted to combine the beauty of modernization with the romanticization of a mythological past. This book helps to explain the foundations of the Nazi regime and why it became so appealing on a mass level. At times the reading gets tough and little on the dry side, but if you can get thought that part of it, you will find the book worth your time.

_Reactionary Modernism_ deals with the way in which certain thinkers on the German Right dealt with the ideals of rationality and technological progress fostered by the Enlightenment. Thus, as distinguished from the traditional Ludditism (i.e. rejection of technology) and anti-technological focus of the traditional right, certain thinkers among the conservative revolutionaries in Germany after the First World War were able to accept the idea of technological progress while rejecting the Enlightenment ideals of rationality. These thinkers distinguished between Technik and Kultur and tried to bring Technik into the realm of Kultur and out of the realm of Zivilisation. Brought together by the experiences of the front (Fronterlebnis) during World War I, the reactionary modernists praised a masculinized ideal of technology. Such reactionary modernist thinkers including Oswald Spengler, Ernst Junger, Carl Schmitt, Martin Heidegger, Werner Sombart, and Moeller van den Bruck were precursors to fascism and national socialism (and in fact many became outright Nazis before the Second World War). _Reactionary Modernism_ focuses upon the thinking of such "conservative revolutionaries" as these thinkers as well as upon the thought of the German engineers and their understanding of capitalism and socialism and various aspects of the Third Reich and Hitler's movement. On one side were the ideals of "blood and soil" and the Volk, opposed to the modern "liberal" ideals of capitalism, communism, and modern finance. The reactionary modernists often were quite antisemitic contrasting the life blood of the German Volk with the more nefarious qualities of "Jewish finance and Bolshevism". While much of the thought of the reactionary modernists fueled the catastrophe that became the Third Reich, reactionary modernism offered a unique perspective which synthesized the aspects of Techniks and Kultur while rejecting the ideals of the Enlightenment.

A review of Jeffrey Herf's "Reactionary Modernism: Technology, culture, and politics in Weimar and the Third Reich." By Michael J. Saporito, MA History candidate, Salem State College. "Reactionary Modernism: Technology, culture, and politics in Weimar and the Third Reich." By Jeffrey Herf. New York: Cambridge University Press. 1984. pp. ix, 251.

Jeffrey Herf's Reactionary Modernism studies the complexities involved in Weimar and Nazi Germany's attempts to simultaneously modernize and antiquate their nation. Herf explores the conservative, anti-democratic groups during Weimar and how they were able to bring together the technological modernization of Germany, while at the same time rejecting almost of the liberal qualities of the Enlightenment. Herf looks to the intellectual, political writings of Juenger, Sombart and Spengler (also, Heidegger, Schmitt and Freyer) to demonstrate how the intellectual community desired to bring Germany into the modern era, while still retaining their distinct German Kultur. Other interesting sources that Herf uses to state his case are German engineering journals and the research of historian Karl-Heinz Ludwig. These sources show how German engineers were brought inline with the reactionary modernist line of thought. Herf successfully demonstrates how the synthesis of technology and German Kultur not only existed, but also thrived. Reactionary Modernism's incorporation of anti-Semitism is detailed if full. Herf explains that this explanation of modern German anti-Semitism is more solid than the version set forth by Adorno and Horkheimer in "The Dialectic of Enlightenment." Anti-democratic groups in Weimar Germany saw the Jew as the reason behind everything that was wrong with Germany. Herf's conclusions show how the Nazis became lost in their ideology and this ended up making technology that was needed for the war effort suffer. The popular myths of German technological supremacy are put to rest. a "Reactionary Modernism" is a valuable source for anyone studying Weimar, the Third Reich or the influence of the Enlightenment in totalitarian governments.

This is the best Russian history book I have read in a very long time. You should all be "Russian" out to get it as soon as possible. History was never my favorite subject, but this author made the subject come alive. My father's parents were born and raised in Russia and had to leave at around the turn of the twentieth century, so reading about the Tsars and the rebellions of that time period gave me a vast new understanding of my ancestral origins when my family members were strangers in a strange land. Great Job, Pete. History rocks!

This book is real tight now ya hear...pick it up pronto. huzzah for the j man

Mr. Julicher is the best teacher at Cranbrook. This book is great and informative.

I am in the process of reading this book and am
fascinated by the authors detail description of the
tsars. It's wonderful to read a book with substance
and not fluff! I am impressed!

Julicher's book is a great book for anyone who wants to read-up on Russian history without referencing several sources. The book easily divides periods of history into readible and understandable chapters. This is a great book for any college or high school student who is interested in Russian history

Cleveland and Noyes make a great case in their book for (as they say) shifting back to "bottom up government" as our founding fathers envisioned.

They both definitely know their subject and have well thought-out all issues they discuss in the book including taxes, prisons and the drug war, energy policy, farming, etc. There is a lot of ground covered here.

After reading each topic, I found my self in agreement with nearly every core belief of the libertarian party - it just makes SENSE as opposed to how we've been doing things here in the U.S. the last hundred years - we've sure strayed from the founding father's principals, including "limited government" - in today's society, you can't do ANYTHING without government involvement and taxation - so much for a "free market" economy. The book reads very well and the is a wealth of information in the Appendixes.

To sum it up: Clyde and Ed have written one of them most inspiring books about the POTENTIAL of government I have ever read - I'm so glad they have shared this vision as I'm sure this book will inspire many other people!

This book is amazing. It is written in a clear, simple, succinct manner. Clyde and Ed have really opened my eyes to the way our country is run. I knew that our government was out of the hands of the people, but I had no hope that anything could be done about it. Now I have not only learned the details of the corruptness of our power- and money-driven government, but I know that things can be changed. By adopting the principles of the Libertarian party, we can return our political structure to one that truly is of, by and for the people. We can return our earth and all its people, and our economy, to a state of health and vitality. I highly recommend this book to anyone who wants to understand why things are the way they are in this country, to anyone who wishes things could be better, to anyone interested in living a better life. After reading this book, I was delighted to go to the polls on election day and vote for all the Libertarian candidates. I only hope that our citizenry is deserving of what those candidates have to offer.

If you are like me, you are completely bored and frustrated with politics in our country. Our candidates flood the TV, airways & press, with personal attacks and negative campaigns. I am continually amazed at how hard they work to say nothing and make it last 30 minutes. Finally, there is a breath of fresh air. Finally, we have candidates that have alot to say. So much, that it took this book to make the information available to the public. This book explains their plans for restructuring the property tax system, eliminating state income tax, generating green energy for the entire state, restoring the power of the individual and much, much more.

Both authors of this book are running for office in Iowa. Clyde Cleveland is running for Governor and Ed Noyes is running for Attorney General. Regardless of the campaign tactics of the other candidates, Mr. Cleveland & Mr. Noyes continue to run their campaign's using the golden rule: Do unto others as you would have them do unto you. Their campaigns demonstrate the respect that they have for the individual and that is something that is in short supply in our government today.

Read a single chapter and you will be hooked. You won't want to put it down until you've finished it! Enjoy!

Clyde Cleveland and Ed Noyes have written a detailed plan for restoring Iowa, what they call America's "heartland." I was so moved by the PRINCIPLES by which these men live that I moved from Cleveland, OH to support Mr. Cleveland. I left my family and friends; I left two bands, found a new home for my dog, and left my full-time job working with the disabled to labor for the restoration of our true law. In my opinion, I have lost nothing in comparison to what the human race has to gain.

These two men have a plan for Iowa, but the principles--those of our founding fathers--can change the world.

I remember reading Orwell's "1984" and "The Tomorrow Files" by Lawrence Sanders and thinking this is great fiction, but what if they're right? It seems as if we have and continue to create the types of societies that authors with foresight have been warning us about.

Not being very political, I see it happening and have always thought that I can't do anything about the way we have been duped into thinking our two party system gives us choices.

"Restoring the Heart of America" not only discusses the problems our government has created, but offers real solutions for returning to a country of true freedom as outlined by our great forefathers. It is time to undo the damage that has been done, such as our dependency on foreign oil (or any oil, for that matter) and the way we have allowed large corporations to mold our future. We owe it to ourselves and future generations to stand behind leaders that will look out for the people, and not foreign entities and corporations with deep pockets.

At first, I thought that every Iowan should read this book so we can help lead our country in changing the world. I now urge all Americans to read this book and tell their friends to read it as well. It's a book that is clear and easy to read and can do a great deal in restoring our faith that we have the ability to make changes for the good of all. My hat is off to Mr. Cleveland and Mr. Noyes for the courage to take a stand on making changes that are essential to our continued freedom and way of life.

Morrow's book concludes with a chapter entitled "Two Roads," to revolution or to counterrevolution, to workers power or to Franco. It was not only the abstract need for socialism, that Morrow explains the Spanish revolution could have won only by going to workers power. The disastrous policies of the Stalinists, the social democrats, and the anarchist labor bureaucrats subordinated the struggle to the dictates of big business in Spain and imperialism abroad, the same forces that welcomed Franco.
Morrow is very good at explaining how this policy prevented the workers, peasants, and oppressed peoples in Spain from solving the many national and democratic tasks, supposedly solved in the US in 1776 and in France in 1789: land to the tiller, freedom from feudal rights and powers of nobility and church, national independence for the colonies in Africa, linguistic freedom and national rights up to self-determination for Catalonia and the Basque Country, to name a few. Fighting for these things was the natural reaction of popular masses in Spain as soon as Franco tried to overturn the republic. Sadly, Morrow shows how the Republican government lost because it turned its back not only on these rights, not only on socialism, but even the basic democratic right of workers and peasants to organize political parties, unions, workers councils, to publish and speak freely.
Morrow is not all depression and criticism. He saw with his own eyes the natural response of the working peoples in Spain to fight beyond the limitations of class collaboration. He saw how that power nearly defeated Franco and how it could have defeated Franco especially if the Republic had joined with the struggle of the colonial masses and oppressed nationalities to gain freedom Read Morrow and learn how the coming struggles will be victories and not defeats.

Socialist correspondent Felix Morrow writes a powerful account of the revolutionary uprising of Spain's workers and farmers in the 1930's and the heroic battles they waged to defend the rights and organisations won through struggle.

The counter revolution began in Spanish Morocco under the command of fascist General Franco, aided and abetted by Hitler and Mussolini while the liberal democracies from the United Sates to Britain and France, sitting under the shade of "neutrality" looked the other way secretly hoping for the Generals success.

For revolutionary fighters who thought the Soviet Union's bumbling help to the Spanish toilers was due to a series of bad misjudgements came to the realisation they were in fact coming up against counter revolutionary Stalinism.

Despite the impediments posed by social democracy and Stalinism, the Spanish workers had an ability to learn the lessons of previous events at great speed and combined with their almost unlimited capacity for struggle, were able to overcome what stood in their path.

However, they were let down not by the usual suspects but by the organisation that seemed to be the most free of the Stalinist and social democratic straightjacket - the POUM.

Morrow takes the reader through the earth shattering events that unfolded in Spain at the time and takes up central challengers facing that countries working people in the battle for state power.

A fascinating and powerful book, this tells the story of the Spanish Civil War of the 1930s, of the heroic struggle by workers and peasants against the fascist revolt led by Franco and backed by Hitler and Mussolini.. It is full of rich lessons for today-- including of the role of the so-called western democracies, the governments of the United States, Britain and France, in undermining this struggle for fear of unleashing a deep-going workers revolution.

This fight went down to defeat, but the leadership lessons to be learned from this experience are invaluable today. The need for workers to organize independent of the parties and policies of the bosses, bankers and landowners; the importance of championing land reform for poor peasants and the rights of oppressed nationalities (in Spain's African colonies for example) as a precondition for forging unity in struggle, come through in vivid detail here. Also the sharp test in practice of the disastrous policies of different political currents vying for workers and peasants support: from the Moscow-led Communist Party, to the anarchists and the POUM.

Written as the civil war unfolded, this book documents the tremendous capacity of ordinary working people to fight oppression and change society, and the crying need for a leadership capable of leading this movement forward.

Although written in the late thirties, this is still one of the best titles on the Spanish civil war available. Unlike many other books on the subject, which analyze the events from either an anarchist or stalinist point of view, Morrow offers a socialist perspective. He illustrates quite well the shortcomings of both the anarcho-syndicalist CNT-FAI but does not fail to criticize the strategy and tactics of the "marxist" POUM either. Morrow takes specific events and shows how the POUM repeatedly failed to fill a revolutionary void due to its indecisive leadership. Indispensable reading material for socialist activists as well as readers with a general interest in labor history and revolutionary history.

Morrow was a great editor, a great journalist, a man who captured the spirit and realities of the Spanish civil war, not as an uncritical supporter of the Republicans, but as a revolutionary critique familiar with the lessons Leon Trotsky tried to give about the Russian Revolution, familiar with the betrayal of the class collaborationist leaders of the Communist and Socialist parties in Spain.
In this book we see in the flesh what we may here about in other writer's analysis of this civil war. I was always struck by how he shows the imporance of the struggle for land and support to the small farmers, not by analysis but by describing the debates he heard on this subject between Spanish peasants and Franco's troops.
The rise of Le Pen and France and the attempts of the same social democrats and stalinists to get workers in that country to subordinate the struggle to supporting Chirac is an errie echo of the same policies that Morrow shows led to the defeat in Spain.

Gives a fantastic account of FDR from his privileged childhood and days at Groton, to his harsh induction into the world of politics; the skill at which he maneuvered the political currents to the New York Capital in Albany, and ultimately the White House. Once there Burns gives an account of passionate dedication to the American people, both during the Depression and WWII, that most likely was not seen since Lincoln. A must for anyone's Presidential Biographical collection.

This is the best account of pre-WWII FDR that has been written. Burns combines established facts with a commentary that examines the 32nd President's possible psychological views on issues. From major decisions during the New Deal to relationships with Eleanor and staff members, Burns paints an objective picture of FDR. The picture is neither rosy nor clouded, but is an intimate portrait of the longest- serving President in American history.

FDR was perhaps the craftiest politician to occupy the White House since Lincoln. The Title, "...Lion and the Fox" is an allusion to Machiavelli's dictum that one must be stouthearted like a lion and crafty like a fox. FDR combined these qualities to achieve political mastery of his time.

This book focus on his life up to the start of WWII. It paints a thorough life portrait of the president and illustrates the events and experiences that shaped this master politician. Although enjoying congressional majorities like no other president (that certainly aided the implementation of his program), FDR had to over come the reluctance of both GOP and Democrat conservatives to rework the federal government into the active economic and social player it is today. McGreggor's book explains how FDR the man made the New Deal possible.

This is a well written book that gives evidence of being thoroughly researched. For anyone interested in presidential history, I'd recommend this book.

This first of a two volume biography of FDR gives the reader an excellent introduction to the life of this most significant icon of the Twentieth Century. Although primarily a political biography, Author James MacGregor Burns gives the reader an introduction into the ancestry and early life of FDR.

FDR's education was received in the rarified air of Groton, where he under the tutelage of Rector Endicott Peabody, and Harvard, where he was a "C" student. His mother, Sara, moved to Boston to be near him during his time at Harvard, much like Douglas MacArthur's mother during his time at West Point. Formal education was completed at Columbia Law School, preparatory to his brief legal practice.

Roosevelt's life in the Democratic Party began with a call to run for the state senate in 1910. His position as a reformer made him an opponent of Tammany Hall. Over time he learned to retain his reform image while learning to work with the machine. His rise was not uninterrupted, as his 1914 attempts to run first for governor and then the US Senate were unsuccessful. His service as Undersecretary of the Navy in the Wilson Administration advanced his renown so that he was nominated for vice-president in 1920.

FDR's promising career was nearly brought to an end in 1921 by polio during a visit to the family cottage on Campobello Island. Burns tells the story of his convalescence and rehabilitation, culminating in his appearance at the 1924 National Convention to nominate Al Smith "The Happy Warrior".

Although 1924 brought crushing defeat to the Democrats, it was the start back for Roosevelt. Smith's presidential nomination in 1928 opened the governor's office for FDR who, in another Republican year, won a narrow victory, followed by a landslide in 1930. As governor he initially had to deal with a Republican legislature over issues involving the budget, electrical power and the balance between reform and Tammany. The advent of the depression brought with it new challenges of state solvency amidst rising needs.

1932 found Roosevelt as the leading Democrat in the nation, although his road to the nomination was rocky and by no means certain, with challenges from John Nance Garner, who would be placated with the vice-presidential nomination, and William McAdoo.

With election election, Roosevelt started to assume responsibility for the affairs of the nation. One of his most questionable periods was during the pre-inauguration time. As Hoover attempted to respond to the worsening economic crisis, his calls for joint action were rebuffed by the president-elect. Burns skillfully addresses the issue both from the perspectives of Roosevelt's willingness to let conditions worsen and the need to retain his own ability to act.

The main part of the story begins with FDR's first presidential inauguration in 1933 which started the fabled "First 100 Days", during which the Roosevelt magic was unchallenged. His proposals were passed with little or no opposition. With blurring speed, Congress passed the CCC, agricultural aid, states grants for unemployment relief, federal supervision of securities and railroads, the TVA, relief of mortgage debts and the start of the National Industrial Recovery Act.

Later in the year some opposition arose. One defeated measure was the St. Lawrence Seaway, which had to await the Eisenhower administration. The diplomatic recognition of the USSR and the economic downturn weakened FDR's position. Through 1934 conservative opposition held back administration measures, which led FDR to interfere in the congressional elections, not always in support of Democrats. 1935 saw a series of Supreme Court rulings which struck down New Deal measures, setting up the 1936 elections as a referendum on the New Deal. As hard as it is to believe now, the race against Gov. Alf Landon was expected to be very close. Although not officially campaigning, Roosevelt made the most of inspection tours.

The landside win in 1936 emboldened FDR to undertake his boldest initiative, the packing of the Supreme Court in order to obtain a majority which would let New Deal measures stand. Roosevelt approached the issue in total secrecy. The unveiling of his plan set off a firestorm of opposition, including much from traditional administration allies. In this he suffered his greatest defeat, mitigated only by a change which made packing unnecessary.

After the defeat of the Court packing bill, the second term was a period of mixed successes and failures, which did little to change the overall trend of events. In 1938 Roosevelt attempted, with little success, a purge of Congressional opponents. Through this term, he was hampered by the active opposition of his vice-president, John Nance Garner, a situation unlikely to exist today.

As the second term progressed, the focus shifted from domestic depression to the worsening foreign situation. This book does a good job in showing the reader how Roosevelt gradually turned the ship of state into the rising foreign headwinds.

The final drama of the second term was Roosevelt as Sphinx, leaving everyone guessing whether he would run for a third term or not. Ultimately, conceding that he could not turn down the call of the people, his nomination was assured and his transition to a war time leader continued.

Focusing on the political career of FDR, little attention is directed to his personal life, so one must look elsewhere for his relationship with Eleanor and his family. Burns skillfully presents a balanced approach of Roosevelt's career, explaining both the successes and the failures. He helps the reader understand the distinction between FDR's personal successes and the success of the Democratic Party. Neither an uncritical paean nor a hatched job, the book provides the reader with the facts of FDR's actions from his time in the New York Senate through his first eight years in the White House, with an epilogue so as not to leave the reading hanging pending the reading of the second volume. The FDR saga justifies the book and the book justifies the reading.

I recently had occasion to re-read James MacGregor Burns's marvelous Roosevelt: The Lion and the Fox and was deeply impressed by how well its has withstood the test of time. The early paperback edition of this book, which was originally published in 1956 and covers the period from 1882 until 1940, characterized it as the "first political biography of Franklin Delano Roosevelt," and it continues to be the authoritative study of Roosevelt's preparation for and then conduct of his first two terms as president, when domestic affairs demanded most of his attention. This remains a wonderful book about this country's greatest politician of the 20th century, and it also offers many penetrating insights into the American political system.

Burns's treatment of Roosevelt is comprehensive, "[treating] much of [Roosevelt's] personal as well as his public life, because a great politician's career remorselessly sucks everything into its vortex." Roosevelt was the only child of a member of the upstate New York landed gentry, and he could have led a life of leisure. Instead, he was sent to Groton School in Massachusetts, where the headmaster, according to Burns, "made much of his eagerness to educate his boys for political leadership." Roosevelt completed his formal education at Harvard College and Columbia University Law School. Burns writes that Roosevelt's first elective office, as a New York State Senator was a "political education," and he became a "Young Lion" in Albany. Roosevelt served as Assistant Secretary of the Navy in Washington, D.C., during World War I and was the candidate for Vice President on the Democrat Party's unsuccessful ticket in 1920. In 1921, Roosevelt was stricken with polio, and the crippling disease would have ended the public career of a less ambitious and determined man. Instead, he continued to work hard at politics, was elected Governor of New York in 1928 and then President in 1932. This was just the beginning of a remarkable career in high office.

Burns makes clear that Roosevelt was a progressive in the tradition of Woodrow Wilson but was without strong ideas or a specific agenda. According to Burns: "The presidency, Roosevelt said shortly after his election, `is preeminently a place of moral leadership.'" Retired Supreme Court Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes offered this cutting assessment: "A second -class intellect, but a first-class temperament." Action to combat the depression was necessary to restore public confidence in government, and the first Hundred Days of Roosevelt's first term was one of the great periods of legislative achievement in American history. Burns writes: "Roosevelt was following no master program." However, in Burns's view: "The classic test of greatness in the White House has been the chief executive's capacity to lead Congress." According to that test, Roosevelt was a great president. Burns writes that, "[i]n his first two years in office Roosevelt achieved to a remarkable degree the exalted position of being President of all the people." Burns explains: "A remarkable aspect of the New Deal was the sweep and variety of the groups it helped."

As early as 1934, however, organized conservative opposition to the New Deal was forming. (A newspaper cartoon reprinted here shows a figure identified as the Republican Party holding a sign stating: "Roosevelt is a Red!") Roosevelt was increasingly attacked as a traitor to his class, but a large measure of his genius was his ability to hold the more extreme elements of the New Deal in check. Roosevelt's political skills were tested in every way. For instance, Burns writes that Senator Robert Wagner's National Labor Relations Act, which proposed to"[vest] massive economic and political power in organized labor" "was the most radical legislation passed during the New Deal." According to Burns, Roosevelt's initial reaction to the bill was "invariably cool or evasive," and the president, with what Burns describes as "typical Rooseveltian agility," announced his support for the bill only after its passage was certain. Burns demonstrates that Roosevelt's support, both in Congress and among the public, gradually eroded in the late 1930s, but he was, of course, elected again in 1940 and 1944. Roosevelt's nomination in 1940 was especially skillful. Many in his own party favored maintaining the tradition of limiting presidents to two terms, and Democratic Party leaders lined up in the hope of succeeding Roosevelt. Roosevelt outfoxed all of them and was elected to his historic third term.

I believe it is fair to say that Burns admires Roosevelt, but this book is not a whitewash. Burns candidly writes about Roosevelt's "deviousness." And the author is appropriately critical of Roosevelt's attempt to "pack" the Supreme Court following his overwhelming re-election in 1936. However, in my opinion, these instances simply are proof of the truism that great men are not always good men. Burns took the subtitle of this book from the Italian Renaissance political philosopher Machiavelli's dictum that a political leader must be strong like a lion and shrewd like a fox. Franklin D. Roosevelt was both, and that made him a great president. This is a great political biography of that great president

This is an extremely insightful examination of the election that first put Grover Cleveland in the White House. The ways in which Summers analyzes the political process remind me of Holt's masterpiece, "The Rise and Fall of the American Whig Party". (That is a much more massive book, as it covers a broader topic over a longer period). The use of political cartoons of the period to support the narrative is probably the best I've seen. The style is engaging, although occasionally I think Summers gets slightly carried away. For example, at least one discussion of the standard myths about the period goes on long enough to be somewhat disruptive. Also, while I don't detect any factual bias, there is a tendency to look at things more a Republican perspective. That is, issues (e.g., the role of the minor parties) are more often discussed in terms of problems facing the GOP and how well they did or did not deal with them. The outcome of the election is reported in language that seems rather wistful that Blaine lost. Again, this is only a matter of relative emphasis - there is excellent material on the complex relations between the Democrats at the national and state levels and the rival Democratic machines in New York City. Despite my minor quibbles, I highly recommend this book to anyone with a general interest in American political history, and it certainly must be read by anyone with a particular interest in this period.

The last half of the 19th century is a period that the historians generally give short shrift to. They dutifully plow through it in the obligatory chapter in their rush to get from the Civil War to Teddy Roosevelt, Wilson, and the Progressive Era. The campaign of Grover Cleveland against James Blaine for the presidency in 1884 is just about forgotten. This is too bad because what with the emphasis on character and values (accompanied by some really gross mudslinging), the extensive changes in technology and business, the factionalism and divided government, it was a period much like ours. Summers does an excellent job of dispelling the prevailing view of this period as a doldrum bookended by Lincoln and TR. In a comprehensive yet not overly long book, he shows that substantive issues like the tariff, the relationship of the national government to the states, morality in politics, substance abuse (ie prohibition), and other pressing matters really were at stake, he explores those issues and the men and women who had to face them. This book is one of the best treatments of the 1884 presidential campaign (or any other campaign for that matter) out there. Find a copy of this book and read about a time that is so much like ours.

As an undergraduate at the University of Kentucky some years ago, Professor Mark Summers changed my life and I eventually devoted my life to the study of history. His lectures made the past come alive and seem so fresh and real and vital. Anyone who has read any of his books can relate to the sense of excitement that I am describing, and his latest book is no exception. In fact, it is perhaps his best book yet. Lively, fast-paced, yet scholarly and thought-provoking, Summers' book is everything that his readers have come to expect. I would highly recommend this book to anyone interested in nineteenth-century politics or U.S. history in general, or for those who consider history dry and boring and would like read a book where the past truly does come to life.

Anyone interested in politics or American history should love this book. The writing style is crisp and entertaining and the author strikes the right balance between explaining long ago and long forgotten events without drowning the reader in unnecesary details. The 1884 election itself was one of the most interesting of our history with sex scandals, charges of political corruption, party splits, and campaign blunders. The author brings the excitement to life and lets the reader understand not only what happened but why it occured and, even more interesting, what the participants had hoped to accomplish with their political strategies. The book succeeds in describing how late 19th century elections looked and felt to the participants. The human dynamic skillfully set out in this book (the cynical maneuverings, the overheated rhetoric, and the intense partisanship)are very familiar with what we experience in campaigns today-this very familiarity helps make Blaine and Cleveland seem real and not just sterile historical figures. Read this book!

Mark Summers is one of the great historians of mid-nineteenth century America. He is fully capable of taking subjects which have seemingly been worked to death and making them fresh with new material and original analysis. Rum Romanism and Rebellion does just that, making Blaine and Cleveland seem more vital and alive than the current occupants of the White House. The issues engage us, the political battle grips us. This is one of the author's best (to my mind, Mr. Summers best work is his two volume work on political corruption [neatly divided between ante-bellum crooks and post-war thieves]; let's hope that Mr. Summers has a trilogy in mind and next turns his attention to wartime corruption: from the transcontinental railroad to the supply of Union soldiers and the appointment of generals, that era was rife with corruption, yet very little has ever been written about it). Well done, Mr. Summers!

The so-called El Paso Salt War is one of those important events seemingly forgotten in the swirls of history. Yet it is a tale that ripples through Anglo and Mexican relations to this day.

Undoubtedly, one of the reasons this chapter has gone relatively lost is the complexity of the story. It involves hundreds of people, many with backstories vital to understanding what happened and why. There are numerous shades of grey and nuances that demand a subtlety beyond the scope of most researchers and writers.

But not Paul Cool.

Years of intense study and investigation provided him insights previously undiscovered. Moreover, Paul has been able to take this huge amount of information and present it in an easy to understand, intelligent yet compelling book. His talent is a gift to the reader.

And make no mistake--Salt Warriors is a grand tale of greed, ego, ethnic and cultural hatred, duplicitous behavior and violence that no novelist could have come up with. If this were fiction, readers would dismiss it as a flight of fancy. But it's dead-on history. It really happened. And it impacts current border relations.

Paul Cool has done an incredible job of revealing the people and events of the Salt War, and of bringing them to life for the modern audience. This is a must for the library of any Old West history fan.

Salt Warriors is both a work of scholarship and a terrific read, one of those rare history books that is willing to consider the past on its own terms while reevaluating it in the light of the present. The best book on Old West history published so far this year.

The Salt War is one of those subjects that we have often heard without understanding its significance. Cool gives us an opportunity to catch up in a hurry. This book should appeal not merely to lovers of Old West history but to those who want to understand how it connects to the politics of our own time.

I have just finished reading Paul Cool's first book, Salt Warriors. The story of the Salt War in El Paso in 1877 is a complex saga of politics, greed and personal conflicts and Cool has done a wonderful job detailing the events and the combatants. He has exhausted every possible source in the search for new and expanded details on the conflict. In doing so, he has managed to deliver a very balanced account of the trouble. In particular, the author has used his outlaw/lawman research experience to help provide greater detail on all the participants. The result is a triumph of research and writing, that stands above previous works on the subject. Cool's ability to unlock background details of the key players allows for a greater appreciation of the motives of both sides and thereby engages the reader in the events. Salt Warriors is a great read and a truly important historical work, written by a gifted author and indefatigable researcher. Congratulations Paul Cool. The book was long overdue but worth the wait.

Although not as resonant in American borderland history as the Alamo or San Jacinto, the El Paso Salt War left a lasting imprint in Anglo-Hispanic relations, especially in western Texas and New Mexico. With this first full-length study of the Paseño insurrection in El Paso and environs, borderlands historian Paul Cool has advanced both our knowledge of history and our understanding of the roots of present-day borderland issues. Cool, with prodigious research and use of a myriad of untapped primary source material, has shed new light on this 1877 insurgency that saw murderous clashes between Mexican-Americans, known as Paseños, and newly arrived Anglo-Americans.

Hispanic settlers had apparently been communally utilizing and selling nearby salt deposits as a cash crop for generations. With the coming of Anglos and a differing concept of resource ownership, a culture clash and an ensuing clash of arms was inevitable. Paseños thought the 1848 Treaty of Guadalupe-Hidalgo guaranteed their unfettered access to the salt even as the region was ceded by Mexico to the U.S., but the Anglo-dominated Texas legislature had other notions. Mix in the personal tragedy of putative manager of the salt lakes and provocateur of Paseños, Charles H. Howard, his angst explained by Cool's insightful analysis of his humiliation and his southern notions of honor and gratitude, and the triumph of violence over diplomacy was unavoidable. And triumph it did, for three deadly months.

Neither institutions nor individuals come off particularly well- the Texas Rangers, the U. S. Army, local law officers, the main protagonists or antagonists- although the author probes the motives and depths of each and makes it all compelling. Most on the Anglo side are incompetent or craven to one degree or another, several are plain cowardly. Others, notably a Silver City contingent of hardcases masquerading as a peace force, led by Dan Tucker and John Kinney and including killer Jim McDaniels, are worse, functioning as little more than a gang of robbers, rapists and murderers. An especially valuable section for the reader's closure is a follow-up on the key participants in the Salt War drama, tracing their later, post-insurrection, years, often with poignancy.

This overdue study is beautifully written, and is a significant achievement in the scholarship of southwestern history.

The best book about the war over the salt flats just west of the Guadalupe Mountains in West Texas.

Eric Voegelin was one of the most profound philosophers of history of the twentieth century. More than any other thinker I know, he was able to articulate a body of thought that recognizes the human need for a grounding in transcendent truth and analyses the vicissitudes of the inevitable search for meaning. His work deserves to be widely read, but perhaps because of its imposing bulk--his masterwork, "Order and History," weighs in at five fat volumes of complex reasoning, vivid exegeses of the symbolic forms of the past five thousand years, and indepth and illuminating readings of philosophers from Parmenides to Heidegger--it is not. "Science, Politics, and Gnosticism" is a perfect hors d'oeuvre of a book, and serves well not as a systematic introduction to the full scope of his vision but as a tasty morsel of his maturing thought at a crucial point in his oeuvre. Voegelin's incisive critique of ideological thinking in this book is lucid and mercifully accessible. I would hope that a reader comes away from this potent little classic inspired to dig deeper into the mine of wisdom that Voegelin's work offers.

Science, Politics & Gnosticism presents two essays, the title piece, "Science, Politics & Gnosticism", and "Ersatz Religion: The Gnostic Mass Movements of Our Time" by Eric Voegelin (1901-85), one of the most influential political philosophers of the twentieth century. Voegelin contends that certain modern movements, including positivism, Hegelianism, Marxism, and the "God is dead" school are variants of the gnostic tradition. Striving to settle the confusion that arises from the dominance of gnostic thought, Voegelin further strives to classify distinctions between political gnosticism and the philosophy of politics. A lucid yet in-depth scrutiny of the interplay of complex ideals and their reverbations upon mass political movements, Science, Politics & Gnosticism is especially recommended reading for advanced students of philosophy and political science.

Oh, the visionary has a new system to save the world? Put that in section II B, tray 5, right next to the same idea that sprouted 1000 years ago under a different name.
Voegelin has boiled down the rules for understanding all secular visions of salvation, which invariably play on some human dissatisfaction, the diagnosis of which always omits a key "given" of human nature, which is thus marketed as changeable, but isn't, leading to fanatical attempts to control people, devolving into scaring them into submission with the threat of death.
The opposite of the Christian love ethic which posits a brotherhood in relation to a heavenly Father, according to Voegelin.
Voegelin here achieves a scientific method of explaining how non-christian ideas relate to Christian ideas of social organization. He was very popular in Cold War times, but is also versatile enough here to help with the great conversation we are all having in relation to terrorism. This book is simple, direct and profound.

These two essays describe the inability of modern political thought to get a grip on the confusion and horror of the 20th century, mainly because that thought itself has not been immune from the very disorders it seeks to study. The roots of modern disorder are found in "Gnosticism," which is usually defined narrowly as a form of Christian heresy, but thought of by Voegelin as a typical response to the universal human problems of uncertainty, meaninglessness and alienation. Thus seemingly disparate movements like communism, fascism and positivism are placed within a Gnostic tradition stretching back to antiquity.

After describing the characteristics of ancient Gnosticism, Voegelin defines his own approach to the "science of politics," derived mainly from Plato and Aristotle. He then proceeds to analyze thinkers such as Hegel, Marx, Nietzsche and Heidegger and to isolate what he feels to be their dominant motives. The one great theme of all Gnosticisms, ancient or modern, is the desire to do away with the notion of a given, "objective" world. If the project of world-transformation is to be made plausible, then nothing can be seen to be outside of human power. Social reality is a constructed thing, not a thing given or found, thereby allowing it to be "deconstructed."

In the second, shorter essay, "Ersatz Religion," Voegelin describes the complex of ideas characteristic of modern Gnosticism such as millenialism, utopianism and positivism. As the title of the essay suggests, the religious impulse does not die after the murder of God; it gets redirected into "political religions." Politics then becomes a matter of belief and fanaticism, instead of rational discourse and debatable opinions. Despite the abstractness of some of its theoretical concerns, this book is very readable and jargon-free. Those with no prior reading in philosophy may need to look up a term now and again such as "ontology." I recommend it as a good, short introduction to the kind of sober and ordered thought that we so desperately need after the century of Hitler, Stalin, Mao, and Pol Pot.

Voegelin has done the public a great service by tracing a common thread of gnosticism amongst modern political philosophies. He goes to Marx's juwish roots in order to expose the theme of the golem that underlies Marxian thought as laid out in Marx's Political and Economic Manuscripts. The Kabbalistic underpinnings of socialistic philosophy forecasts these philosophies as gnostic philosophies.

Although Voegelin indulges in almost pure abstraction (characterisitic of his German education) it is quite accurate since it exposes the naked truth a la Jack Kerouac of these ideas.

The gnostic character of modern philosophies, such as Hegel, Comte, Marx, feminism and so on comes out in the theme of "alienation." Alienation from the rest of society is the result of some form of discord or disharmony. Recourse to a "secret knowledge" will reveal the solution to this problem of disharmony. Applying this secret knowledge will result in an "immanenitizing of the eschaton."

The last concept comes from Roman Catholic scholarship in defining the heresy of gnosticism. In article 676 of the Catholic catechism, it says that: "The AntiChrist's deception already begins to take shape in the world every time the claim is made to realize within history that messianic hope which can only be realized beyond history through the eschatological judgment. The Church has rejected even modified forms of this falsification of the kingdom to come under the name of millenarianism, especially the "intrinsically perverse" political form of a secular messianism." Voegelin says that gnosticism tries to bring about a heaven on earth or "immanentize the eschaton." When Kabbalists such as Marx go to the tree of life to get enlightenment to solve problems here and now, zen buddhist like, he tries to be the divine savior of himself.

Thus, Marxism is gnostic since it teaches of alienation of the proletariat whose special knowledge of communism, as embodied in the communist manifesto, assists him in remedying this defect in the socio-economic structure, this disharmony, and the very possibility of this ability to heal his own problem is an immanentizing of the eschaton, of creating heaven on earth without God's help.

The feminist argues that there is discord in the social structure due to patriarchy. The special knowledge of the superiority of matriarchy will remedy this and bring an end to wars, domination and so on. Thus, female chauvanism is to replace male chauvanism (clearly reaching a hypocritical end).

This is just the icing on the cake. Voegelin goes through many ideas, but the aforementioned summary constitutes a common theme uniting all of his discussion in this terse yet dense book.

I feel Richard presented an excellent review of the sequence of events that lead up to the terrorist act and an even better chronicling of the investigation following the disaster. His attention to detail and his understanding of the investigative and political complexities of a multi-agency effort made this a very interesting read. F Uteg

This is the true story of the international investigation of the bombing of Pan Am Flight 103 over Lockerbie, Scotland in 1988. It was written by the FBI agent who led the US task force formed to find the culprits in conjunction with Scottish police agencies. This behind the scenes look examines all the suspects, discusses the problems of these types of investigations and takes the reader into the investigation itself. The trial in the Netherlands is analyzed and there is much discussion how the results of this case relate to what is going on in the world today. Numerous lessons for law enforcement and intelligence agencies are learned. This book is a must for any law enforcement or intelligence professional today or anyone wanting to see what actually is involved in coordinating the largest international criminal investigation in history.

This is an intriguing insider's tale from the one American who could write it. Retired FBI executive Richard Marquise has traveled the world, teaching the intricacies of counterterrorism and major case investigation to law enforcement officials. In Scotbomb he brings his expertise to the general reader as well as criminal justice professionals. Scotbomb tells the story of a horrific crime. It is also the account of a group of international police officers who refused to leave an investigation over the course of many years. This is a "must read" for anyone involved in counterterrorism.

Marquise's work is important on three levels. Using practical insight, law enforcement skills, and investigative strategy, Marquise provides a step-by-step account for criminal investigators. Second, it is an excellent case study for criminal justice classes. (My students are using it to develop a training session on major case investigation.) Finally, and most importantly, Marquise has told the story with one group of people in mind, the families of Pan Am Flight 103. His compassion for the victims flows throughout the narrative.

As news networks and public attention jump from one terrorist attack to the next, Marquise stays focused on the victims of a single event in the past. The world may have forgotten their life-altering pain. Marquise has not.

There have been an array of books written about the tragedy of Pan Am flight 103. From bereaved families to conspiracy theorists, everybody has a theory with every theory being ultimately self-serving or just plain wrong. This book is an accurate and detailed book about the investigation of this case. Mr. Marquise was intimately involved in this investigation and provides an inside look to an extremely complex case involving multiple jurisdictions from different countries. Other authors seem to assume this investigation could be conducted like any investigation in the US. This is just not true and Mr. Marquise makes that very clear.

The events that led to the conviction of the Pan Am 103 assasins would be dismissed as improbable were they not true. This reads like a fast paced novel, and has all the momentum of a film while remaining focused on the facts of the investigation. Marquise comes through as a modest man with an immense capacity for work, inspired by the families of the victims and determined to find justice. What justice was relaized was his achievement. Highly recommended.