Government and Politics Books

I highly recommend NGNM as a starting-point for anyone with an interest in philosophical anarchism. It's an anthology of writings from the major figures that provides not only an introduction to the foundational concepts but some sense of the different themes within anarchism as well. Well done!

Let me first say that Paul Sharkey deserves a lot of credit for a wonderful job on the translation of this work. Beautifuly done, it is a major boost for the book. But in no way should it diminish the wonderful selections brought together by Guerin as well as the writers themselves. Although it can be very heavy reading at times, it is well worth it.

Both volumes of "No Gods No Masters" are a magnificent contribution to anarchist thought and its ongoing traditions of libertarian justice and fraternity.Daniel Guerin states that "the constructive ideas of anarchism retain their vitality, that they may, when re-examined and sifted, assist contemporary socialist thought to undertake a new departure...[and] contribute to enriching Marxism."

In "No Gods No Masters" Guerin is concerned not only with anarchist thought but also with the spontaneous actions of popular revolutionary struggle. He is concerned with social as well as intellectual creativity. He attempts to draw from constructive social achievements of the past, lessons that will enrich the theory of social liberation.

One of the better books on Anarchism available for those who truly wish to understand the world and who wish to act constructively to change it for the better. Essential reading for any advocate of direct action for social change.

For those who wish not only to understand the world, but also to change it, this is the proper way to study the history of anarchism.

No Gods No Masters is a work of monumental proportions. Daniel Guerin has created a masterpiece of libertarian socialist literature, a truly comprehensive look the history and practice of anarchism. The work brings together hundreds of source articles and declarations, from the original documents of the International Working Men's Association, on through Kropotkin, to Malatesta to the intricacies of the Spanish Revolution. There is an excellent balance of theoretical manifestos and documents and reports and interpretations of actual revolutionary events. This is a prime source for information on some of this centuries most important events, from the point of view of the participants.

I was quite satisfied with the huge amount of excellent information in these two books, so much so that I think there should be more. Although he covers the most important aspects of anarchist history an practice, Guerin leaves a few things out, while focusing too much on other things (Proudhon for example.)

Overall, though, it is an excellent read, and an inspiring and useful addition to the long list of anarchist literature. No God's No Masters is not so much an introduction to anarchism, or an argument for it, it's more of an enlightening look at anarchism throughout history. Definately recommended!

These books are difficult, sometimes torturous to read, at least as I read them, straight through, from front to back. However there is certainly a fair amount of good stuff in here.
In book one, Bakunin describes how the capacity of human beings for intellectual growth is severely stunted by the subordination of the worker to wage slavery, religious and nationalistic dogma, etc.
The Bakunin section includes an excerpt from a biography of the latter written by his disciple Max Nettlau, dealing especially with the Marx-Bakunin war. Marx and Engels, those well-meaning arrogant eccentrics, called a meeting of the executive council of the First International in 1870 in London. With their own flunkies being the minority of members present, they voted to give themselves dictatorial power over the International. A Russian flunky had been whispering into Marx's ear that Bakunin was an agent of the Czar and that Bakunin had intended to defraud Marx because of Bakunin's apparent inability to progress on producing the Russian translation of Das Kapital which Marx had paid him to do. Marx and Engels launched a campaign of defamation against Bakunin and his supporters within the International and had them expelled but a virulent backlash by 90 percent of the membership of the International foiled their plans. But the First International was dead.
Bakunin noted that the true freedom of the individual would be even more repressed than under capitalism under the vaguely defined State Socialism that Marx and his followers envisioned as necessary to transition to rule after the overthrow of capitalism. Giving complete power over society to a small group of people would corrupt those people, no matter how originally well intentioned they might be. Kropotkin and others are included in this book, like Bakunin giving pre-1917 warnings on the extreme dangers of authoritarian state socialism.

The issue is brought up as to what were Marx's true intentions in his embrace of the commune in Paris which briefly held power in 1871 before being crushed with a massacre of about 30,000 people. Since that institution was based on political democracy, it seemed to contradict Marx's own vauge notions about political dictatorship. However, Marx and Engels seemed to quickly disavow the Commune. The kindest guess on my part would be that they convinced themselves that it was an aberration not ever again possible as a governing institution for societies to transition to real Socialism.

Bakunin's disciple James Guillame is the first author in these books to suggest some specific operations of how an anarchist society might work. He argues for a central agency which will operate transparently, providing economic data to the public freely, etc. and which will collate such data and assign exchange values in trade between communes. Any administrative official, such as those who would work this agency, could immediately be fired by popular vote. Another author, Emile Henry, the French assassin of the dark age of anarchism (late 19th century) has a letter quoted here declaring that since there will be no waste production under anarchism like there is under capitalism, people will only have to work a few hours a day.

The Bolsheviks rode themselves to power on the principle of libertarian socialism: freely formed agricultural collectives and worker's councils controlling workplaces. But under the pretext of the Civil War, they crushed the independence of those institutions. The biography of Nestor Makhno, the leader of the anarchist movement in the Ukraine is extensively excerpted by Guerin. A vibrant libertarian socialist society of guerillas and peasants developed in the Ukraine but the Bolsheviks attempted to undermine Makhno's army fighting the Austro-German occupiers and White Armies. They cut off military supplies and then provoked Makhno's army into warfare by declaring that they considered all independent political activity as treasonous. By 1921, the foreign imperialists had been expelled from Russian soil and the White Army crushed but a totalitarian dictatorship remained. Sincere revolutionaries languished in Bolshevik prisons, guilty of nothing more than disagreeing even slightly with the divine wisdom of Lenin, Trotsky, Kamenev, Zinoviev, etc. Gaston Laval's account of his attempt to negotiate with Lenin and Trotsky on the release of anarchist political prisoners, I found to be the best piece of writing in these two books.

With meager food rations being distributed to those highest in the party and the citizens descending into even deeper squalor than before, general strikes broke out in Petrograd. The sailors, soldiers and civilians of the Kronstadt naval base arose in rebellion and set up their own libertarian society but Trotsky started screaming that the rebellion was being financed by French Intelligence and led by Czarist generals, of which, of course, no evidence existed. Then the rebellion was crushed in a mass slaughter. An excerpt from Emma Goldman's memoir and selections of discourses from the principal newspaper of the rebellion are the principal documents shown.

Reports from 1936-early 1937 are provided from different persons, including a dry analysis from Gaston Leval, describing the creation of anarchist societies in large parts of Spain. Peasants and workers organized themselves in many areas into communes which chose coordinating agencies to organize distribution of resources. These operations apparently were fairly successful, given that they operated in the midst of Franco's army and hostility from the Republican government and the Stalinists. The latter of course, eventually launched a successful bloody campaign to exterminate anarchist institutions in Spain. Guerin includes a rather lengthy section on the romantic career of the guerilla leader Benaventura Durruti, including a 1937 account about him, after he died, from Emma Goldman. Of course, the anarchist trade union, the CNT decided in late 1936 to accept cabinet seats in the Spanish Republican government. Guerin covers the intense controversy about whether this compromise of the joining was necessary.

I understand that these two books have now been made into one, in a new edition put out by AK Press.

The title of this book is well chosen and its publication is very timely. North Korea is indeed facing perilous times. Then again it has in the past. From the 1950 war, the transition of power Kim Il Sung to Kim Jong Il, and the nuclear weapon agreement brokered by Jimmy Carter the recent history of North Korea has certainly been turbulent.

In more recent times, Korea has launched some very long range rockets and appears to have at least a few nuclear weapons. President Bush has identified them as a "rogue state" and part of the "axis of evil." North Korea along with Cuba remain as practictioners of the failed Communist system. These systems have proved that they can sustain huge armies, exercise strong control over their people, but also proved that centralized control of everything from farming to industrial production simply doesn't work very well. Friends of mine who recently visited North Korea report that the famine of the 1990's continues, although not as bad as it was.

A small book, at only 232 pages, it is a concise summary of the countries 4,000 year history and a political analysis of the recent past. Combined with this are several alternatives of what the future might hold. Can the status quo continue. Certainly not forever. Could the collapse of the Government bring about another war - certainly it could. The options and their likelyhood form a major part of the theme of the book, and they are carefully considered and disucssed. Excellent reading.

Professor Kim's writing is engaging, thorough enough for scholars and the general public alike. Readers wishing to understand the enigma of North Korea, its relationship with South Korea and the rest of the world, and where to go from here, will be pleased with this book and its measured, balanced perspective. After reading this book, you will be conversant in all the relevant topics. For those who are interested in further study, the book includes questions and study aids, as well as extensive references. Highly recommended.

For any person wishing to understand the North Korean situation, since it has now hit the world stage, this is an excellent first place to go. It enables the reader to get up to speed quickly by first providing a potted history of the peninsular. Then political, humanitarian, and particularly economic aspects are explored in appropriate detail for a book that is easily readable. Finally, chapter 9, reasons for reconciliation, provides a constructive ending to the present dilemma. For further study, the comprehensive lists of references make it easy.

No country is more mysterious than North Korea. After reading this short text, there is no more mystery for me. It is easy to read and understand. Even though the book's author is a finance or economics professor, and I am currently studying political science and philosophy, I still found this book to be very valuable. A great way to get up to speed.

Fifty years after Korea's division the Koreans of both North and South remain at an impasse, leaving North Korea embroiled in international crises. North Korea seemingly faces four choices: collapse, more war, a continuing status quo, or peace with the south. Suk Hi Kim's North Korea At A Crossroads provides an historical and political analysis covers 1948 to modern times and is a 'must' for any college-level collection strong in modern Asian issues or non-specialist general reader wanting a competent backgrounding in contemporary American/North Korean international relations.

This is one of the best books of nonfiction I've read. Not only does it function as a primary-source document for study, but it is genuinely good reading. Subcomandante Insurgente Marcos is a powerful writer, and this book documents a selection of his poems, letters, communiqués and even fables for young children. Marcos, the most wanted man in Mexico, will go down as a major figure in Latin American Literature.

Since reading this book (actually, before I was even halfway finished) I had decided I needed to buy copies for family and friends as gifts and recommend it to pretty much everyone. Marcos is an amazing writer, and the story of the Zapatistas is extremely relevant and intriguing for anyone interested in modern society, politics, Latin America, social movements, civil wars, literature and poetry, what "integrity" means in such troubled times, and so much more. No matter your interest, you will not be dissapointed by this purchase.

Too often those of us who seek social justice for people who have been traditionally oppressed tend to just reminisce on the past.

However, this book proves that there is a great social movement that ordinary people CAN , RIGHT NOW make a diffrence about

The history of Mexico, like the history of Latin America, is a history of pain, struggle, and exploitation.

Marcos shows us a movement that seeks to right some of the wrong, and leads a movement of the oldest of the old, the oppressed of the oppressed: Indigenous campesinos (farmers) of Southern Mexico. Where pictures of Jesus Christ stand right there alongside of.....Che Guevara.

A people that have been traditionally been treated like dirt, for lack of a better word, now taking an inspirational and highly moving stand and demand an end to exploitation and a better way of life.

Through their charismatic and briliant leader, Marcos, he tells us the story of the people known as Zapatistas and their struggle for dignity.

The dignity of a people no longer willing to tolerate centuries of injustice.

What human being cannot be moved by such extroadinary courage?

Without a doubt, Subcomandante Marcos is one of the most important present day writers and activists in the Americas. "Our Word is Our Weapon" is a huge collection of his essays and short stories about the Zapatista rebellion in Chiapas.As such, I highly recommend it for peace and justice activists engaged in Latin American solidarity work, the anti-corporate globalization movement and indigenous struggles. Moreover, it is an interesting study of grassroots participatory democracy in action. Read it and be inspired!

Subcomandante Marcos is not just a man, he is a myth in his own lifetime. The cult of personality that surrounds him is completely deserved. His poetic voice is so sharp and poignant you can not help but feel sympathetic for his Zapatistan cause.

The highlight of the book is the last third which features primarily his writing. The stories and poetry he shares are accessible to almost anyone. He is the antithesis of stuffy. His anecdotes and points are so simple yet so perplexing you wonder how he does it.

In a word, this book is excellent. Captain Boudreau takes us on a journey, not only through the streets and countryside of Iraq during this "war", but also, honestly and movingly, through his own inner struggle as he searches within himself to reconcile his early years as a committed Marine infantryman with his existence in what we call "normal daily life."
You will learn much from this book: about War; about the "war" in Iraq; about contradictions (not only in "war", but in all of us); and especially about how one man/soldier has bravely attempted to deal with the internal turmoil which results from these contradictions. And, you will become engaged and stay engaged through the entire book.
Again: Excellent!

How does a dedicated military professional change his views and reshape his commitments? In fits and starts, like a bad memory gradually coming into focus, Tyler Boudreau, describes his journey from charged up, battle-hungry young recruit to a Captain whose political and moral observations during a year in Iraq lead him to resign his commission after a twelve-year career in the Marines. This unlikely, even reluctant, anti-war advocate is a gifted writer. His story of the reconfiguring of a mindset and conscience is a compelling read--moving, brilliant, funny, sad, terrible. Traveling from the "foyer to hell" through the desensitization and shocking disparities of warfare, he offers quite an eye-opening, exquisitely frank glimpse into a universe totally foreign to me -- the Marine Corps in war-ridden Iraq.

Boudreau returns to the familiar civilian world, alienated, isolated, full of the rage and hair trigger reactivity necessitated by violence but like Dante, at the end of The Inferno, eventually comes to see the possibility of a world restored. Clear-sighted linkages are drawn between the contradictions within the military and those afflicting our political leadership at large. He brings a cogent and fresh intelligence to his analysis. The word "clear-sighted" resonates about the book as a whole-there is an intense clarity to what Boudreau sees and a forthrightness and honesty in his describing both the outer landscape, external events, and the delicacy of the inner experience that is his transformation.

An astonishing book, a white-knuckle read that is morally devastating, blackly humorous, sharply penetrating about military culture and utterly authentic in its voice and its ethical struggle to come to terms with the radical disconnect between the ideals of "mission" that send men to war and the withering realities of war itself. More important, Boudreau's experience underscores the degree to which "war" becomes a complex emotional state that travels home with the veteran and often undermines the bedrock certainties he clings to in order to survive. Recalls "Catch-22," "A Rumor of War" and Tim O'Brien's "The Things They Carried," but this book is completely unlike any other book on war I've ever read.

Tyler Boudreau's Packing Inferno is provocative and moving. It is the story of a gradual awakening. Boudreau does relate some hellish experiences in some detail, but he also interprets those experiences, and provides their context. Many of the best passages of the book are insightful descriptions of Boudreau's complex interactions with other complex human beings. Boudreau tells a gripping story of his own "unmaking," but, by placing his own trajectory in a larger context, he successfully builds a convincing argument against this war, and perhaps against all war.

On a political level, all Americans should read this book, no matter what their political leanings. The vivid prose repeatedly launches the reader right into the midst of the daily reality and ugly truths of a misguided war. A war that has destroyed more lives and more of our county's image than we can ever know. As an American, I feel it is an honor and an obligation to share these stories with Boudreau, out of respect for our country and the sacrifices of all veterans.

And on a spiritual level, one of the most fascinating parts of Packing Inferno, for me, is how Boudreau guides us through his transformation from a young man, thirsting for war, to an older, wiser one, determined to make sense of war on a deeply personal and spiritual level. This book proves that through our most intense suffering we can also experience equally intense spiritual growth and self-understanding. We learn that, when life's pain is raw and overwhelming, it is only when we allow ourselves to face our fears head on, and reveal its truths through the telling of our stories, can we then come out on the other side transformed.

The images and stories in this novel will stay with you, in your mind and heart.

With the Roman Catholic Church as a central character portrayed in a less than flattering light, Papal Reich begs an obvious comparison to Da Vinci Code. Like the latter, Papal Reich also possesses international sweep and plot complexity with many surprises leading to a satisfying denouement, but while Da Vinci Code excels at detectiving framed by historic and artistic clues, Papal Reich is superior in character development, with many of the principals that the reader cares about revealing unexpected dimensions. Pereira's work makes accurate reference to many Roman Catholic Church documents, historic facts, processes, and practices, and it should be clear to most any reader where fact end and fiction begins. In doing so, he avoids the controversy that has dogged Da Vinci Code, whose seeming misrepresentation of fact has offended many readers. In any case, most who liked that book should like Papal Reich as well.

The action occurs mostly in modern day and near future America, but the plot is anchored in World War II era events in Germany, where a cabal of three oddly matched Nazis are tasked to undermine efforts to hide and transport Jews to safety by infiltrating Catholic parishes in Germany. In league with a Papal official, the conspirators amass a fortune in assets that only one has access to. The main storyline is dedicated to the search for those characters and the ill-gotten fortune, but along the way, the paths of many other characters of interest cross.

It would be unfair to give away more detail, because there are many mysteries that unfold throughout. This is a cleverly written page turner. Enjoy.

As the world prepares to annoint a new pope, this work suddenly becomes topical. The author shows a close understanding of history and expands it into the realm of fiction effectively. This interesting ying-yang between history and fiction keeps the reader tied all through the book and at the end gives a feel of having experienced the journey all through.

While the selection of pope has always been behind closed doors, the book raises a suspicion that we all hope is pure fiction. Or is it?

A thoroughly enjoyable read.

MB

This book is a well-researched masterpiece of historical fiction. Pereira skillfully brings to life a diverse cast of characters and weaves their disparate lives and circumstances together across time and place. The author deftly draws the characters together, building suspense page by page. The novel picks up speed and intensity until the gripping climax explodes off the final pages. Each individual's story is well-written and engaging, and although neither the Catholic church nor Nazi war criminals are typically topics I seek out, the plot easily sustained my interest. In particular, trying to anticipate the links among the various characters and subplots before they were revealed kept me focused throughout the book. Enjoy!

I didn't know what to expect from this book by a new author. But once I began Papal Reich, I found that I couldn't put it down. Each time I thought I had figured out the plot, there was a twist or a turn that compelled me to keep turning those pages! Although this is a work of fiction, the tale is nightmarishly plausible due to Pereira's careful interweaving of historical facts. The author's painstaking research and documentation provide interesting and thought-provoking information about the Nazi regime and Catholicism that is, in itself, worth the read! But, the value of this book goes well beyond a history lesson and a good story. Pereira provided this reader with much to think about regarding her own willingness to 'go along with' the leadership and influences of established institutions, which of course are headed by human beings whose passions and egos and motives can be less than pure. To me, the book encourages intelligent people to question everything in order to find the Truth that protects the essence of what institutions are supposed to stand for. This is perhaps something that cannot be underestimated in today's world.

Rather a unique blend of fact and fiction against the backdrop of the papacy, Nazi Germany and post World War II intrigues. The glitter of Da Vinci's colorful Swiss Guards compells admiration-but there are disturbing shadows in the murky corners of the magnificent splendors of the Vatican. Hold your breath as you move from one awful surprise to another incredible revelation.
Altogether a spellbinding story.

Very interesting and orginal book. It's arrived very fast. Thank you.
Alessandro Mussini - Genova

Rawls has finally brought his powerful project of sociological and political philosophy to a conclusion with insights he may not have expected when he first published Political Liberalism in 1993.
The inclusion of his 'Reply to Habermas', after having also read Habermas' critique, helped him and specially me to understand the issues raised in that exchange and to enjoy following them. The inclusion also of 'The Idea of Public Reason Revisited' is very worthwhile, as it maps out the amendments he had started to make to Political Liberalism that had been cut short by his death.

Imagine that the U.S.A. has decided to re-found itself, and you have been elected by a large geographical constituency as one of the founding fathers who must negotiate the principles for a new Constitution; further imagine that you are similarly elected to the Constitutional Convention to draft the new constitution under these principles, the Legislature which translates this constitution into law, and the Supreme Court which interprets this law in the light of experience.

You must do your duty by the people who have elected you and the generations to follow, but your electorate has no specific social character and your only mandate is to found a just constitution which will provide stable conditions for social cooperation and a well-ordered society.

How will you conduct yourself in negotiations with your fellow nation-founders? What kind of reasoning can you rely upon? You have your beliefs, but the others hold to different beliefs. And you are going to have to justify your actions to your constituency which is made up of all kinds of people, with all kinds of beliefs and all kinds of interests. You are going to have to explain yourself in a way which will seem reasonable to people who may not share your beliefs and be acceptable to those who do share your beliefs.

This is the thought experiment which John Rawls invites his readers to conduct. Rawls argues that ever since Catholicism and Protestantism fought each other to a standstill in Renaissance Europe, and the separation of Church and State was accepted as unavoidable, "reasonable pluralism" has become a fact of life for modern societies, and a fact which should be welcomed. He argues that if you conduct such a thought experiment, then you would have to come up with a conception of political liberalism something like that which he develops in his own thought experiment written up as Theory of Justice (1971) and more recently, Political Liberalism (1995).

Whether to endorse slavery, free market capitalism, democratic socialism or recreate a landed aristocracy, it is up to the "parties" to decide in due course, on the basis of the founding principles they decide, but given that the constitution must be defensible in terms which will be counted reasonable by the populace at large, Rawls is confident that such a thought experiment would come up with some kind of political liberalism. Rawls regards the relations of production as a secondary question which can be sorted out in due course, once the institutions of representative democracy and the judiciary have been settled and the citizens can legislate the social system.

In Rawls' books this thought experiment is called the "original position" though Rawls describes it in slightly different terms. Rather than supposing one is elected from large geographical electorates, Rawls proposes a hypothetical "veil of ignorance" so that the delegates do not know the social status of those that they represent nor what social position they may occupy in the state to be founded. Otherwise, his thought experiment pretty much matches the current US Constitution, barring political lobbyists, big business control of election campaigns and the naked play of self-interest within the institutions of really existing democracy.

Thus Rawls does much the same as Kant when he re-invented the Revealed Religion of the 18th century Lutheran Church by means of Reason, and Hegel when he set out to discover what was rational in the reality of early 19th century Prussia, but, it has to be said, in a way which is commensurate with a democratic republic of the 20th century, as a "self-standing" conception, limited to that which could be justified from the standpoint of any comprehensive metaphysical, moral or religious doctrine.

Like Kant and Hegel, Rawls does not validate everything that exists in the present-day U.S.A. as rational; he holds that the high cost of US election campaigns which ensures the restriction of nomination of candidates to the very rich, and the lack of an adequate health service and social safety net which ensures that a substantial proportion of the population cannot pursue the good life, are contrary to the requirements of justice. Nevertheless, for Rawls it is the constitution which decides the distribution of wealth and power, not the other way around.

The "original position" which Rawls characterises as a "representation device," is used to argue for "justice as fairness" as a candidate for an "overlapping consensus" "for the right reasons," which can withstand the test of "public reason" by "rational" and "reasonable" citizens who count one another as "free and equal," as a "self-standing" "political" conception, as opposed to a "comprehensive doctrine," and thus create the basis for a society as a "well-ordered system of social cooperation".

Where is the foreword by Martha Nussbaum?
I can not find in the hardcover expanded edition.

"A Theory of Justice" presented a conception of justice (justice as fairness) in the social contract tradition of Hobbes, Locke, Rousseau and Kant. In "Political Liberalism" Rawls corrects an oversight in Justice as Fairness; he attempts to apply the idea of toleration to political philosophy by recognizing the fact of reasonable pluralism. Caution: Meant only for those who wish to understand political philosophy.

Hollander puts the selective moral outrage and selective acceptance of evidence of the Left on parade as he follows these blinkered one's through the various Potemkin Villages of the Totalitarians, from the October revolution forward into most of the 20th century. Smug arrogance knows no political party or religious faith, no gender, race or sexual preference, it seems to be evenly spread among us. In this instance the highly developed capacity for self-deception of the Left is on trial and an amusing trial at that. Their tortured explanations of the intellectually unexplainable are a fictive of mankind's marvelous ability "to transform things to the liking of his desires".

Like all those who are "blowin' in the wind", these intellectual hard heads do not seek truth, but instead to validate their worldview. This book is a study of intellectuals, estrangement and its consequences.

Hollander hits an important nail on its head. Many members of the intellectual left have a horrible track record of either excusing or turning a blind eye to the brutality of socialist dictators. As such, many twentieth century leftists served as apologists for evil socialist dictators. Of course, these same people have no difficulty finding fault with the US and UK. No problem in the West is too small to warrant condemnation in their eyes.

The sad truth is that the vision of an egalitarian society has been romanticized and popularized. Even today there are some who defend and even promote the USSR. Hollander counters this nonsense with evidence. Unfortunately, there are still some ideologues to whom evidence means nothing. We need more scholars like Hollander.

Political Pilgrims is the amazing story of how Western intellectuals embraced Marxist tyrants at the very moment their colleagues were rotting in prison cells, and the common people everyone claimed to be concerned for, were starving. The book relates how cultural and religious leaders from the West, including familiar names, visited the Soviet Union, China, Cuba, and other communist countries, and told the most appalling lies to flatter their hosts and express their contempt for Western society. It is quite an education, as another reviewer put it. Marx's revolutionary myth dominated history for the better part of the 20th Century, and if we are serious about not repeating the errors of that period, this book should be a part of our education. The short story Buddha's Smile in Solzhenitsyn's masterpiece, The First Circle, brilliantly tells the same story, from the point of view of Soviet prisoners. Lewis Feuer's Marx and the Intellectuals compares Marx and Engels themselves with the kind of people Hollander is describing. I also recommend the writings of the Rumanian philosopher, pastor, and former prisoner, Richard Wurmbrand.

Hollander retells George Keenan's story of a Norwegian radical who, when asked what country he most admired, said, "Albania." Keenan noted that the student obviously knew nothing of Albania, but chose that country "simply because it seems to be a club with a particularly sharp nail at the end of it with which to beat one's own society."

The same reactionary psychology has, it seems to me, been transferred in our day to an uncritical and naive attraction towards what is (simplistically) called "eastern religion." One could write an even longer book about how Westerners project their fantasies on monist ideologies: people like Joseph Campbell and Karen Armstrong "explaining" human sacrifice, the Theosophical Society standing up for caste, Arthur C. Clarke (Did he know much more of Asian history than the Albanian radical knew of Albania?) describing Buddhism as "the only faith that never became stained with blood." Even Hollander allowed that, "While the suspension of disbelief has its place in human life, it belongs more to the religious (or asthetic) than the political realm." But his book should be read, in my opinion, as a warning against all forms of ideological naivite. A love of truth, and a determination to tell it no matter how out of fashion it may seem, is essential to integrity in all walks of life. Political Pilgrims vividly illustrates, in the political realm, the evil that can be done when honesty plays second fiddle to fashion.....

This is an awesome book which helps the reader understand why intellectuals always seem to be on the wrong side of history. They loved Communism even when it was obvious that Lenin & Stalin were exterminating hoards of people! They are defective in their thinking and they stick to it. The author has a quote at the beginning of the book. "A GREAT DEAL OF INTELLEGENCE CAN BE INVESTED IN IGNORANCE WHEN THE NEED FOR ILLUSION IS DEEP." (Saul Bellows) . This book walks you through the 'needs' that these intellectuals seem to have which continually seems to cause them to deny the stark realities around them & cling to their 'ideologies'. I am so glad I read this book as I just laugh now when I hear so much of what is on the news. I GET IT!

25 years ago, "Political Pilgrims" documented beyond any doubt the willing self-deception of intellectuals in love with the totalitarian regimes in Cuba, China, the Soviet Union and East Germany. The debate no longer rages over whether these countries were "freer" than their counterparts in the West. They aren't. What hasn't changed, however, is the continued willingness of intellectuals to find paradise anywhere but in the US.

Paul Hollander brings his trademark meticulousness to the study of Intellectuals who travel to what used to be referred to as Worker's Paradises. Using mountains of evidence, one cannot help but be persuaded that Western Intellectuals experience such a depth of alienation from their cultural birthplace, that they become morally blind to the abuses of its antagonists.

What's truly remarkable, is that none of this has changed. One merely needs to point to Michael Moore's Fahrenheit 9/11 and it's grotesque representation of Hussein's Iraq as an innocently peaceful place of playful children and mothers. At no point in that execrable movie does he mention the mass graves or torture chambers.

Michael, post your wish list on Amazon and I'll send you this book. Promise.

Reinventing Democrats chronicles the efforts of the Democratic Leadership Council (DLC) to shift the Democratic Party from its liberal orientation to a more centrist position. It details the DLC's strategies, its successes and its failures up to the 2000 primaries, before the Democratic Party had selected a candidate. It makes a compelling case that the Democratic Party needs to (1) select public policies that are fiscally responsible, business friendly, and, in short, consonant with middle-class values and (2) eschew or de-emphasize policies that are attractive primarily to the party's issue-activists -- this being necessary to occupy the mainstream of American political thought and avoid becoming politically marginalized. This message is particularly relevant now (2003) that some Democrats are panicking over the 2002 mid-term election results and calling for a shift back to the left, effectively seeking to reverse the successful course set by Clinton after the disaster of the 1994 mid-term elections.

Clinton was elected on a New Democrat (i.e. DLC) platform, but he commenced to govern, or was perceived to govern, with a liberal agenda. This led to his plummeting popularity and the mid-term disaster of 1994, and at the time it appeared he would be retired after one term. Since a good scare is always more valuable than good advice, he embraced a New Democratic agenda in his second two years and, with a little help from the Republicans, he won a handy victory in 1996, vindicating the DLC in the process. In all likelihood the New Democratic philosophy (embodied in Al Gore) would have achieved further electoral vindication in 2000 but for unfortunate lapses in the Oval Office and mis-steps thereafter -- the 2000 election was close; Clinton-exhaustion seems to have been a factor.

This book narrates events in a Democratic evolution that is still taking place, and the success of which is not guaranteed. If you care about public policy and the future of the Democratic Party, or just like to look inside the political process, this book is worth a read.

This book is a must read for anyone with even a passing interest in American politics. Baer tells the thrilling story of how a group of Democratic Party activists saved the party from itself and brought it back on the side of middle class values. This is the real "inside" story of how Bill Clinton became president and explains the politics of the 2000 campaign better than any other book I've read.

This intelligent and exhaustively researched book outlines -- in a style that both political junkies and normal readers alike will find engaging -- how Bill Clinton and like-minded Democrats, for all of their foibles, truly became the political "comeback kids" of the late twentieth century. George W. Bush and Bill Bradley would do well to stop ignoring the lessons Baer teaches, and aspiring leaders from around the world undoubtedly will turn to this book as an answer key for the tests voters put before them on election days.

Whether you have a passing interest or are a true political junky, this book is a must read to understand America's contemporary political landscape. Highly recommended.

A must read for anyone interested in our political system! At the dawn of the 21st century, the face of politics and parties is changing at an alarming rate. Reinventing Democrats takes an insightful look at the underlying truthes of government today. Baer is a thoughtful and intelligent writer who sheds light on what fuels the actions and decisions that affect the lives of all Americans. This book definetly can't be missed!

This book is really exciting to read. I have been trying to find a book on Soviet weapons for a while and came across this book. I must say I was amazed of the amount of content and detail included in this book. The book lists different strategic missiles from the very first ICBM to the latest model that was produced in the Soviet Union. The authors even lists different missile bases and production sites i.e. (closed cities) and warhead depositories, and the nuclear fuel cycle . Even though the Cold War is over I'm wondering if some of the material should still be classified.

This book goes through the early history of the production of missiles, naval fleets, information of strategic aviation sites and production facilites and locations. This book has a section on nuclear tests which lists nuclear explosions. It also describes the decision making process of the strategic nuclear forces in the event of a nuclear war. The chapter that was interesting was the "Strategic Defense" chapter which includes missile and space defense forces, antisatellite and space surveillance the Soviet version of the United States SDI program was interesting. Toward the end of this book includes the present state of Russian strategic forces.

I would recommend this book to anyone that's interested in soviet military thinking and the history of Soviet/Russian weapons systems. A great reference.

This book is interesting in some ways but heavily focused on facilities and process rather than the history of development of some of the critical technologies. A good reference but a bit disappointing.

For most readers interested in Soviet missile development I would recommend Zaloga's The Kremlin's Nuclear Sword: The Rise and Fall of Russia's Strategic Nuclear Forces. Covers some of the early debates on missile development and strategy, with special emphasis on competition between the design bureaus.

Note that both of these books only focuses on Strategic missiles, as their titles certainly acknowledge, so there is little detail on short and intermediate range missiles except for the earliest missiles such as the SS-3 and SS-4. If you are looking for Scud information you won't find it here unless you are looking for the submarine launched version.

Pavel Podvig's Russian Strategic Nuclear Forces was initially available only in Russian, however when it was finally updated and released in English we received the absolute most authoritative and detailed report on the subject available in the civilian sector.

Podvig's effort is to be highly commended, as he has compiled an impressive amount of research, much of it relating to the technical side, though good write-ups and historical overviews are included. From R&D to production and finally deployment, every Soviet/Russian ICBM, SLBM and Strategic Bomber system is discussed in extensive technical detail, including such well researched and hard to find details such as Circular Error Probability of all Russian strategic systems.

The book is a heavy volume containing nearly 700 pages, none of it filler, so you can imagine the sheer amount of information in this volume for anyone interested in attaining a deeper understanding of the subject. Given the price, it really is a no-brainer. Furthermore Pavel Podvig maintains a frequently updated and detailed web site which continually adds newer information, essentially making this a "living research" project on the subject. You can locate his site here:

Seems Amazon edits out any links in reviews, so to try again Podvig's site can be found at russianforces.org

Once again, for the incredibly low price this book is offered at, you have nothing to lose, and a wealth of knowledge to gain.

Disclaimer: I am in no way affiliated with Mr. Podvig, aside from being someone who has been won over by his dedication and research to the subject at hand.

Mr. Podvig's book, "Russian Strategic Nuclear Forces," is an excellent unclassified look into the world of Russian/Soviet nuclear weapons. The book covers weapon systems, facilities and nuclear tests since the dawn of their nuclear age. The diagrams and tables are clear and concise.

This book was very helpful in allowing an individual to quickly memorize (or 'compare and contrast') different missile ranges and warhead yields. Very useful if briefing American missile combat crews on potential nuclear threats, or if writing 'peace-nik' papers on the evils of nuclear weapons. Honestly, I don't care what your bent is - if you want to know about nukes, this book needs to be added to your library.

Nuclear forces, like other branches of the military, are divided into two categories: Tactical and strategic. Strategic division of the nuclear forces covers the armaments that have a wider scope of effect. These are the forces that have kept the MAD (Mutually Assured Destruction) balance between the superpowers so far. Strategic nuclear forces have air, land and submarine launch capability of nuclear warheads targeted for intercontinental targets.
This book covers every aspect of the Russian Strategic Nuclear Forces from the very beginnings up to post-Soviet restructuring. It covers detailed development phases of strategic bombers, land-based launch platforms and the submarine leg of the nuclear triad. There are detailed data on the organization of the nuclear command, early warning systems and launch protocols. There are also detailed data on the Soviet/Russian nuclear complex and their products. At the end of the book, there is a long list of the nuclear tests undertaken by Russia.
All in all, this book should be read and kept as a reference by all those who want to have a well-balanced look at the Russian Nuclear Strategic Command's capabilities and importance. Readers of this book will appreciate why the latest efforts by the United States for a missile defense system will be highly counter-productive.

Kudos for J.R. Norton for pulling together our Founding Fathers and our current foundering, floundering politicians. Reading Norton's quick-minded, incisive writing is to bask in the sunlight of memory recovered--he reminds us of the progressive stance of the founders of this country. One cannot read this book and then listen to the news in the same way. Reading Norton's book will make you want to do your own careful analysis of the current war, if you haven't done it already. Norton's book is a wonderful reminder of the principles on which this country was founded and how far we have allowed our country to be pulled from those noble and ambitious principles. Should be required reading!

This fascinating, meticulously-researched book takes a biting, clever and frequently hilarious look back at the founding fathers, the revolution they fought, and the constitution they miraculously crafted. Norton deftly connects the biggest issues and controversies of today with the cultural and political ideals of the founders, arguing convincingly and passionately that, contrary to what the Right would have us believe, the founders' policies, beliefs and priorities were incredibly progressive by today's standards. In fact, it is the the Left, and modern day progressives, who are the rightful heirs to the founders' legacy.

Filled with illuminating (and often quite amusing) quotes from the founding fathers' letters, books and speeches, this book transforms the remote, infallible, wig-wearing deities of elementary school parables and the "heads" side of money into real, flesh and blood men. By the end of the book (which I devoured in a single sitting), I felt like I KNEW these guys. But more importantly, I was reminded of how much I love this country and what it stands for, despite how horrifying and frightening I find its current leadership and policies. And, above all, how vital it is that the progressive, rational, tolerant, civic-minded people of this country -- the rightful cultural and political descendents of the founders -- fight to take it back.

Saving General Washington is a cleverly written treatise calling us to task on our national lack of historical memory. Norton's is an amusing ride, simultaneously weaving history and current events into one sharp commentary on who we are, where we came from and where we ought to be going.

Norton uses his firm grasp on current political events as a hook into the excellent contemporary literature on the founding fathers, creating a text that's easy to read if you are familiar with either -- and entertaining if you're familiar with both. It's hip and full of witty references -- but never to the point where it gets cutesy or the author becomes more into himself than the idea. I was most impressed by his ability to pull from historical research to provide a concise argument without getting lost in the details or horribly glossing over the historical subject matter.

One criticism could be that it doesn't go extremely deep into the history, but I'd argue that it serves its purpose by providing a good entree into the subject matter for those interested. There's worse things one could do than convince someone to pick up the latest McCullough biography. I'd also recommend Gordon Woods for anyone into these ideas.

For an example of the style, take Norton's discussion of business and politics -- where he contrasts Bush / Cheney to Franklin. Norton's description of Franklin, 'the official funny fat guy of the founding fathres and the nation's inspirationally folksy old bastard' is on the mark and hilarious. Norton does and excellent job of doing what our schools should have done -- reveal these old codges for the fascinating, contradictory, but ultimately foresighted people that they were and suggesting what lasting principles we might learn from them.

Saving General Washington reads like an entertaining friend walking you through a compelling argument -- that modern Republicans have hi-jacked the memory of our founding fathers and now we're taking it back.

Norton's dropping Burrs and Hamiltons like Samberg, and so should you.

Like the previous reviewer, I read this text in one sitting. It's well-written, insightful, and useful for any folks like me who have a huge critique of the current administration but a less-than-perfect understanding of history to articulate why the current state of affairs is such an assault on patriotic values. Brilliant! I'd recommend it to everyone. Bought it for my father. Bought it for my friends.

It was so good, I read the entire book in one sitting. I couldn't stop. The author does an excellent job marrying history with humor and making a statement in the process. The bibliography and the end of the book I thought especially useful.