Pennsylvania Books
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Making Lifers HumanReview Date: 2000-09-27
Doing Life: Reflections on Men and Women Doing Life SentencReview Date: 2000-03-26
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Haven't read it yet, but after taking his class, I will!Review Date: 2001-11-22
Great insight into Bulgarian village social/economic lifeReview Date: 1999-11-05

A Great Biography of a Giant in Pennsylvania PoliticsReview Date: 2005-06-21
Lawrence literally grew up in politics, volunteering in his first campaign at the age of nine. He performer various, mostly gopher and literature distribution tasks for the Democratic Party during the dark era when the Democratic Party was barely functioning. Lawrence rose to chair the Pittsburgh Democratic Party where he strove to create a political operation. Times were not good for Democrats: they would even lose the minority Jury Commissioner's seat to an independent candidate. At times, the electoral futility of the local Democrats would lead to calls for a new party chairman. Yet Lawrence held on for an important reason: no one else wanted to spend the amount of time Lawrence did in being the party chairman.
Lawrence brought slow but mixed successes to the Democratic Party. In 1929, he proudly announced that Democrats finally had enough supporters to place poll watchers at every Allegheny County precinct. On the negative side, the number of Democratic Party registrants fell in half while Lawrence was county chairman before it began increasing again. Lawrence even admitted that the Democratic organization frequently cooperated with the dominant Republican Party at times in return for patronage positions. Patronage then was very important, as half of the 5,200 registered Democrats in Allegheny County in the late 1920s held political jobs.
Two important events would shape politics, and with them, Lawrence's life. First, Republicans even back then were dishonest, as it was exposed that Republicans had illegally registered about 50,000 voters. This led the public to correctly identify the Republican Party as the party of corruption. Second, the election of Franklin Roosevelt and the efforts of Democratic Party's New Deal social programs to save America from depression transformed American politics. It would help David Lawrence's career that he was an early FDR supporter and that his work for Democrats won him much regard.
Following Roosevelt's election in 1932, George Earle became the first Democrat elected Governor in Pennsylvania since 1894. David Lawrence became Democratic State Chairman. In addition, Governor Earle selected Lawrence to serve as Secretary of the Commonwealth, which was a highly influential policy office. It also found Lawrence divided between Harrisburg and Pittsburgh, as Lawrence continue to lead the Allegheny County Democrats. Meanwhile, Roosevelt's WPA program brought $70 million to Allegheny County, of which 80% of that went towards wages, brining many people out of the depression into employment. Soon, Democratic registration surpassed Republican registration in Pittsburgh. Lawrence is credited with building a powerful local Democratic Party organization, and it is noted that Republicans never won a major election in Pittsburgh from 1938 through 1966, when Lawrence died.
In Harrisburg, Lawrence was placed in charge of getting legislative approval of Governor Earle's Little New Deal proposals. Earle and Lawrence fortunately had cooperative Democratic House legislators, as the House had its first Democratic majority in half a century. Lawrence saw to it that the House Steering Committee consisted of members who supported the Little New Deal. Lawrence attended most House and Senate legislative sessions, sitting at the side with a vacant chair, where he provided his advice, often to a legislator sitting in the no longer vacant chair. Lawrence would call regular legislative caucuses where he would explain the Governor's, and the Democratic Party's, positions on issues facing them.
Lawrence, though, not only disliked being called a boss, he did not act like one. Caucus meetings were considered a place of free and open exchange. He allowed dissent, so long as the dissenting legislator had a good reason. Yet, it is noted that Lawrence usually got his way. If there was dissent, a controversial bill was tabled until passage could be secured later. It is noted most of the Earle-Lawrence legislation was passed the House. Yet, most of it was then defeated by the Senate, which still had a Republican majority.
Major legislative battles resulted over how to handle Pennsylvania's depression-era budget. The Chamber of Commerce projected that state government would require a $326 million budget in 1935-36 with projected revenues of $148 million, leaving a gap of $178 million that was even greater than revenues. Further, the Federal government required state government to provide $120 million in relief in order to continue qualified for Federal assistance. State Senator and Republican State Chairman Harvey Taylor announced that Senate Republicans would agree to only provide the Federal government with $57 million. Long negotiations provided for a 6% tax on corporate income and increased taxes on utilities, gas, cigarettes, and amusements.
Democrats gained control of both legislative chambers in the 1936 elections. The Little New Deal, in what is considered as the greater era of liberal legislative in Pennsylvania's history, was passed. 365 of Governor Earle's 371 proposals were enacted with Lawrence's help. Administration bills would appear in pink folders so legislators would know they came from the Governor. Major legislation allowing collective bargaining, providing teacher tenure, creating a Department of Public Assistance, protecting employee rights, creating the Labor Relations Board, providing slum clearance and public housing, outlawing unfair bank practices, and creating the nation's first turnpike all became law.
On the negative side, Lawrence began a life-long feud with Attorney General Charles Margiotti. Margiotti accused Lawrence of illegally requiring county Democratic Party organizations to raise funds from patronage workers. Although Lawrence would be found not guilty after the fall elections, the scandal helped the Republicans return to power on election day. Lawrence was removed as Democratic State Chairman.
Personal tragedy would changed Lawrence's life and career. After two of his sons were killed in an automobile accident, Lawrence threw himself back into his work. He sought and regained his position as Democratic State Committee. While working to keep Democratic factions together, it was discovered the only candidate for Pittsburgh Mayor agreeable to the major factions was himself. Lawrence then ran for, and was elected, Mayor.
Lawrence set up to become a great Mayor. He met privately with New York's famed Machiavellian local policy maker Robert Moses for ideas on how to succeed. As Mayor, he spent many hours negotiating labor contracts and in dealing with disgruntled council members. He worked hard for flood control programs and lobbied hard for a dam that finally began construction in 1949. He fought the air quality problem by requiring the use of smokeless coal, knowing that this would, and did, cause many voters to turn against him when they were forced to pay more for this coal. Lawrence guided the Lower Hill redevelopment program which, at the time, was the largest such project undertaken although without a past for guidelines, resulted in mixed opinions of success. As Mayor, Lawrence implemented the Civic Unity Council to handle incidences of racial and religious discrimination. While this early Council had limited effectiveness, it was groundbreaking and would lead Lawrence to a later Presidential appointment.
In 1958, David Lawrence was elected Governor. After observing the previous Governor's struggles with the legislature, Governor Lawrence worked more towards legislative cooperation. For instance, he won legislative approval to increase the sales tax by agreeing to exemptions that legislators wanted. He won successes in balancing the state budget, establishing medical care for low income senior citizens, creating a law that registered and regulated lobbyists, prohibiting billboards besides interstate highways, and strengthening air pollution laws and fair employment laws. Interestingly, Lawrence maintained his Pittsburgh ties and would return to Pittsburgh most weekends to continue serving as Chairman of the Urban Redevelopment Authority. Lawrence was proud that he inherited a state budget deficit and ended his term as Governor with a $16.6 billion surplus in Fiscal Year 1961-62. Yet, to his chagrin, the taxes he raised in order to achieve this became a campaign issue that helped elected Republican Bill Scranton over Democrat Richardson Dilworth as Governor in 1962.
David Lawrence urged John Kennedy to select Lyndon Johnson as his 1960 running mate and even game the nominating speech for Johnson at the Democratic National Convention. In 1963, President Kennedy named Lawrence to chair the President's Committee on Equal Opportunity in Housing. Lawrence found this work frustrating at times as it would not be until after his death that the anti-discriminatory commercial housing lending practices he argued for would be adopted.
David Lawrence had a great career of ups and downs throughout several of Pennsylvania's political eras. In sum, he ranks as one of the great political giants in state history. Just don't say he was a boss.
An in depth and insightful bookReview Date: 2000-05-17

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Examines both the natural and human history of the riverReview Date: 2002-09-07
Excellent ReadingReview Date: 2003-03-27
Author Jack Brubaker reminds me of John McPhee as he deftly corrals a considerable volume of information on both natural and human history into a fine narrative. The Susquehanna offers universal lessons in the human effect on our waters and the effect of the waters on humans. The river is an important feature in Pre-Columbian cultures in North America and its European contacts go all the way back to 1588. Settlements as far north as Northumberland were originally considered as possible sites for our nation's capital. The river is an often ironic education in the development of American commerce and the Industrial and technological revolutions. It is the seat of Three Mile Island, the victim of Hurricane Agnes, the source of our drinking water, the playground of sportsmen, and, down river, the power behind major electrical companies. It is at once strong and fragile, feeding yet threatening the Chesapeake Bay. Its obvious non-navigability has frustrated developers for nearly four centuries now, though someone in Congress decided to have it declared navigable. There are thousands of stories to tell and Brubaker pulls together the most representative in a lucid trip from the headsprings to the Susquehanna's actual submerged mouth at the edge of the Atlantic.

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I was charmedReview Date: 2002-12-14
Thank you, Naomi Miller, for giving me many evenings of pleasure.
the author signs inReview Date: 2002-12-09
One of the people pictured in the book wrote to me: "Thanks a million for your wonderful book. I've just spent a while taking refuge from a grumpy evening by flipping through it, pausing to read about the parts of your life I don't know. How wonderfully generous of you to enshrine us like this, with such precise evocation of time, space, foolishness & purpose."
Another friend wrote:"Your lovely book of drawings and watercolors arrived yeaterday. [We] were immediately entranced by the images and text--such an amusing, informative down-to-earth description life on the dig. The watercolors are really wonderful, but I've always known that.... I had never seen the Shiraz bazaar or Malyan village scenes. Then there are all the pals: ...--they evoke such memories! Is that Dash, the Wonder Dog, on the back cover? Remember, he had a "thing' for you, invading your bedroom with his cargo of fleas! And there he is, wagging his tail at your photograph. Plate 16 is a sweet rendering of my favorite view of Yassihöyük. The Euphrates views are as close as I ever need to get to that old river. Finally, I love all the little sketches scattered throughout--especially the birds and animals. Thanks again for the originals, which I treasure, and thanks for the book. ..."
And another friend
wrote: "...Your book is wonderful: your narrative is a delight to read and you know how much I admire your watercolors--each
is exquisite w/ great sureness of line, balance of composition pacing & repetition that makes a whole of the multi-paneled
ones, and of course great use of colors to die for. I love them! I am lucky to have seen many in incomparable person but there
were some that were new to me--the luminosity of the originals and your wonderful backlighting were undiminished in reproduction.
Of course we love best of all discovering new things in the plates with each reading.
Congratulations in getting your
book out. I am so happy that everyone else will get to share in the pleasure of looking at them.
Thank you again, I am
most proud to possess a copy so wonderfully inscribed!"
I won't bore you with the rest of the rave reviews!

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Interesting to read and full of creative ideasReview Date: 2007-10-04
One of the strangest and most interesting books of literary criticism of the last forty yearsReview Date: 2006-08-04

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Great source of info on the Pocono'sReview Date: 2008-07-10
Fantastic photos, great history of the areaReview Date: 2007-08-08

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An outstanding bookReview Date: 2007-07-08
Although many of the readers of this book will be college and graduate students, anyone who wants to understand Pennsylvania politics should read this book and thank Treadway for taking the time to compile it.
Superb Presentation of Pennsylvania's Political History Review Date: 2006-10-03
Readers note how Pennsylvania, the second largest state with the country's third and seventh largest cities in 1900, had its most 20th century population growth primarily along the New York border while the rest of the state's growth stagnated. Of interest, the growth of suburbia fairly stabilized the proportional makeup of the state as the Philadelphia and Pittsburgh metropolitan areas were 47% of the state's population in 1900 and 51% in 2000.
The 20th century saw Pennsylvania change from a state whose economy was based upon the coal and steel industries, to one where manufacturing fell from 30% of the workforce as late as 1970 to 16% in 2000, into a state where service industries now dominate with 34% of the workforce in 2000. This has also created wage shifts as there have been decreases in higher paid manufacturing jobs as lower paid service jobs have increased.
The 20th century also saw the rise of the Democratic Party from one where its urban Democratic leaders cut deals for campaign inactivity in return for patronage jobs from Republican office holders to one in which statewide Republican domination yielded to competition and ultimately to where Democrats surpassed Republicans in voter registration in addition to establishing themselves as the dominant urban party while Republicans dominated suburban and rural voting communities.
The 19th century saw the rise of the Republican political machinery as led by Simon Cameron in the 1860s and 1870s and then Mattew Quay in the 1880s and 1890s. Voter registry laws led to ease of registering voters of the dominant party and ease of striking voters of the challenging party. The Republican one party dominance led to scandals as when it was discovered interest on the state's bank accounts were going to Quay instead of the state. Quay was acquitted of charges yet was refused by the U.S. Senate to be seated as a member of the Senate. Quay resolved the matter by bribing state legislators to elect him back into the U.S. Senate. Boies Penrose took over leadership of the Republican Party following Quay's death in 1903. Voter fraud was widespread with estimates there may have been 50,000 to 80,000 fake names on the voter registration lists as well as commonplace multiple voting by single voters. Penrose was a strong leader although his death in 1921 left the party without a prepared successor which partially led to a weakening of the state Republican Party from then on.
While Republican Party dominance decreased during the 20th century, the author notes that both parties lost influence from the 1960s on. Voters have become more independent in registration and in voting patterns since. The author relates this to historical patterns of independent voting that existed even during times of one party machine dominance.
While Democrats have achieved more registered voters than those registered Republican, the author notes that Republicans have higher turn outs at elections than Democrats. Berwood Yost estimates Pennsylvania actually is a state with a 250,000 Republican statewide voting advantage despite official records giving the registration edge to Democrats. Ticket splitting affects elections, as the author observes that about 20% of voters vote for different parties when voting for President and then U.S. Congress.
As for state legislative elections, the author observes that these elections have become less competitive from 1892 through 1972, except for an increase in competitive elections during the 1930s. Further study notes that legislative elections during the 1970s through the 1990s remained relatively uncompetitive. This is attributed to incumbents being more apt to seek reelection and then enjoying high reelection rates. Also, it is noted that the victory margins for legislative incumbents have tended to increase during the 1980s and 1990s. Thus even when there were significant shifts in party voting patterns in legislative elections by political party, these large victory margins, coupled with both parties tending to have similar numbers of seats at risk, have not resulted in significant changes in legislative representation by party. Thus it is noted that neither Democrat Casey's 68% of the vote for Governor in 1990 nor Republican Ridge's 65% of the vote for Governor in 1998 translated into legislative victories for their party's candidates. Democrats increased their number of Democratic state legislators by four in 1990 and while Republicans found themselves reducing their number of legislators by one in 1998. The author believes there is a maximum of 60 out of 203 state legislative seats where either party has a chance of winning.
General Assembly members in 1901 were more apt to have been people who rose up the political ranks having served in another elective office than General Assembly members in 1995. The author also finds legislators had more partisan backgrounds in 1995 than in 1901. State Senators held their positions the longest, on average, during the 20th century than any other elected position, followed by members of Congress.
This is an excellent descriptive and analytical book that allows readers to learn the results of Pennsylvania's elections. It is highly recommended for students of Pennsylvania politics.

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Enthusiastically RecommendedReview Date: 2006-07-08
Masterful use of the languageReview Date: 2006-07-06
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Great. The best autobiography I've ever read.Review Date: 1999-03-15
This book is amazing.Review Date: 1999-08-10
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Long term life sentences is why our prisons are so full today and more have to be built. We will have the "nursing home" prisons where these inmates will have to spend the last days of their life as more and more inmates receive life sentences and grow old in prisons. There is no good purpose for this.
I wish this book was required reading for every lawyer and judge. I wish the public would all read it also. Ann