Hawaii Books

I try to get a souvenier book from each place I visit and for the price, this one had the best photos and descriptions I was able to find. Gorgeous.

This book constitutes the first detailed English-language study of the Obaku branch of Japanese Zen, hitherto nelected in Western studies. It endeavours to outline the background to the emergence of the Obaku-shu in the Tokugawa and its reception within the Japanese community - secular and religious.

While not claiming to be a guide to the practices of the Obaku-shu, Baroni's study does touch on the distinctive methods which have characterised the school. To this end, Baroni has examined primary sources detailing the formation of the Obaku-shu, including those available at the Mampukuji Obakuzan, the Honzan or main temple of the Obaku-shu in Uji, near Kyoto. As Baroni observes "Rinzai scholars have generally dismissed Obaku as an abberant or even heretical form of Rinzai practice , the study of which adds nothing significant to an understanding of Rinzai teaching or history. " A current Western Zen glossary has described the Obaku-shu as 'practically of no importance today' - but, with 460 temples scattered throughout Japan(587, including smaller branch temples), that is unfair judgement.Baroni's study goes some way to revise that rather jaundiced perspective. However, she has included material from Mujaku Dochu's 'Obaku-geki' and Keirin Sushin's 'Zenrin Shuhei shu' - which present the Obaku-shu in a less than favourable light.

As a relatively 'late' arrival (most of the famous Rinzai and Soto temples in Japan had been established in the Kamakura), the appearance of Ingen Zenji (1592-1673) and teachings informed by the 'Ming' re-statement of Ch'an/Zen, aroused mixed reactions. It effectively led to the formation of the 'Obaku-shu' as the 'third' school of Zen in Japan. This says something about the politics of Japanese Buddhism, for technically speaking, Ingen - the Chinese founder of the Obaku Shu, came from a Lin-chi(Rinzai) background. Going by Baroni's remarks, it seems doubtful whether the authorities who invited Ingen to take up residence in Western Japan had originally envisaged setting up a 'third' school. Baroni explores the various tensions which led to the formation of the 'Obaku-shu' as a separate entity in Japanese Zen Buddhism.

Ostensibly, the chief issue here, likely to be of interest to Western Buddhists, is the status of the Obaku-shu's joint Zen/Pure-Land -practice. While some of the Kyoto Buddhist fraternity welcomed the arrival of 'fresh blood' from China, others seem to have adopted a less favourable view. As noted above, Ingen's teaching reflected Ch'an/Zen as found in its 'Ming' style (the incorporation of Pure-land practices with Ch'an/Zen, by then having become an established fact). Alongside other factors, this was not to the likings of key figures at the Myoshinji, even though Ingen had been invited to Western Japan through the initative of Ryokei (1602-1670) - then Abbot of Myoshinji, who had even envisaged placing Ingen in charge of this renowned temple. Expectations had been high, after the first reports of Ingen's teaching came from the temples in Nagasaki, where Ingen had more or less been confined since his arrival in Japan.

What Baroni relates concerns a rather complex process of inculturation. Up to a point, the very appeal of Ingen's circle was its 'Chineseness.' Without offering a contrast, or some distinguishing feature to set it apart from the established Zen schools, the Obaku-shu would not have been able to garner support or patronage. As we learn from Hakuin's experience, Rinzai Zen was in a state of decline in the Tokugawa. Hence, the fresh arrival of Chinese masters promised to be a welome source of stimulation. The downside to this, is that the Obaku-shu appears to have cultivated certain elitist traits, encouraged by - or affected by, some Japanese supporters. It seems that some monks in Ingen's circle paraded their 'Chinese' orthodoxy a little too ostentatiously. Still, the extent to which Ingen personally chose to exploit the 'difference' remains open to question. As we have noted, in the context of Chinese Buddhism, Ingen was technically a member of the Rinzai (Lin-chi)shu. Paradoxically, the title 'Obaku-shu' (Huang Po sect or school) suggests identity, even as it marks or signifies difference, for the name was taken from the mountain/temple where Rinzai's master (Huang-po) had been ordained. In the years prior to his departure for Japan, Ingen had presided over the restoration of the Obaku-zan Mampukuji (Huang-po shan, Wan Fu Ssu) in Fujian.

To an extent, the defining 'difference' - what set the Obaku-shu apart, had been determined by external factors. In other respects, doctrinal and institutional factors - peculiar to Ingen's background, did make him different. Along with the joint Zen/Pure Land practice, Ingen had introduced a revised form of ordination ceremony, utilising a platform with three levels (san-dan kaie). In itself, that ought not to have presented problems. However, Ingen's transmission line was linked with Fei-yin's 'Wu Teng yen-tung' (J. Goto gento) - 'The Exact Lineage of the Five Lamps' effectively claiming to present a 'revised' definition of the major Ch'an lineages. Fei-yin's account made Ingen's transmission line the 'Lin-chi chen-tsung' (J. Rinzai shoshu) or 'authentic school of Lin-chi Ch'an.' Given the bearing this would have had upon Rinzai centres in Japan, whose 'orthodoxy' had been shaped centuries before Fei-yin penned the 'Wu Teng yen tung,'one might have expected to find this issue discussed at length - but, somewhat surprisingly, Baroni says relatively little about the matter, confining her remarks in that respect, to four or five pages. Far from registering opposition, Baroni notes the positive influence the 'Wu-teng yen-tung' exerted, convincing Japanese Buddhists such as Choon (1628-1695)to approach Ingen. Retrospectively, Fei-yin's lineage chart included the eminent Chung-feng (1262-1323), whose influence upon Japanese Rinzai Zen had been considerable. Choon felt a particular affinity with Chung-feng's teachings, and thus placed himself under Ingen's tutelage. Choon secured patronage in Edo, and eventually founded the Zuisho-ji, Obaku's main temple in Edo, going on to found twenty- five branch temples in the provinces of Kozuke and Shinano. As such, the Obaku-shu is not quite the isolated school it has sometimes been painted as. It is of note that the retired Emperor, Gomizunoo, placed himself under Ingen's tutelage, albeit indirectly, according to custom, through a senior Japanese monk, and evidently practised with sufficient resolve, to be listed as 'Zen-ji' in Obaku-shu records.

The Obaku-shu's rather distant relationship with the Rinzai temples in Kyoto and other centres, brings us back to the question of its definining practices. Explicit critics of the Obaku-shu, such as Muchaku Dochu, had felt troubled by the prospect of joint Zen/'Pure-land' practice' - with 'ethnic' complications to boot. His 'Obaku Geki' is scathing toward the Obaku-shu, frowning on the way certain Obaku followers touted their 'Chinese' orthodoxy. There appears to have been a kind of 'double snobbery' involved. Looking back to their roots in the Kamakura, influenced by eminent monks from Sung China, or else Japanese masters who had visited Sung China, some Japanese Buddhists began to parade their own brand of elitism. Still, it is worth noting that the Obaku-shu regarded some koan practices - by then well established in Japanese Rinzai Zen - as sterile and artificial, which raises the question whether they were of Chinese origin at all, despite the usual assumptions. Baroni notes that according to the records, Ingen often devised spontaneous koan of his own, according to the situation - without reference to the quasi-canonical sources (e.g. the Hekiganroku, Mumonkan etc.). It is a pity that Baroni did not make more of such material.

Hakuin - writing in the later Tokugawa, was critical of joint Zen/Pure Land practice - but, strangely enough, he refers to it as if it had been a relatively recent phenomenon. It first appeared with definite shape, as part of an explicit 'synthesis' - in the teachings of Yung Ming (904-975)and especially his 'Tsung-Ching Lu' (Jp. Sugyoroku) - a work not only well known to Japanese Buddhists in the Rinzai 'Gozan' (Five Mountain)system, but reprinted by them in the late Kamakura and Muromachi periods. Eminent monks such as Enni Benen (1202-1280) in charge of the Tofukuji, had given lectures on this text. The Tenryuji had authorised a reprint in 1371. Earlier generations of monks in the Rinzai tradition had evidently taken a deep interest in Yung-ming's ideas, embracing a 'synthesis' between Zen and Pure Land. Thus, all things considered, it would be hard to argue that Ingen's teaching per se, represented a radical departure from these earlier precedents. Hence, derogatory appelations such as 'Ming Zen' need to be viewed with caution, if the intention is to present the Sung-influenced Zen of the Kamakura as a 'purer' model - devoid of 'syncretistic' elements. Besides, Chung-feng -who lived well after the Sung, and whose writings had been extolled by Hakuin, also recognised 'Pure Land' practices. Hakuin hadn't rejected the 'Pure-land' method as such, and even recommended it as a separate practice. He just didn't think it was a good idea to combine them. The problem here, is that the type of 'Pure Land' practice which had struck the dominant note in Japanese Buddhism (i.e. Shinran's) more or less ruled out 'joint-practice.' As an extreme form of 'tariki' or reliance on 'other power,' it was hard to reconcile with Zen and its stress on 'jiriki' or 'self-power.' Still, Baroni is clear about the fact that this problem would not have applied to the Obaku-shu's understanding of 'joint-practice' - for whom 'Pure-land' would not have meant absolute 'tariki. For its own part, the perspective of the Obaku-shu is 'Pure-land on the outside, Zen on the inside.' There may be conscious irony in the fact that Hakuin had called Ming-style Ch'an -'Zen on the outside, Pure-land on the inside' - without explicitly naming the Obaku-shu.

Alas, Baroni didn't explore enough of the historical background to place these 'doctrinal' questions in their broader context. Had she noted the influence of the 'Sugyoroku' upon the 'Gozan' system in Kamakura Japan, it would have been less tempting to draw sharp distinctions between an allegedly 'pure' Sung Zen, and the syncretistic tendencies of 'Ming' Zen. As such, Baroni's account tends to bolster the caricature found in latter day Rinzai Zen literature. Some anecdotes in Mujaku Dochu's 'Obaku-geki' - reflecting inter-action between Ingen and the Japanese monks at the Fumonji in Settsu-Tonda - seem unbelievably petty. He notes the complaints of monk called Gentei, who had objected to Ingen's jest about the 'bottom of the barrel dropping out' (a well known Zen idiom for enlightenment), on the occasion of a rice bucket falling apart. It is surprising that Mujaku Dochu expressed resentment toward such humour among the Chinese monks, for he was well versed in the Ch'an classics, which are full of such humour and - alas, such criticism looks like ill-will, unbecoming of this otherwise excellent character. At the worst, the Obaku-shu's Japanese critics even averred that the 'Ming' Chinese were all 'Mongols' - who no longer spoke Chinese! In this respect, the story of Ingen's arrival and the establishment of the Obaku-shu is a mixed bag. It was to be overshadowed by the appearance of Hakuin, anyway, but it is probably true to say that the arrival of Ingen and its impact roused the spirit of the Japanese Buddhists, making them reassess their position, strike fresh initiatives. We might note that Tao-che, active in Nagasaki, an eminent Chinese master and collateral heir in Ingen's transmission line, exerted direct influence upon Bankei Yotaku (1622-1693).

As an institution, it has admittedly remained smaller than the Soto-shu or Rinzai-shu, but along with Bankei's influence, the Obaku-shu probably helped clear the way for a revival of Rinzai Zen - under Hakuin. The Obaku-shu does have its merits. It is nice to be able to look at Zen, without 'thinking' in terms of the Rinzai-Soto divide (which is by no means absolute, anyway). The whole temple complex at Mampukuji is basically a 'Ming dynasty' style temple, in perfect condition. It has long cultivated its own forms of calligraphy etc. Tetsugen Zenji's Buddhist Press (just next door)is still in operation, making the hand carved boards or plates for reprinting copies of the Tripitaka. With various revisions, the Tetsugen/Obaka-shu edition of the Tripitaka provided the impetus for the Taisho Shinshu Daizokyo - the standard edition of the Sino-Japanese Tripitaka in use today. Another feature of the Obaku-shu, not without importance, is that it encouraged reading the Zen 'Goroku' (Yu-lu). When Ingen arrived in Japan, he was surprised to find that Japanese Rinzai monks had not read the 'Rinzai-roku' - more or less devoting their attention to the Mumonkan, Hekiganroku etc. Owing to Ingen's infuence, Japanese Rinzai monks once again began reading the Zen 'goroku.' Without that, it is unlikely that we would have Hakuin's excellent comments on classical Ch'an sources. Baroni doesn't say much about the Mampukuji - as a place to visit, but I recommend it - if you happen to be in the Kyoto area. The temple is magnifiscent. Most of the Buddhist statues (including the famous 'arhats'), ritual objects etc., are from Ming China. Visitors are welcome to look at the Tetsugen Buddhist Press, where you can buy beautiful samples of Buddhist iconography. Uji is famous for its Green-tea' and cha-no-yu at the Mampukuji has its own style. Ingen is also said to have introduced the 'Ingen Mame' bean to Japan. Chinese vegetarian food (fu-cha ryori) is still served at a nearby temple restaurant. There is a Za-zen kai on Thursdays - which lay visitors can attend. You will need to phone first, for that. The staff are very helpful.

It's great as a class text because it's not too verbose and esoteric. You'll get a firm understanding about the manifold issues involving the Chinese rule of law and their interaction with social contracts amongst majority and minority interest groups. In addition, there is a great exposition on the separation of powers doctrine within this socialscape.

Douglas Oliver's OCEANIA should be the foundation work for any collection on the South Seas. Forget the various short versions of Oliver's work (they have different titles so there is no problem with getting one of them by mistake). You wouldn't want a condensed version of WAR AND PEACE, and you won't want a shortened version of Oliver. This two volume work is the standard ethnography for Oceania. It is thorough, reliable, and has great illustrations. Like all highly inclusive works, it will not satisfy the specialist. If your interest is solely in the Maori, then you will need special works on the Maori. This work is where the collection starts, whether the collection is to be specialized or fairly general. Whether your interest is in Oceania itself, in Pohnpei alone, in ocean cultures anywhere, or in world history or anthropology, this work deserves shelf space. Does that make it sound difficult or boring? It's interesting to the general reader as well.

This book gathers together several essays on contemporary Japanese authors. Most of the authors discussed herein are contemporary enough that they have received little if any attention thus far in the English-speaking world. In the niche of contemporary literary voices coming out of Japan, this collection really stands alone as a guide to many of these new and interesting talents.

Although there is no unifying theme holding the individual essays together, each one is very informative and generally free of high-brow scholarly lingo, and thus very accessible. Each essayist is a leading scholar in the field of Japanese literature.

A must-have for anyone studying contemporary Japanese literature.

I was fortunate to hear Hara present a reading of An Offering of Rice while traveling in Hawaii. Her prose and poetry moved me as she reflected on her diverse experiences ranging from her culture to her cancer to her adopted daughter. I have since read the entire book and reread select passages, which like rice, can be consumed over and over to provide basic sustenance for dealing with life.

I have been wanting this book for a long time. When I finally got it I was not disappointed at all. I like that other cultures are represented in this book also. This is a wonderful book.

Hazama and Komeiji have written a very compelling history of the early Japanese immigrants and their posterity in Hawai'i. In addition to discussing the experiences and attitudes towards Japanese on the Hawai'ian Islands, Hazama and Komeiji show the history between Japan and the United States, Japan and Hawai'i, and Hawai'i and the United States, raising compelling questions of loyalty, ethnicity and patriotism. A highly recommended resource for any student or history lover.

Okinawan Diaspora, in a collection of illuminating essays, recounts lost and found Okinawan treasure: from ancient kingdom relics to a people's identity subsumed and redefined to their history largely under-known. It depicts the Okinawans persevering through the fall of their ancient kingdom, Japanese colonialism, the hardships of emigration, World War II internment, and U.S. military occupation of their homeland. Each contributor enlightens the reader regarding Okinawan perseverance. One uses oral history to describe, for example, how World War II internees made traditional instruments out of tin cans in the camps, creatively living their heritage with limited means in oppressive environments. Another focuses on the endurance of Okinawan culture and resistance through the eisaa dance. From the positive ramifications of Okinawan (Uchinanchu) spirit to the atrocity of World War II internees welcomed to America with insecticide, the Okinawan experience finds a riveting portrayal in this book.

As Okinawa held a unique place in the Asian Pacific as "the bridge to all nations," Nakasone and the book's contributors provide a bridge between the Okinawan experience and the disparate reader-the scholar, Okinawans scattered throughout the world seeking connection to their heritage, as well as any person interested in a fascinating account of an oppressed, resilient people. Okinawan Diaspora serves as a model of the fluidity of national identity and of how transnational forces affect the diasporic experience. It also emphasizes the importance of maintaining one's cultural identity through pilgrimage. Nakasone, in the final essay, takes the reader along with him and family elders to Okinawa's sacred sites. The reader finishes the book with a strong sense that Okinawans, with as much as they have lost throughout history, continue to maintain the ancient Uchinanchu spirit of helping others, living as a cooperative community, and sparking the greatness of their lost kingdom through remembrance of their diasporic story.

Jack London travelled extensively through the Southern Seas, living exciting but often frightening adventures that he later reflected on his short stories. London, a troubled adventurer who committed suicide, had a special sensibility to perceive, mix and express the juxtaposure of beauty and horror which reigned in non- or semi-civilized islands of the South Pacific. Frequently, his tales talk about the brutal confrontation between the white people and the aborigines, sometimes taking one side, sometimes the other, but most often simply depicting the sad consequences of the relationship. One exception to this is the tale that gives its name to this collection: "On the Makaloa Mat" is an extremely beautiful story about two Hawaiian sisters of mixed descent (3/4 white, 1/4 indigenous), from a very wealthy and noble family. Bella, the elder sister, tells the story of her one and only love, of course an unfortunate one. The story abounds in depictions of the lush landscapes of the Hawaiian islands, and of the strange social life of mid-XIX century. It is tragic but sweet, and I'd be surprised if someone hated it. Other tales are not sweet at all, like "The Chinago", about the absurd execution of a Chinese laborer; "The Terrible Solomon Islands", about a cruel joke played on a naïve Englishman by brutal colonists; "Koolua the leper", a short but epic story about man's indomitable lust for freedom, even in the most adverse and tragic circumstances; and "The inevitable white man", a bloody, horrific and dark tale of adventures.

The stories abound with murders, blood and cruelness, but they're never cheap or vulgar. In fact, I give them five stars because I consider them to be masterpieces of storytelling. London has no mercy, but beneath the surface his characters are full of life, that plenty, wild life embedded in the white men who conquered the world, and the aborigines which suffered the conquest. Extremely recommended.